By Kassaye Gutema*, associate professor of Applied Linguistics & Communication, faculty at Adama science & technology university

1. Introduction

The plight of Oromos during the repressive system of minority rule was dangerous. Oromos were forced to flee the country in hundreds of thousands, tens of thousands were languishing in notorious prisons and tens of thousands were massacred labeling them as terrorists.  So the level of sufferings of the Oromos and their resentment was at its peak. It was against the backdrop of such severe abuses and mistreatments that the Oromo protests broke out. Oromos waged a popular uprising against the plan of expanding Finfinne (Addis Ababa, capital of Ethiopia) that could have led to the eviction of millions of Oromos. During the Oromo protest, tens of thousands of Oromos were arrested, thousands were maimed and thousands were killed. The Oromo protest was popularized through different resistance songs.

The Oromo protest reached its climax between the years 2014-2018. This period was also marked for the abundance of Oromo resistance music. As such there was a perception that the songs released in that particular period served as fuel for perpetuating the struggle.  However, the selected song, Maastaar Pilaanii, was arguably one of the most widely popular songs during the Oromo protest as it was used as soundtrack during the Oromo protest.

The Oromo have got rich oral tradition. And music is an integral part of Oromos’ rich oral forms of communication. Among the Oromo, protest songs are considered both a form of art and an ingredient of day-to-day activities. King and Richard, (1995: 19) noted that music as a form of communication, “…speaks directly to society as a cultural form”. It can thus be drawn from this notion that different musical codes portray and configure different experiences of individuals and communities. Thus, music is considered as platform which subsumes different aspects of people’s lives and hence a form of communication.

As it has been noted by Särkämo (2018), music helps to persuasively communicate varieties of issues at different levels. These levels are at the cognitive, physical and emotional level. This implies that music can help convey different themes.  Similarly,  King and Richard (1995) noted that music does  not  only  rouse the  wish  to  dance  but  it also in the same vein invokes  one  to  realize  the social, political, and economic conditions at a given point in particular time.

Music is a basic human function which provides a platform for people to express their joys, anguish and what they believe about a particular system. Music can also help to keep a record about people’s history, travesties and trajectory.  When events occur, artists compose music in the form of reaction.  Therefore, music could be considered as a socially and politically functional tool. The current research does not focus on the melody, the harmony, the rhythm and the dance moves; it is rather about the lyrical and thematic content of the selected song.

This study focuses on the analysis of an Oromo resistance song released in 2015 so as to identify and discuss the political, economic and social themes subsumed in it. This period was selected deliberately because it was noted for the intensification of the Oromo protest ignited by Finfinne Maastaar Pilaanii. The Oromo have faced severe political domination, economic exploitation and social oppression for over a century and half. However, this period marked the first ever moment in Oromo history whereby explicit marginalization of the Oromo was put forward. What is more, this endeavor by the culprits was situated in a unique period where Oromos’ awareness was at its highest level.

1.2 Background to the study

The so-called Integrated Finfinnee Maastaar pilaanii/Addis Ababa Master plan/ was a rallying point for Oromos from all walks of life and every corner of the empire. The Oromos rebelled against the move to expand the capital. The struggle subsided after claiming hundreds of lives across the region that in 2014. Realizing the fast approaching of the nominal 2015 elections, the regime systematically hushed up the issue of the master plan. But to make things worse, the regime rigged the ballots and claimed it won 100% of the election. Like other nationalities, the Oromos got bitter with the results of the election and cautiously waited the moves of the government.

It did not take the regime long to resume the previously suspended Finfinnee maastaar pilaanii shortly after claiming 100% victory in the elections. The recorded voice of Abay Tsehaye, one of the members of the ruling party, went viral on social media wherein he vowed to proceed with the implementation of the master plan and that anybody who attempted to block the implementation of the master plan would be given their due. However, the Oromo qeerroos and qarrees (male and female Oromo youth respectively) waged a fierce struggle which made the minority rule to succumb to the demands of the qeerroos and qarrees. The Oromo protest eventually culminated in the cancellation of the master plan and eventual downfall of the repressive system of minority rule in Ethiopia.

When Oromos are faced with any sort of injustice or mistreatments they usually resort to expressing their indignation by using music. This means that music is a means of resistance of injustice among the Oromos. The Oromo artists released albums that described the anguish and resentment in quick succession so as to rally the people against the so-called Finfinnee Maastaar pilaanii.

During the imperial era as well, the Oromos who were evicted from their original land in central Oromia used to sing songs that showed the gravity of their resentment. The following was a very popular popular song.

Sii bahee biyyaa sii bahee/I will flee the region, I will flee

Yoo mujjaan olla siita’e/if the grass could be your neighbours;

Yoo jaldeessidaboosiibahee /if monkeys could help you in your fields

This indicates the highest level of sufferings that the victims of eviction faced and their perception of the perpetrators. The victims were foretelling that those persons forcing them out would eventually face some challenges such as isolation.

1.3. Objectives of the study

The major objective of this study was to analyze the messages of Oromo resistance song titled ‘maastaar pilaanii’ as a form of political discourse.

The specific purposes of this paper were, therefore, to

1. identify linguistic choices in the song titled ‘maastaar pilaanii’ by Calaa Bultume;
2. relate the linguistic choices with the strategic functions of political discourse

Review of related literature

Music is a platform for expressing the state of affairs. In connection with this, Ashworth, (p:5) pointed, “Music gauges the temperature of society. Angry, despairing lyrics indicate a faction of society containing angry, despairing, and likely politically dissatisfied people.” As it was the case, for the vast majority of citizens who have no access to the realms of high level
politics, music remains the only power to express political views and to initiate ordinary citizens to incite political change. It could be argued that music has been an instrument for advocating political awareness to ordinary persons.

People facing injustices have used protest music to defend themselves and to show their unease about specific situations. Music is an easy way to let oneself be heard and everyone who wants can just sing along and be part of the story that is being told. People would sing against crimes and against humanity such  as  vandalism,  brutality,  racism,  war-mongering  and  all  other  social  ills  that faced  them (AKingbe and Onunaga,2020).   Musicians have often managed to mobilize the mass to realize any form of injustice. They  enable  people  to  have  a  critical  look  at  what  is  going  on  at  a particular  time  and  place.  It has often been seen that various styles of music and songs are expressions of the society they originate from, directly or indirectly. As such music can never be completely isolated from the socio-political, socio-economic and cultural circumstances it is a part of.

Hansen (2007) defined protest music as something that objects to injustice, whether it is based on social, economic, political or racial circumstances.  The protests musician raises the awareness of people and encourages them to take action. Protest songs usually contain elements of subversion and controversy.  They are traditionally considered to be folk music, or belong to folk music genres.

According to van Leeuwen (2012 cited in Akingbe and Onanuga (2020) music is considered as a discourse that could be scrutinized as it is a part of social, political and economic life. Akingbe and Onanuga further assert that it is through music that emotive allegiance can be formed. Therefore, one can conduct the linguistic analysis of the genres of music to determine its contents. In line with this assertion, it is necessary to consider the selected Oromo resistance song as discursive texts. It means that the social, cultural, political and economic perspectives of the discourse could be analysed within the context of the study.  

Akingbe (2012) describes protest music as a subcategory of literature in which protest is a key theme. Accordingly, in this literature, there will be a categorical viewpoint and a vivid perception of what is at stake and an optimistic belief in the ultimate victory for justice. This notion implies that protest literature should vividly bring to light the issues that are at stake in societies and help the society to comprehend and articulate the issues.  The overall goal of protest literature is to help the community realize the challenges that affect them and thereby instill particular ideology on the people so that they can take collective actions.

Protest music instigates fighting injustice, mistreatment and discrimination of any sort facing a certain group or nation. In doing so, it raises the level of consciousness of a given community so that the community can reach a vantage point to realize the adverse situation and take some kind of action.

Theoretical Framework

The relationship between language and politics has been described by Chilton and Schäffner (1997) in their assertion in which they made it evident that politics cannot be conducted without language. The scholars further stated that it is the use of language in the constitution of social groups that leads to politics. In a similar vein, Pelinka (2007) noted that the study of language extends beyond the scopes of literature and linguistics. The scholar further noted that ‘‘language must be seen (and analyzed) as a political phenomenon’’ (2007:129). From these notions, one could realize that politics should be thought of as a discursive phenomenon that needs to be studied.

There are different theoretical frameworks to analyze political discourse. The models proposed by scholars like Richardson (1985) and Lakoff (1996) are among the commonly used ones. However, the model developed by Chilton and Schäffner (2001) appears to the most comprehensive according to Colima and Cabegaz (2017). This model is a model of political discourse analysis which proposes a linguistic analysis on three levels. The model has got pragmatic, semantic and syntactic levels which are directly related to the strategic functions characterizing the political discourse of dissimulation, legitimation and delegitimization, resistance, opposition and protest was used.

Methods of the study                                                                                        

The current study was meant to explicate the nature and content of an Oromo resistance song called maastaar pilaanii /the master plan/ which was quite popular during the protest. This song was selected purposively. Thus this research aimed at scrutinizing the song from the perspective of political discourse using a qualitative methodological approach. The analysis is situated in the descriptive and interpretive perspectives. Fairclough (1993) noted that discourse creates and reproduces the social world, by using language. As such language that is used is not impartial or innocent for it is associated to what is taking place in the different realms of life. Consequently, language is considered as a social construction. Fairclough also pointed out that there is a dialectical relationship between language and discourse which implies that language influences the context in which it occurs and the context in turn influences language production.

The method of study used for analyzing the Oromo resistance song, masatar pilaanii, was critical discourse analysis (CDA). CDA as an approach combines some sort of textual (linguistic) theories and analysis with socio-political and critical theories and analysis. Luke (2002:  100) cited  in  Breeze  (2011:495) noted that  “CDA involves  a  principled and transparent shunting backwards and forth between  the microanalysis of texts using varied tools of linguistic, semiotic and literary analysis, and the macro-analysis of social formations,  institutions  and  power  relations  that  these  texts  index  and  construct”. Accordingly, the song has been analyzed by using various linguistic, semiotic and literary tools. Moreover, the implications of the macro level analysis of institutions and power relations have been drawn.

The major point regarding CDA is that, it comprises two main traits which relate to how power and ideology operate in the public sphere. It envisions examining how language contributes to and maintains power and ideology. Consequently, most  definitions  of  CDA  will  then  focus  on  emphasizing  the  relationship  between language and context. The discourse can be represented by a written text or a spoken word. In connection with this, the current study borrows Breeze’s (2011:495) stance that, ‘‘CDA will therefore be  used  in  an  inclusive  sense,  to  mean  the  broad  body  of  theory  and  research generated  by  specialists  who  regard  themselves  as  critical  discourse  analysts  in  one sense or another.’’ Thus, Fairclough’s three dimensional model has been used for making the analysis. This study is limited to a linguistic analysis of how linguistic features and stylistic choices are employed in the representation of different contexts in the selected songs.

Data Presentation and analysis

The corpus of analysis of this work was constituted by the song written and performed by Calaa Bultume(2015) titled ‘Maastaar pilaanii’. The song was considered as a form of political discourse of resistance for popularizing the Oromo Protest/ as it instigated different types of resistance against the proposed master plan.

The units of analysis of this corpus were the verses.After collecting the corpus, the song lyrics were transcribed and segmented into verses. Then, the analysis was carried out in the three different linguistic levels viz: pragmatic, semantic and syntactic. In the pragmatic level, the speech acts were analyzed and the use of pronouns; in the semantic level lexical fields were analyzed; and in the syntactic level thematic roles and nominalizations were analyzed.

CaalaaBultume- Matarpilaanii

[1]Walgaa Oromootaa/ meeting place for Oromos

[2]Wiirtuun Maccaaf Tuulamaa/ center of Macca&Tulama

[3]Finifinneen biyyi Tufaa/ Finfine; country of Tufa

[4]Akkamiin gurgurama?/ how could it be sold

[5]Didi maaliif godaantaa/rebel; why do you migrate;   

[6]Godaanis yoo jedhanii / even if they urge you to migrate

[7]Ajjeessi irratti du’i/ kill and die fighting over your land

[8]Lafa kee hingadhisinii /neverleave your premises

[9]Finfinnee haadha seenaa/finfinnee the historical land

[10]Lafa aadaafii seenaa/land of culture and history

[11]Galama keenya ganamaa/our original center for assembly

[12]Gaaddisa tumaa seeraaf/ the canopy for writing the rule of Tulama

[13]Heera caffee Tuulama/the constitution of Tulama

[14]Dhiigumaan siitiksinaa/to defend you with our blood

[15]Nutis kaane tokkummaan/we stand in unison

[16]Abbaan yoo wareegamuu /if the father is martyred

[17]Booree baafata ilmii/the son will avenge

[18]Guddifachaan as galee/ this man was adopted

[19] Maaf nutti ta’a silmii/why does he stick to us like a worm

[20]Gudeedaan hindhalannee/of our forefathers he was not born

[21]Kanaaf saba hunkuraa/that is why he is menacing the people

[22]Otoo Oromoota’e /if he were Oromo;

[23]Maaliif biyyaa gurguraa/why would he sell the nation

[24]Dadammaqii lakkii Oromoo (2) wake up Oromo

[25]Bahaa dhihaa walitti dhaami (2)/converge from east and west

[26]Amantiif kutaan wal hinqoqqoodin (2) never be segregated on the basis of religion

[27]Biyya siidhuunffate alagaani (2)/lest your enemy is confiscating your country

[28]Oromiyaa biyyaa koo/My country Oromia

[29]Meeqatu siif wareegamee/how many people lost their lives for you?

[30]Meeqatusiif jecha bahee dhabamee/how many people disappeared for defending you?

[31]Seenaa guddaa hindagannee/big & unforgettable is the history

[32]Sirraa qabana finfinnee/that we demand from you; Finfinne

[33]Kanaafi garaan keenyaa/that is the reason why 

[34]Yoomuu kansi hindagannee/ we can never forget you

[35]Dachee seena qabeetti /finfinne the historical land

[36]Haadha gootota kumaa/the home of many heroes

[37]Qe’een Habeebee Tufaa/why is Habebe Tufa’s residence;

[38]Kan Guddataa Araddoo/that of GuddataAredo

[39]Maaf diinaaf dhuunfatamaa/ appropriated for the foes?

[40]Qe’ee Guutoo Wasarbiif/That of GutoWasarbi

[41]Qe’ee Qajeelaa Dooyyoo/that of QajelaDoyyo

[42]Badhoo Dachasfa’atu turee/Badho Dachas and his friends

[43]Kan gad hinjenne rorroof/who never surrendered to the enemy

[44]Finfinnee dubbadhumee/Finfinne please speak

[45]Kan nyaatte Sooraa Loomee/why you took Sora Lome

[46]Goonnii Guraaraa Lataa sirratti fannifame/GuraraLata, the hero, GuraraLeta was hanged in your premises

[47]Bara Waaree Gololee/ in the era of Ware Golole

[48]Keenya turtee Gullaalleen/ Gulale used to be ours

[49]Bara Daalacha Waamii/in the era of DalachaWami

[50]Biyyii yoom gurgurame/the nation was not sold

[51]Maastaar pilaanii jedhanii/ they call it master plan as a pretext

[52]Saynii sii duguugu malaani/to exterminate you

[53]Oromummaa keenyaa/ in Oromuma

[54]Qofaan tokkoo taanne/we shall stand in unison

[55]Dinaan morminaa walgargarre/to defend ourselves

[56]Dhukaasaa bombii/the explosion of hand grenade

[57]Haleelii pikiemiin/attack your enemy using PKM

[58]Duubatti hindeebi’u/the youth fighters

[59]Yoomuu jajjabeeni/ won’t wince back

[60]Karaa gootnii baasee/only the hero knows

[61]Gootumatu beeka/the way of the brave

[62]Abdii sabaatu si’i/you are the hope of the nation

[63]Hunduu suma  eegaa/all are looking forward towards you

[64]Maalitti beekti gadheen/cowards don’t know

[65]Lafa dhiirri ooluu/what the hero does

[66]Akka gootni ajjeesee foon allaattii sooruu/that the hero kills his foe and lets scavengers to eat the flesh of the foe

[67]Edda daangaan cabee jarraa tokko hincaalu/it is only a century since we fell to the enemy

[68]Jabaadhu yaa WBO goota biyyaaf loluu/keep up OLA as the guardian of the nation

[69]Karaan ati deemtu  milkiin siif haa toluu/may your way be free of thorns

[70]Beelaaf dheebuu hinargiin ganamaaf galgalaa/may starvation and thirst never face you

[71]Ajjeessii sooradhuu bineensa daggalaa/kill and live on the wild animals

[72]Qabeenyi biyyaa kee hundumtu siif sifaa/may you get contented with resources of your nation

[73]Jabaadhu qeerransoo fundurri kee ifaa/be determined our tigers; the future is bright

[74]Jabaadhu jaala koo fundurri kee ifa/be determined my friend the future is bright!

Data Analysis

Although a number of songs have been released in that time frame, the song maastaar pilaani was distinct in that it exposed the pitfalls of the systematic attempt of displacing millions of Oromos. Other Oromo songs released in that time frame also expressed the resentment of the effect of eviction but they did not solely focus on the master plan alone.  But the selected song was specifically focused on the Finfinnee maastaar pilaanii. The moral lesson of the song was that all Oromo people shall recognize the extent of the historical damage against Oromos living in and around Finfinnee. The song instigated the Oromos to stand in unison against the perpetrators. 

The song historically made the Oromo to imagine the preoccupation period when Oromos around Finfinnee lived in peace and harmony without fear of evictions. It also described the precarious situation caused by the settlers as they got the original inhabitants apart by demolishing societies. What is more, the Oromo resistance which took place in every village of Oromia was being popularized on OMN (Oromia Media Network) a very popular TV outlet which used to play this song before and after presenting the reports of uprisings and the brutal actions of regime forces on daily basis.

3.1 Pragmatic level

In the pragmatic level, it was possible to identify different speech acts and the use of pronouns that indicate relationships and roles within the discourse. These elements, in turn, can be linked to the political discourse strategic functions to achieve a deeper understanding of the ideas and motivations underlying this discourse.

3.1.1Pronouns

Pronouns represent the linguistic-sociopolitical relations arising among those involved in this particular discourse. As such pronouns and their different variants helped for assigning roles and defining spaces. The participants were those who produce the discourse, with whom the producer identifies himself, those whom he opposed and to whom the discourse was directed among others.

First of all, it was necessary to start with the uses of “nu”/”we” in [14-15] [52-53] that help to legitimize the position of the singer and the social group with whom he identified himself. The verses we will defend you with our blood; we will stand in unison… immediately legitimize the speaker as a member of the victims. In addition, the first person plural in verse [14] also groups the speaker and the social group, with whom he identified – in this case, the oppressed, those without power-poor Oromos around Finfinnee. This self-inclusion implies the legitimization of such group and vindicated its position within the social framework.

In reference to the authorities, the powerful group, the singer used ‘isa’ ‘he’ verses 18-22 “isaan”/”they”, “siin jedhani”/”they” verses [6],[50] [52] (plural) which clearly marked a distance and a different role. Verses [6] and [17-22] present the third person singular. Here the powerful groups were questioned. Furthermore, in verse [50 and 51] the third person plural was used to refer to the powerful evictors. In short, all uses of pronouns referring to those in power were directly related to the strategic role of delegitimization of the discourse of the powerful and legitimization of the rebellion of the dominated.

As shown, the use of pronouns assigned social roles and relationships that could be associated with the strategic function of legitimization-delegitimization. However, the imposition of such roles within the discourse also involved the function of coercion, since almost arbitrarily; the different actors have been placed in certain spaces within the social framework.

3.1.2 Speech Acts

The theory of speech acts is not about individual words or sentences that form the basic elements of communication, but rather about particular speech acts that are performed when uttering words that propound what people do when they speak (Fairclough 2001). A speech act is the attempt at accomplishing something purely by speaking. There were several instances of speech acts used in the song.

Directives

[5]Didimaaliifgodaantaa/rebel; don’t migrate;   

[6]Godaanisyoojedhanii / even if they urge you to migrate

[7]Ajjeesiirrattidu’i/ kill and die fighting for your land

[8]Lafakeehingadhisini/neverleave your premises

Among the presented, verses [5-8] are directive speech acts, orders, specifically. These orders are given to boost the performance of certain actions, as was the case of [7] ajjeesi irratti du’i/kill; and die fighting for your land  show the level of gravity of the enemy that the enemy shall be pursued at any cost. These orders were directly related to the function of coercion; i.e., they involved some degree of control over the actions of the person receiving the discourse or to the ones questioned through it. During the Oromo resistance, qeerroos and qarrees (young male and female Oromos respectively) with bare hands used to confront the regime forces who were armed with snipers and other rifles.

Assertive speech acts were also exhibited in the fragment and acquired consistency through true propositions expressed in verses [4] [7], [8] [38] and [49]. Through these propositions, Caalaa Bultume, intended to reassure himself as the enlightened person about the obfuscating operation of the unjust system and assigned himself with the mission of informing the politically dominated, socially oppressed and economically exploited Oromos. The one in verse [7] is even clearer particularly, where “ajjeessi irraatti du’i”/”kill and die fighting for your land” the supposed object ‘you’ is directly appealed, referring to anyone who was a passive victim of institutional violence. The strategic function associated with these speech acts was the legitimization-delegitimization because, on the one hand, they legitimized the speaker’s discourse produced from the resistance point of view; and they delegitimized the discourse generated from the political arena conventionally responsible for producing and reproducing the conditions to perpetuate the status quo. As such this discourse delegitimized the so-called Finfinnee masatar pilaanii as a system created to confiscate land from the Oromo farmers than a project meant to bring about development that could be inclusive and beneficial for all.

Furthermore, there were numerous expressive speech acts within the fragment. For instance, accusations can be identified within the fragment. In this sense, verse [3] represents an accusation in itself, further reinforced by verses [50] and [51]. This accusation, expressed through the verbal conjugation sii duguugu/exterminate you was part of a delegitimization strategy towards the actions enforced by the powerful in favor of their privileged position of drafting the policy. At this point, it was necessary to realize that in the song delegitimization was always given in combination with the legitimization; therefore, the previously mentioned verses also point to legitimize the discourse opposing the socially and politically imposed one by those in power. Generally, it could be argued that these verses are strongly linked to the function of legitimization-delegitimization that characterized political discourse, to validate the resistance discourse and discredit the discourse produced from the politically powerful groups.

3.2 Semantic Level

In this song, one could realize institutional violence at the lexico-semantic field at the semantic level. Accordingly, violence tantamount to the inequality produced, reproduced and legitimized by the powerful group. This does not mean that in this song, Caalaa Bultume handled only this specific conceptualization of violence, but within the broad category of violence, he had incorporated institutional violence as one of the many ways that can occur and that became important because of its impact on a social level.

In particular, the semantic field under consideration can be observed in verses [5]Didi maaliif godaantaa/rebel; don’t migrate; and [7]Ajjeesi irratti du’i/ kill and die fighting for your land, in which the speaker began legitimizing his particular version of violence, without delving into it. Of course the singer had delved into the action in verses [14]Dhiigumaan sii tiksinaa/to defend you with our blood and verse [15]Nutis kaane tokkummaan/we stand in unison. Meanwhile, verse [4] [38] [49]and [50], delegitimize violence as it was understood and presented by the powerful, that is to say, the violence of a subjected social group attempting to break a system of oppression and segregation. Relevant lexico-semantic elements in verses [4], [38] [49]and [50] are, therefore, akkamiin gurgurama?/ how could it be sold; Maaf diinaan fdhuunfatamaa/why is it appropriated for the foes; Biyyii yoom gurgurame/the nation was not sold; Maastaar pilaanii jedhanii/ master plan was a pretext, which allow to visualize more clearly the sophisticated articulation of a system that supports the fact that just a few protected their interests at the expense of the majority.

The words highlighted in bold type above correspond to a semantic network in close relation to the institutional violence that mobilized the content and argument of this discourse. As such, these linguistic choices reflected the existence of a social order established and maintained by the powerful benefiting themselves, their groups and institutions, which was sternly criticized and violently opposed by the resistance song.

3.3 Syntactic Level

In the syntactic level of analysis it was possible to see that there were several sentence structures that were meant to convey the intended messages. These could be seen from the point of view of topicalization and nominalization.

For instance, in [5]Didi maaliif godaantaa/rebel; don’t migrate; and [7]ajjeessi irratti du’i/kill and fight for your land when expressing, violence in the form of resistance stands out from the moment it was positioned as the first element. These sentence structures conveyed a contrast, so the idea of ​​violence contained in these verses were legitimized, and all other conceptualizations were delegitimized.

The scrutiny of the syntactic structures in [4], [38] and [49], akkamiin gurguramaa?/ how could it be sold; Maaf diinaaf dhuunfatamaa/why is it appropriated for the foes; Biyyii yoom gurgurame/the nation was not sold; the explicit account of the one who performed the actions have not been specified. In [4] the singer highlighted the theft over the rest of the elements in the sentence, akkamiin gurguramaa?/ how could it be sold. Generally it was possible to draw the interpretation that at times the singer made choices of  grammatical constructions in order to maintain rhymes, which, might lead to intervene the logical order of the sentence.

Strategic Functions

Furthermore, the linguistic analysis of maastaar pilaanii showed that legitimization-delegitimization and coercion were the strategic functions implemented in the discourse. In connection with this, it was also possible to recognize that the functions of resistance, opposition and protest were expressed throughout all the linguistic resources in the song. These have been embedded in the production and content of the song itself as a political discourse of resistance against the maastar pilaanii proposed by the powerful group.

There were some semantic repertoires at the same time that correspond with the strategic function of dissimulation. It means that the powerful group hushed up their hidden intention of evicting Oromos from their land. Accordingly, the function of dissimulation has also been subsumed in the overall essence of the so-called Finfinnee Maastaar pilaanii. A typical instance of this is in verse [51]Maastaar pilaanii jedhanii/ they call it master plan as a pretext. Dissimulation is evident from this lyric in that the powerful groups were using the ‘master plan’ as a pretext to legitimize their hidden motive of evicting the farmers from their land without compensation.

Similarly akkamiin gurgurama?/ how could it be sold; Maaf diinaan fdhuunfatamaa/why is it appropriated for the foes; Biyyii yoom gurgurame/the nation was not sold; allowing to visualize more clearly the sophisticated articulation of a system that supported the fact that just a few protected their interests at the expense of the suffering of the majority. The words highlighted in bold type expressed the institutional violence pertaining to Finfinnee maastaar pilaanii that were opaque. As such, one could realize that the song was predominantly an effort to criticize the existence of a social order established and maintained by the powerful benefiting themselves, their groups and their institutions.

6. Conclusion

The main objective of this paper was to propound the role that an Oromo resistance titled maastaar pilaanii by Caalaa Bultume played in popularizing the Oromo protest. The song was quite a popular and widely used song by the Oromo from all walks of life as they fiercely fought the unjust decision of expanding Finfinnee. As someone who had witnessed the abuses perpetrated by regime forces in trying to contain the protest, the researcher had realized that this song was commonly used on social media and print media as a background for marching and reporting the movement. Several resistance songs have been used for popularizing and perpetuating the Oromo resistance; but arguably the maastaar pilaanii was by far one the most popular and widely used. As such the song encouraged the Oromo to intensify the struggle, through many underpinning themes that instigated different actions for fueling the resistance across the region in particular and eventually the country at large.

The  study  established  that  Oromo  protest music  was  protest  art  that  spoke  on  behalf  of  the people  by  pointing  out  the  injustices  and malpractices  that were waged against Oromo people. The study has enunciated that protest music assisted in the interrogation of the society’s moral sphere. As such music as a kind of text helped to convey discourse that partly shaped the event and it was shaped by the event pertinent to the kind of emotion the Oromos had been experiencing.  The song was not merely a frivolous component of various sects of Oromo culture, or passing sources of insignificant entertainment. Instead, the song and the singer were contributors to the shaping of specific periods, playing his role as he spurred collective mindsets of protest across many  social  aggregates  through  his  appeal  to  the  desires,  the  morals,  the lamentations, the angers and the passions of the Oromo people during the protest.

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*Kassaye Gutema is an associate professor of Applied Linguistics & Communication. He is teaching at a faculty at Adama science & technology university. He has published articles pertaining to Oromo political discourse and indigenous knowledge.