Monthly Archives: August 2011
Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)
The Oromo constitute the most numerous ethnic group in Ethiopia and occupy a huge land area that extends from the Sudan border to the Kenyan border. According to the 2007 census, the Oromo account for about 35 percent of Ethiopia’s population. (The OLF claims that the Oromo constitute almost half of Ethiopia’s population.) Throughout recent Ethiopian history, the Oromo have never held political power commensurate with their numbers, resulting in political marginalization and real and perceived grievances. The Oromo practice Islam, Christianity and traditional Oromo faiths. The largest group is Muslim with Christians not far behind. Persons following traditional beliefs constitute the smallest percentage. Established in 1973, the fundamental objective of the OLF is the Oromo peoples’ right to national self-determination. Some in the OLF interpret this as an independent Oromia while others seek Oromo autonomy within a unified Ethiopia where the political system reflects the Oromo population percentages. The OLF describes its armed resistance as an act of self-defense by the Oromo people against successive Ethiopian governments. From its inception, however, there has been tension within the OLF between those who pursue political or military solutions to resolve Oromo grievances. The OLF opposed the Derg regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam and even aligned itself with the TPLF during the period immediately before the overthrow in 1991 of Mengistu. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the OLF controlled significant territory in southeastern Ethiopia. It opened a front in western Ethiopia in 1981 from bases in Sudan. In 1991, as the TPLF marched on Addis Ababa, the OLF advocated a policy of ethnic federalism. The OLF joined the EPRDF and EPLF at a conference in London aimed at a peaceful political transition after the fall of Mengistu. The OLF did not, however, achieve its objective in London of convincing the EPRDF to hold a referendum on Oromo self-determination. Nevertheless, it joined the new transitional government led by the EPRDF. At the same time, it retained some of its fighting force. Its participation in the EPRDF’s transitional government was brief and contentious. The OLF objected to the procedures for district and regional elections in June 1992 and withdrew from the transitional government. OLF leaders went into exile and the organization resumed its armed struggle to liberate Oromia. The OLF armed insurrection occurred mostly in eastern Ethiopia where it achieved little. Some forces, which claimed to be OLF, resorted to terrorist tactics by placing bombs in hotels and restaurants. The OLF signed a political and military agreement with the Ogaden National Liberation Front in 1996. It also continued ties with the largely defunct Sidama Liberation Front, Beni Shangul Liberation Movement and Gambela People’s Liberation Front. Other OLF supporters regrouped in Sudan where the government welcomed them until the outbreak of the Ethiopian-Eritrean war in 1998, after which Ethiopia normalized relations with Sudan and convinced it to end support for the OLF. Requiring a new base, the OLF moved its operations briefly to unstable Somalia on Ethiopia’s eastern border and operated sporadically out of northern Kenya. Eritrea, which for all practical purposes has been at war with Ethiopia since 1998, began training OLF fighters and provided them with military assistance. The OLF concluded that Somalia was too difficult a country to operate from and that most Somalis had no interest in helping the Oromo. The OLF then moved its headquarters to Eritrea, which was and continues to be the only country bordering Ethiopia that is willing to receive the organization. The OLF also maintains small political offices in London, Washington, Khartoum and perhaps elsewhere. Soon after the OLF left the Ethiopian transitional government in 1992 and went into exile, it began to engage in a series of talks organized outside Ethiopia by third parties to establish a process for resolving differences with the EPRDF. The most recent initiative involved Oromo elders and the OLF, who met in Amsterdam in late 2008. The discussions continued into 2009. All of the efforts so far have failed. The OLF insists on holding substantive talks without conditions while the EPRDF has consistently required that the OLF first renounce the use of armed force and accept the Ethiopian constitution. The EPRDF argues that the OLF is a terrorist organization and encourages foreign governments to add the OLF to their lists of such groups. The OLF strongly condemns terrorism in all of its forms and points out that it is no more a terrorist organization than was the TPLF when it toppled the Mengistu regime. Since the EPRDF came to power in 1991, the OLF military wing has never seriously threatened Ethiopian government forces. Over the years, the OLF has conducted small scale military actions. In 2006, Brigadier-General Kemal Gelchu, an Oromo commanding Ethiopia’s 18th Army division on the Ethiopia-Eritrea border, defected to the OLF with between 150 and 500 soldiers. This development led many to believe that the OLF would finally become a significant military threat. It did not happen and the OLF leadership actually split in 2008. There was already a dissident OLF faction led by former OLF chairman Galassa Dilbo in London. The new split left the main OLF group under its longtime chairman, Dawud Ibsa, at its headquarters in Asmara. The new faction is led by Kemal Gelchu, who remained in Asmara. Lenco Latta, a former OLF deputy secretary general who lives in Oslo, is working with others to reconcile the factions in the context of reinventing the movement. So far, all efforts to reconcile the factions have failed, further diminishing the OLF’s military activity inside Ethiopia. Because of the OLF leadership split, it is difficult to estimate the number of effective soldiers now under arms. Earlier estimates put the figure at a few thousand; the OLF has claimed as many as 5,000 soldiers in recent years. The number is probably lower now. The OLF recruits fighters from Oromo communities inside Ethiopia, Oromo refugees outside the country and Oromo defectors from the Ethiopian army. The OLF has both long and medium range radio sets and trained radio operators. Military equipment includes Kalashnikov and G-3 assault rifles, RPGs and anti-tank mines. The OLF frequently uses small remote-controlled explosive devices. Eritrea has provided some military training to OLF fighters and may provide military advisers and land mine experts. Eritrea is the primary source of arms. OLF troops are organized conventionally into military units with corresponding rank structures and differentiated roles within each unit. The Oromo diaspora in North America, Europe and Australia contributes funds that help pay for headquarters’ expenses and the purchase of weapons.
How an Oromian slave became a South African teacher
27 Aug 2011
Sandra Rowoldt Shell University of Cape Town
When Neville Alexander used to visit his maternal grandmother Bisho
Jarsa as a boy, he never suspected the extraordinary story of how she
had come from Oromia, East Africa, to the South African city of Port
Bisho was one of a group of Oromo slaves freed by a British warship
in 1888 off the coast of Yemen, then taken round the African coast and
placed in the care of missionaries in South Africa.
“We were overawed in her presence and by the way she would mumble to
herself in this language none of us understood,” recalls Mr Alexander,
This was Afaan Oromoo, Oromia’s national language, Bisho’s mother tongue, which she reverted to as she grew older.
Mr Alexander, who was a political prisoner in the 1960s, sharing
Robben Island with Nelson Mandela, is today one of South Africa’s most
He remembers his younger siblings asking their mother, Dimbiti:
“What’s Ma talking about… what’s the matter with her? What’s she
Their mother would respond: “Don’t worry about Ma… she’s just talking to God.”
When he was in his late teens, his mother told him about his Oromian
origins but Mr Alexander thinks even she may not have known all the
details, which he only discovered when he was in his fifties.
He found out that the freed Oromians had all been interviewed on their arrival in South Africa.
The story began on 16 September 1888, when Commander Charles E
Gissing, aboard the British gunship HMS Osprey, intercepted three dhows
carrying Oromians to the slave markets in the Arabian port of Jeddah.
Sold for maize
Commander Gissing’s mission was part of British attempts to end the
slave trade – a trade that London had supported until 1807, when it was
abolished across the British Empire.
All the 204 slaves freed by Commander Gissing were from the Oromo ethnic group and most were children.
The Oromo, despite being the most populous of all Ethiopian groups,
had long been dominated by the country’s Amhara and Tigrayan elites and
were regularly used as slaves.
Emperor Menelik II, who has been described as Ethiopia’s “greatest
slave entrepreneur”, taxed the trade to pay for guns and ammunition as
he battled for control of the whole country, which he ruled from 1889 to
Bisho Jarsa was among the 183 children found on the dhows.
She had been orphaned with her two brothers, as a result of the
drought and disease that swept through Ethiopia in 1887, and left in the
care of one of her father’s slaves.
But the continuing threat of starvation resulted in Bisho being sold to slave merchants for a small quantity of maize.
After a journey of six weeks, she reached the Red Sea, where she was
put on board one of the Jeddah-bound dhows intercepted by HMS Osprey.
The missionaries recorded detailed histories of the former slaves, educated them and baptised them into the Christian faith”
Her first memory of the British was the sound
of automatic gunfire blasting into the sails and rigging of the slave
dhow while she huddled below deck with the other Oromo children.
They all fully expected to be eaten as this is what the Arab slave
traders had told them would happen if they were captured by the British.
But Commander Gissing took the Oromo to Aden, where the British authorities had to decide what to do with the former slaves.
The Muslim children were adopted by local families. The remaining
children were placed in the care of a mission of the Free Church of
Scotland – but the harsh climate took its toll and by the end of the
year 11 had died.
The missionaries sought an alternative home for them, eventually
settling on another of the Church’s missions, the Lovedale Institution
in South Africa’s Eastern Cape – on the other side of the continent.
Bisho and the rest of the children reached Lovedale on 21 August 1890.
The missionaries recorded detailed histories of the former slaves, educated them and baptised them into the Christian faith.
Her real liberation was not the British warship but the education she later received in South Africa”
Life was tough here too, however, and by 1903, at least another 18 of the children had died.
In that year, the Lovedale authorities asked the survivors whether they would like to return to Ethiopia.
Some opted to do so, but it was only after a protracted process,
involving the intervention of German advisers to Emperor Menelik, that
17 former slaves sailed back to Ethiopia in 1909.
The rest had by this time married or found careers and opted to stay in South Africa.
Bisho was trained for domestic service, but she must have shown signs
of special talent, because she was one of only two of the Oromo girls
who went on to train as a teacher.
In 1902 she left Lovedale and found a position at a school in
Cradock, then in 1911 she married Frederick Scheepers, a minister in the
Frederick and Bisho Jarsa had a daughter, Dimbiti. Dimbiti married
David Alexander, a carpenter, and one of their children, born on 22
October 1936, was Neville Alexander.
By the 1950s and 60s he was a well-known political activist, who helped found the short-lived National Liberation Front.
If you know these people – the freed slaves who decided to return home in 1909 – please use the form below to let us know:
- Aguchello Chabani
- Agude Bulcha
- Amanu Figgo
- Baki Malaka
- Berille Boko Grant
- Dinkitu Boensa
- Fayesse Gemo
- Fayissa Umbe
- Galgal Dikko
- Galgalli Shangalla
- Gamaches Garba
- Gutama Tarafo
- Hawe Sukute
- Liban Bultum
- Nagaro Chali
- Nuro Chabse
- Rufo Gangilla
- Tolassa Wayessa
He was arrested and from 1964 until 1974 was jailed in the bleak prison on Robben Island.
His fellow prisoners, Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisulu, were
fascinated by his part-Ethiopian origins but at the time, he was not
aware that his grandmother had been captured as a slave and so they
could not draw any comparisons with their own fight against oppression.
So what did he feel when he found out how is grandmother had ended up in South Africa?
“It reinforced my sense of being an African in a fundamental way,” he told the BBC.
Under apartheid, his family was classified as Coloured, or mixed-race, rather than African.
“We always struggled against this nomenclature,” he said.
He also noted that it explained why he had often been mistaken for an Ethiopian during his travels.
The strongest parallel he can draw between his life and that of his grandmother is the role of schooling.
“Her real liberation was not the British warship but the education she later received in South Africa,” he said.
“Equally, while on Robben Island, we turned it into a university and
ensured that all the prisoners learned to read and write, to prepare
them for their future lives.”