A Line Crossed: Ambassador Suleiman Dedefo Warns of Eritrea’s Grave Violation of Ethiopian Sovereignty
In the volatile landscape of the Horn of Africa, where alliances shift like desert sands and the embers of conflict never fully cool, a stark warning has been issued. Ambassador Suleiman Dedefo, Ethiopia’s top diplomat, has leveled a serious accusation against Eritrea: that it has committed a “grave violation” of Ethiopia’s sovereignty by sending an armed military delegation across their internationally recognized border into the Tigray region—without the consent of the Ethiopian government.
A Breach of Sovereign Borders
According to Ambassador Dedefo, Eritrea’s military delegation did not merely cross into Ethiopian territory; it was received by forces engaged in active military confrontation with the Ethiopian government—a “gang group” aligned with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). This, he argues, constitutes a direct and reckless act of alliance with a group waging war against Ethiopia.
“It is highly unusual and contrary to established principles of international law for an armed military delegation to cross the internationally recognized border of another sovereign state without the consent of its government,” Ambassador Dedefo stated, framing the incursion not as a diplomatic misstep but as a fundamental breach of the rules that govern relations between sovereign nations.
The Legal Framework: A Violation of the UN Charter
The Ambassador’s words carry the weight of international jurisprudence. Under the United Nations Charter and customary international law, the territorial integrity and political independence of sovereign states are inviolable. An armed incursion by one state into another, particularly to support an armed group hostile to the host government, is widely recognized as an act of aggression.
By receiving Eritrea’s military delegation in territory it does not control, the TPLF-aligned forces have, in Ambassador Dedefo’s view, effectively made Eritrea a party to the conflict. “This amounts to joining the war that TPLF is waging on Ethiopia,” he declared. Such an action erases any pretense of Eritrea acting as a neutral observer or a humanitarian partner—it positions Asmara as a belligerent.
A Reckless Alliance
The implications extend far beyond the battlefield. Ambassador Dedefo characterized Eritrea’s move as a “reckless act of alliance with a mercenary group” that jeopardizes not only Ethiopia’s sovereignty but also the stability of the entire region. In the Horn of Africa, where borders remain contested and historical grievances run deep, an act of this nature threatens to unravel the fragile peace.
By aligning with a group that the Ethiopian government has designated as hostile, Eritrea is gambling with regional security. The message sent to other nations in the region is deeply troubling: that borders can be crossed with impunity, and that external actors may choose sides in a neighbor’s internal conflict without consequence.
The Right to Self-Defense
Perhaps the most significant portion of Ambassador Dedefo’s statement is his assertion regarding Ethiopia’s legal recourse. “Such actions may give rise to Ethiopia’s rights under international law, including those recognized by the UN Charter,” he noted. He went further, stating unequivocally that “Eritrea becomes a legitimate target for any action that Ethiopia could take in self defense”.
This is not merely diplomatic rhetoric. Article 51 of the UN Charter enshrines the “inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs.” By framing Eritrea’s actions as an armed incursion in support of a hostile force, Ambassador Dedefo has laid the groundwork for a potential Ethiopian military response—one that would be legally justified under international law.
The Broader Context
Ambassador Suleiman Dedefo is no stranger to the complexities of Ethiopian diplomacy. Having served as Ethiopia’s ambassador to the United Arab Emirates and later as its top envoy to Somalia, he has been at the center of some of the region’s most sensitive negotiations. He has previously warned of external forces creating “political and strategic challenges” to Ethiopian interests and has been a vocal critic of those who threaten the nation’s sovereignty.
His latest warning comes at a time of heightened tensions in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has spoken of “correcting” the historic loss of Red Sea access, a statement that has drawn sharp criticism from Eritrea. Meanwhile, Egypt has deployed troops to Somalia, further complicating an already fraught regional dynamic. Into this cauldron of competing interests, Eritrea’s alleged military incursion adds a volatile new element.
A Line That Cannot Be Uncrosed
Ambassador Dedefo’s words are a clear signal: Ethiopia views Eritrea’s actions as an act of war. Whether this leads to direct military confrontation between the two neighbors remains to be seen. What is certain is that the diplomatic landscape of the Horn of Africa has shifted.
The international community now faces a critical test. Will it condemn Eritrea’s violation of Ethiopian sovereignty and call for de-escalation? Or will it remain silent, allowing the precedent of armed incursion to take root? Ambassador Dedefo has drawn a line in the sand—a line that, once crossed, may prove impossible to uncross.
As the region holds its breath, one thing is clear: the principle of sovereign borders, hard-won over centuries of international law and diplomacy, hangs in the balance. And Ethiopia, through the voice of its ambassador, has made it known that it will not stand idly by while that principle is trampled.
The Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association Speaks: Finfinne, Dirree Dhawaa, and the Unfinished Struggle for Oromo Justice
A Historic Statement on the National Dialogue, Colonial Atrocities, and the Demand for Recognition
By Daandii Ragabaa
In a powerful and historic statement, the Waldaan Walgargaarsa Misoomaa fi Hawaasummaa Maccaa Tuulamaa (Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association) has declared that the issue of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought before the national dialogue not as a genuine attempt at resolution, but as a deliberate effort to undermine and weaken the Oromo people.
The Association has asserted that the old wounds of the past—the wounds inflicted by the Menelik era—remain unhealed. And today, the same forces of dispossession and denial continue to operate, refusing to recognize Oromo rights and refusing to step back from the land that was stolen.
“The wound of Oromo is still not healed,” the Association declared. “Even today, we are witnessing the theft of our ancestral land.”
The Historical Atrocity: Menelik’s Genocide Against the Oromo
The Association’s statement took the Oromo people and the wider world back to a dark chapter in Ethiopian history—the era of Emperor Menelik, when the Oromo people were systematically dispossessed of their land, their dignity, and their lives.
“Menelik committed a great crime against the Oromo people when he separated Finfinne from its Oromo owners,” the Association stated.
The atrocities of that era are well-documented, but the Association has brought them into stark relief by naming specific victims and families who suffered under Menelik’s expansionist campaign:
- Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa was executed by hanging.
- His father, mother, and three children were killed in a brutal and inhumane manner.
- Qajeelaa Dooyyoo and Guraaraa Dooyyoo were also executed, along with their mother, in a similarly horrific fashion.
- Shubbuu Ejersoo had his hands and feet severed before being killed.
- Aaxalee Jaatanii was starved to death in detention—denied food until life was extinguished.
These were not random acts of violence. They were part of a systematic campaign to break the spirit of the Oromo people, to erase their presence from Finfinne, and to establish a new political order built on Oromo suffering.
The Association’s statement serves as a reminder that these crimes were not isolated incidents—they were part of a broader pattern of atrocity committed against the Oromo people who lived on the land now known as Finfinne.
The Legacy of Suffering: Three Generations of Pain
The Association declared that the suffering of the Oromo people over Finfinne has now spanned three generations. From the initial dispossession under Menelik, to the brutal repression under the Derg regime, and now to the present day—the Oromo people have paid a heavy price.
“During the Derg era, many Oromo paid a great price for Finfinne,” the Association stated. “Even today, the wound is still not healed.”
The Association raised a pointed and urgent question:
“As long as this truth exists on this earth, the question of ‘Whose Finfinne is it?’ will always be asked. What has brought us to this point?”
The answer, according to the Association, lies in the persistent refusal of successive Ethiopian regimes to acknowledge Oromo rights. The Association posed a direct challenge to the architects of this injustice:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land and their rights. How can you govern on someone else’s land? What right do you have to claim authority over people who do not belong to you? It would have been better for you to struggle for your own land rather than occupy ours.”
The National Dialogue: A Tool of Deception?
The Association expressed deep concern about the ongoing national dialogue and how the issues of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are being treated within it.
According to the Association, the dialogue is not being used as a genuine mechanism for reconciliation and justice. Instead, it is being manipulated to further marginalize the Oromo people and to legitimize the ongoing dispossession of Oromo land.
“The agenda of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought to the national dialogue to weaken the Oromo people,” the Association declared. “The old politics of the Abyssinian elite continues, refusing to step back from the land that rightfully belongs to Oromo.”
The Association emphasized that the ongoing process is not just disrespectful—it is a violation of basic rights and dignity. The Association described the current situation as “an insult that crosses all boundaries” and declared that “something that did not exist before has now arrived” —a reference to the unprecedented nature of the current assault on Oromo rights.
A Call to Resistance and Unity
In the face of these challenges, the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association issued a clear and urgent call to the Oromo people:
“The Oromo people have not yet paid the price that is required. We must fight.”
The Association’s call to action is not a call to violence—it is a call to resistance, to unity, and to the defense of Oromo rights through every legitimate means available. It is a call to refuse subjugation, to refuse silence, and to refuse to accept the theft of Oromo land as a settled fact.
The Association also addressed the issue of Dirree Dhawaa—the area that has become a symbol of Oromo resistance and a flashpoint of conflict. The Association’s declaration that Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are inseparable from the broader Oromo struggle serves as a reminder that these are not isolated issues—they are part of a continuous thread of resistance that stretches back over a century.
The Symbolism of Dirree Dhawaa
Dirree Dhawaa is more than just a piece of land—it is a symbol of Oromo resilience and a monument to the struggle for justice. It is the site where Oromo people have gathered to demand their rights, where they have faced brutal repression, and where they have continued to return in defiance of all efforts to silence them.
The Association’s statement linking Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa in the same breath is significant. It sends a clear message: the Oromo people will not accept piecemeal solutions. They will not accept partial recognition. They will not accept the suggestion that one part of their historical homeland can be compromised while another is defended.
Both Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are Oromo.
A Historical Challenge to the Ethiopian State
The Association’s statement is not just a declaration of grievance—it is a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Ethiopian state as it currently exists.
By raising the question “Whose Finfinne is it?” —and by insisting that Oromo people have the right to live on their own land with dignity, self-respect, and self-determination—the Association is questioning the foundational narrative upon which the Ethiopian state was built.
The Association’s demand is not for charity or concessions. It is for recognition of historical truth, for justice for past crimes, and for a future in which Oromo people are treated as equals in their own homeland.
The Path Forward: Recognition, Justice, and Peace
The Association’s statement concludes with a clear vision for what must happen:
The wounds of the past must be acknowledged. The atrocities committed against the Oromo people—from the Menelik era to the present—cannot be ignored or forgotten. They must be named, documented, and taught.
Justice must be pursued. Those who committed crimes against the Oromo people must be held accountable. This is not revenge—it is the foundation of lasting peace.
Oromo rights must be recognized. The Oromo people have the right to their land, their language, their culture, and their self-determination. This is not negotiable.
The national dialogue must be genuine. If the dialogue is to be meaningful, it must include a full and honest discussion of Finfinne, Dirree Dhawaa, and all the historical injustices suffered by the Oromo people.
Conclusion: The Struggle Continues
The statement of the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association is a powerful reminder that the struggle for Oromo justice is far from over. The wounds of the past remain open. The injustices of the present continue. And the future remains uncertain.
But one thing is clear: the Oromo people will not give up their land, their rights, or their dignity. They will continue to resist. They will continue to demand justice. And they will continue to remember the sacrifices of those who came before—from Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa to the thousands of unnamed Oromo who have given their lives for Finfinne and for Oromia.
As the Association stated:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land. This struggle has not ended—it continues. And it will continue until justice is done.”
Finfinne is Oromo.
Dirree Dhawaa is Oromo.
Oromia is Oromo.
The struggle continues.
For the memory of Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa, Qajeelaa Dooyyoo, Guraaraa Dooyyoo, Shubbuu Ejersoo, Aaxalee Jaatanii, and all the Oromo martyrs who gave their lives for the land.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Dirree Dhawaa haa jabaattu!
End.
The Unbroken Backbone: The Role of Oromo Women in the Struggle for Liberation
For decades, the story of the Oromo liberation struggle has been told as a chronicle of resistance against a sprawling empire. But within that narrative, there is a deeper, more powerful current—one that has flowed quietly yet inexorably beneath the surface. This is the story of Oromo women, who have not merely supported the movement, but have stood as its very backbone: its fighters, its strategists, its memory keepers, and its soul.
A Struggle on Three Fronts
The Oromo people have been engaged in a struggle for liberation since their colonization by the Abyssinian Empire, which evolved into modern-day Ethiopia. However, Oromo women face a unique and intersecting burden. They are not only fighting against what scholar Madeline Bass describes as the “settler colonial state rulers of Ethiopia” and “global anti-Blackness,” but they must also contend with “cisheteropatriarchy”—a struggle against patriarchal oppression that is uniquely Oromo in its application.
This triple oppression means that Oromo women have always had to fight for the liberation of their nation while simultaneously battling for their own dignity and rights within their own communities. As one source notes, “the Abyssinian system oppresses Oromo people, and women in particular.” The state of oppression is deep in general, but Oromo women face even greater difficulty.
Pillars of the Movement: From the Battlefield to the Ballot
Within the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO), Oromo women have served as “utubaa cimaa”—strong pillars—whose contributions have shaped every facet of the liberation movement. Their involvement has been both visible and behind-the-scenes.
· On the Battlefield: Many Oromo women have joined the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), the armed wing of the OLF, taking up arms to defend their people and land. Women like Aradoolaa Abdalla, who joined the OLA in 1985 and participated in ten major battles in western Oromia, rose through the ranks to become a platoon commander because of her bravery. Women have participated in every sector—military, medical, and communication—as combatants and supporters.
· In Political Organizing: Beyond the battlefield, Oromo women have been active in political movements for decades, serving as leaders, organizers, and advocates within the OLF and other nationalist groups. They have organized protests and worked tirelessly to inform other women of their rights.
The Unbreakable Spirit of Siinqee
One cannot speak of Oromo women’s resistance without understanding Siinqee. It is not merely a wooden stick; it is a profound cultural and spiritual institution. A Siinqee is a ritual stick given to an Oromo woman by her mother on her wedding day. Once a woman holds this stick, she commands respect from everyone in the community.
More than a symbol, Siinqee is a lived practice of mutual protection, a “covenant of resistance against all forms of oppression.” Women use the power of Siinqee to exercise their rights, control their own economy, and participate in solidarity activities. This tradition, which predates Western feminist thought, represents an Oromo philosophy of womanhood and solidarity that has been passed down through generations.
Martyrs and Heroes: The Price of Freedom
The contribution of Oromo women has come at a devastating cost. The liberation struggle has demanded sacrifices that extend far beyond the battlefield, imposing a heavy burden on the families left behind.
One of the most iconic figures in this struggle is Martha Kuwee Kumsa, an Oromo journalist and scholar whose story embodies the spirit of resistance. In 1980, during the Ethiopian Red Terror, she was arrested and detained without charges for nine years after writing an article that called for Oromo women to defy power structures and reclaim their cultural heritage. She was tortured and held until 1989, after which she escaped to Kenya and later Canada. Her activism is deeply rooted in Siinqee feminism—an Oromo philosophy that predates Western feminist thought and is a lived practice of mutual protection and solidarity. Today, she is a professor in Canada and continues to write and advocate on feminist and political issues.
Countless other women have paid the ultimate price—some were killed in battle, others were publicly executed. The story of Agarii Tulluu, who was hanged alongside her two brothers in a market, is just one of many tragic tales. The mothers, wives, and sisters of fallen fighters carry a grief that “does not fade from their minds,” enduring a wound that cannot be measured.
The Hiriira: A Modern Cry for Recognition
The struggle of Oromo women is not confined to the hills of Oromia; it has gone global. In September 2020, Oromo women marched through the streets of Berlin, Germany, in a protest march called a Hiriira—an Oromo word for a parade, demonstration, or queue. They were demanding recognition for their struggle.
This march was more than a protest; it was a powerful act of spatial and historical reckoning. It served as a case study into the entanglements between settler colonial Ethiopia, Germany’s post-empire, and the forces of oppression that link them. By marching through Berlin, Oromo women were mapping their liberation across borders, using a “Black and Blackened way of knowing space with a particularly Oromo perspective” known as geography guraacha. The women wore Oromo cultural garb, distinct to different regions of Oromia, turning the streets of a European capital into a living map of their homeland and their resistance.
Architects of a New Nation
The role of Oromo women extends beyond the struggle for liberation into the vision for what comes after. There is a growing consensus within the movement that the liberation of Oromia cannot be separated from the liberation of Oromo women. Any future Oromo state must be built with women’s full and equal participation from the ground up.
As one advocate powerfully stated, the aim is to ensure that Oromo women are “not just participants but architects of the next chapter.” From the battlefield to the political arena, from the cultural institution of Siinqee to the global stage of the Hiriira, Oromo women have proven that they are not waiting for liberation to be given to them—they are building it with their own hands, one courageous step at a time.
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This feature article draws on academic research, historical accounts, and journalistic reports to highlight the indispensable role of Oromo women in their people’s long struggle for freedom and dignity.
Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo: The Pillars of Oromo Liberation and Their Global Reach
Honouring the Builders and Champions of the Oromo Struggle, and the Global Structure of the ABO
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In every liberation movement, there are those who carry the torch not for personal glory, but for the collective destiny of their people. They are the architects of consciousness, the builders of institutions, and the guardians of memory. They are Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo—the beloved pillars of the struggle—and Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions who have emerged from every corner of Oromia and the diaspora to advance the cause of Oromo liberation.
This is a tribute to them. And this is an exploration of the structure that unites them: the Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) —the Oromo Liberation Front—and its global reach across nations.
The Pillars: Who Are the Utubaa Qabsoo?
The term Utubaa Qabsoo—pillars of the struggle—is not a title given lightly. It is earned through sacrifice, through decades of commitment, and through an unwavering dedication to the Oromo people’s right to self-determination . These are the individuals who, in the darkest hours, refused to let the flame of liberation die.
One such pillar was Cawwaaqaa Yaaddessaa, a renowned Oromo singer and artist whose music became the soundtrack of the resistance. Through his songs, he chronicled the pain and the hope of the Oromo people, composing works that stirred the hearts of a generation . His compositions—such as “Eemmoo yaa guraale hoo dangashe”—became anthems of defiance, performed even when political gatherings were banned . He served as a pillar of the struggle through his art, demonstrating that cultural expression is a weapon of resistance as powerful as any gun .
Another pillar is Ustaaz Raayyaa Abbaa Maccaa, who transitioned from the armed struggle within the ABO to become a teacher of Islamic faith and a composer of spiritual songs (manzuumaa) that reinforced Oromo identity and resilience . He was part of the ABO in its early years, receiving military training at the 24th training camp in Harawaacaa, and fought in numerous battles . Even after being captured and imprisoned for a long time, he never abandoned the struggle; he continued to strengthen the Oromo people through his teachings and songs . His story is a testament to the fact that the pillars of the struggle exist not only on the battlefield but also in the realms of faith, culture, and education .
Baaroo Tumsaa stands as another foundational pillar. He is remembered as a key figure in building the Oromo movement in the 1970s, working to organize youth and establish the infrastructure that would eventually lead to the formal founding of the ABO . He played a crucial role in the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association and was instrumental in consolidating Oromo nationalism into a political force . His legacy is one of organization and vision, reminding us that liberation is built not just on passion but on structure.
The Champions: Jaallan Qabsoo and the Spirit of Resistance
Beyond the foundational pillars, there are the Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions of the struggle. These are the fighters, the activists, the community organizers, and the everyday people who have taken up the mantle of resistance in their own ways .
The Qeerroo youth movement is perhaps the most powerful contemporary embodiment of this spirit. In traditional Oromo culture, the term means “bachelor” or “youth,” but within the political movement, it symbolizes the Oromo struggle for increased political freedom and greater ethnic representation . The Qeerroo have emerged as a dynamic and fearless force, challenging the state and demanding justice .
The champions are also found in the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) —known in Oromo as Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBO) —the armed wing of the struggle . The OLA was formed in 1974 and has continued its armed resistance against successive Ethiopian regimes . Under the leadership of figures like Jaal Marroo (Kumsa Diriba), the OLA remains active in the Oromia Region, representing those who refused to disarm following the 2018 peace deal, skeptical of the government’s intentions .
The champions are also found in the diaspora—in Washington, D.C., Berlin, and other cities around the world, where the ABO maintains offices and radio stations that broadcast in Oromo and Amharic, keeping the spirit of resistance alive far from the homeland .
The ABO: Structure and Global Reach
The Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) —or the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)—is the political organization that unites these pillars and champions. It was founded in 1973 with the goal of promoting self-determination and independence for the Oromo people . Its structure has evolved over the decades, but its core mission remains unchanged: the total liberation of Oromia from what it characterizes as Ethiopian colonialism .
The ABO’s structure extends far beyond the borders of Oromia and Ethiopia. It has a significant diaspora presence, with offices in Washington, D.C., and Berlin . These offices serve as hubs for organizing, advocacy, and communication . They also operate radio stations that broadcast in both Amharic and Oromo, ensuring that the organization’s message reaches Oromo communities worldwide .
This global reach is critical. The ABO’s international structure allows it to advocate for the Oromo cause on the world stage, to build solidarity with other movements, and to sustain the struggle even when political space is closed inside Ethiopia . In a November 2025 position statement, the OLF declared that “the current regime has deliberately closed the political arena and obstructed the lawful activities of the Oromo Liberation Front” . In the face of such obstacles, the diaspora structure becomes even more vital as a space for organizing and resistance.
The Legacy of the Western Front: A Day of Sacrifice
The pillars and champions of the ABO are not abstract figures. They are real people who have paid the ultimate price for their commitment. The Western Front of the armed struggle serves as a powerful reminder of this sacrifice.
On April 15, 1980, the ABO appointed a new chairman in Shinnigga, marking a strategic decision to expand the armed struggle into the Western Front . The organization sent 17 commanders to ignite the resistance in the West. Their names—Daawud Ibsaa, Abbaa Caalaa Lataa, Jaal Tottoobaa Waaqwayyaa, and others—are etched in Oromo memory .
Tragically, these commanders were betrayed and poisoned by collaborators of the Derg regime in December 1981. Their deaths were a devastating blow to the movement . But their memory did not die. In 1985, the ABO leadership formally designated April 15 as Oromo Martyrs’ Day—a day to commemorate all those who have fallen in the struggle for Oromo liberation .
Today, April 15 is observed in the forests of Oromia and in diaspora communities around the world. It is a day of remembrance, of reflection, and of renewed commitment to the cause for which these pillars and champions gave their lives .
Unity, Truth, and the Path Forward
The struggle of the ABO has always been a struggle of self-reliance and truth. As senior ABO leader Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa emphasized in a recent consultative meeting with members: “If we are people of truth, our people will never abandon us under any circumstances. But if we are people of falsehood, even if we hold something, we will lose it” .
The leadership has also stressed that the work of building Oromia extends beyond Ethiopia’s borders . It is a task that belongs to Oromo people everywhere—in the villages of Oromia, in the refugee camps of Kenya, in the community centers of Europe and North America, and in the offices of the ABO in Washington and Berlin .
The unity of these diverse actors—the pillars, the champions, the diaspora, and the grassroots organizers—is the foundation of the Oromo liberation struggle. As another official, Jaal Yaasoo Kabbabaa Hordofa, declared: “OLF is the center of Oromo peace” . The organization calls on all Oromos to strengthen their resolve, to seize the opportunities that arise—such as the upcoming 7th round elections—and to never retreat into silence .
Conclusion: A Living Legacy
The story of the Oromo liberation struggle is not a history lesson; it is a living, breathing movement. It is embodied in the songs of Cawwaaqaa Yaaddessaa, the teachings of Ustaaz Raayyaa Abbaa Maccaa, the organizing of Baaroo Tumsaa, the sacrifice of the 17 commanders of the Western Front, and the tireless work of the ABO’s global network .
Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo—the beloved pillars—have built the foundation. Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions—continue to build upon it. And the ABO—in its structure, its global reach, and its unwavering commitment to the Oromo people—remains the vessel through which this struggle will achieve its destiny.
ABO haa waaru!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
This feature article is dedicated to all the pillars and champions of the Oromo liberation struggle—past, present, and future.
The Tenth Anniversary of the Grand Oromo Rally: A Defining Moment in the Struggle for Justice
Remembering August 6, 2016, and Its Enduring Legacy for Unity, Identity, and Transformation
By Daandii Ragabaa
When a people understand their history correctly, they are able to learn from past mistakes, draw strength from previous achievements, and chart a clearer course for the future. History is not merely a record of what has passed—it is a compass for what lies ahead. It is a teacher, a witness, and a foundation upon which the dreams of generations are built.
For this reason, the commemoration of the Grand Oromo Rally of August 6, 2016, occupies a significant and sacred place in the history of the Oromo struggle. It is not simply a date on a calendar. It is a milestone, a turning point, and a testament to the power of collective action. As the tenth anniversary approaches, it is time to reflect deeply on what that day meant, what it achieved, and what it continues to teach us today.
A Day That Shook the Nation
The Grand Oromo Rally of August 2016 was not a spontaneous outburst of anger. It was the culmination of years of sustained public mobilization—a peaceful yet powerful resistance against decades of systemic oppression, marginalization, and denial of basic rights. It was one of the largest and most widely recognized demonstrations ever organized across Oromia, drawing participation from every corner of the region.
What made this rally extraordinary was its sheer scale and simultaneity. On that day, Oromo people from all walks of life—young and old, men and women, urban and rural, educated and uneducated—rose together as one. They filled the streets not with weapons, but with voices. They carried not arms, but banners of justice. They demanded not revenge, but recognition.
The world watched. International media covered the events. Global human rights organizations took notice. The Oromo people, long silenced and ignored, had made their voices heard in a way that could no longer be dismissed. The rally became one of the most significant events to attract international attention to the Oromo cause.
More Than a Protest: A Turning Point in History
Although different perspectives exist regarding its causes, results, processes, and consequences, the Grand Oromo Rally is widely regarded as a defining event in both the political history of the Oromo movement and the modern political history of Ethiopia.
It was a moment when the Oromo people declared, with unmistakable clarity, that they would no longer accept invisibility. They would no longer accept the theft of their land. They would no longer accept the denial of their language, culture, and identity. They would no longer accept a political system that treated them as second-class citizens in their own homeland.
The events of that day laid an important foundation for the political changes that unfolded in 2018. The rally was a catalyst—a spark that ignited a broader movement for reform across the country. It demonstrated that when a people are united and determined, even the most entrenched systems of power can be challenged. It showed that peaceful resistance, when organized and sustained, can produce real change.
The Tenth Anniversary: More Than Remembrance
The tenth anniversary of the Grand Oromo Rally is more than a remembrance of a historical event. It is an opportunity—a vital and necessary opportunity—to learn from history, to recognize that today’s achievements were not attained easily, and to appreciate the value of unity and collective strength.
This commemoration serves multiple purposes:
First, it reinforces social cohesion. When a people gather to remember a shared struggle, they affirm their bonds to one another. They recognize that they are part of something larger than themselves.
Second, it educates younger generations. Many of those who will mark this anniversary were too young to participate in the events of 2016—or were not yet born. They must learn what happened, why it happened, and what it means for their future. The history of the Oromo struggle must not be forgotten, distorted, or erased.
Third, it creates space for constructive dialogue. Commemorations should not be occasions for division or recrimination. They should be opportunities for thoughtful discussion about addressing present and future challenges, for examining both achievements and shortcomings, and for building a peaceful, inclusive, and prosperous future.
The Power of Collective Participation
One of the defining characteristics of the Grand Oromo Rally was the remarkable level of collective public participation in confronting oppression. Regardless of age, gender, social status, or place of residence, Oromo people united at the same moment and participated in the historic protest with determination, shared purpose, and a strong sense of solidarity.
The enduring lesson from that experience is clear: unity is our greatest strength.
Standing together around common goals and shared interests, strengthening collective unity, building public trust, and fostering strong social bonds are essential for overcoming complex challenges. The rally taught us that dialogue and coordination play indispensable roles in achieving change.
However, sustaining unity requires effort. It requires respecting differences of opinion. It requires listening to one another. It requires maintaining continuous dialogue. Unity does not mean everyone must hold identical views. True unity means respecting differing opinions while working together toward common objectives. It means recognizing that agreement on common goals can coexist with different views regarding the methods of achieving them.
Lessons for the Present and Future
Political and social circumstances inevitably change over time. What worked yesterday may not work tomorrow. The challenges of today are not identical to those of 2016. Yet the lessons of that historic rally remain as relevant as ever.
Remembering our history helps us to avoid repeating past mistakes while preserving and building upon our strengths. It reminds us that:
- Difficult challenges are most effectively resolved through dialogue and mutual understanding.
- Agreement on common objectives can coexist with different views on methods.
- Differences of opinion should never be mistaken for hostility.
- Current generations must study the past through evidence-based research and objective historical inquiry.
The tenth anniversary is not an invitation to dwell in the past but to draw wisdom from it. It is a chance to critically examine both achievements and shortcomings, and to engage in thoughtful discussions about building a peaceful, inclusive, politically stable, and socially prosperous future.
Strengthening Identity and Social Solidarity
By remembering historic events such as the Grand Oromo Rally, the Oromo people strengthen both their collective identity and their social solidarity. Such remembrance plays a vital role in:
- Learning from history
- Honouring those who made sacrifices
- Preventing the repetition of past mistakes
- Passing historical knowledge to future generations
These commemorations should be inclusive of people with diverse viewpoints. They should promote mutual respect, reconciliation, and lasting peace within society. Although we may hold different political perspectives, sharing a common historical experience reminds us that unity remains essential both today and in addressing our common challenges in the future.
To sustain this spirit, it is important to continue commemorating collective events such as the Grand Rally every year. Annual commemoration ensures that the memory remains alive, that the lessons remain fresh, and that the unity forged in struggle remains strong.
A Call to Remember, Reflect, and Renew
As we approach the tenth anniversary of August 6, 2016, let us remember what that day meant. Let us honour those who stood firm in the face of oppression. Let us recognize the sacrifices that were made—the lives lost, the freedoms curtailed, the dreams deferred. Let us also celebrate what was achieved: a renewed sense of identity, a strengthened movement for justice, and a foundation for the political transformation that followed.
The commemoration of the Grand Oromo Rally should not merely be an occasion to remember the event. It should be an opportunity to draw lessons that strengthen unity, mutual trust, respect, and dialogue in order to address today’s and tomorrow’s challenges through peaceful means.
Above all, the greatest lesson it offers is the importance of working together toward shared goals and common interests, respecting differences of opinion, and learning from history to build a better future for all.
Conclusion: A Legacy for Generations
The Grand Oromo Rally of August 6, 2016, stands as one of the most remarkable demonstrations of broad-based Oromo public participation in history. It is remembered as an important foundation for the political transformation that followed in 2018. Its tenth anniversary is not just a date to mark on the calendar—it is a moment to reflect, to renew, and to recommit.
Therefore, commemorating the Grand Oromo Rally annually plays a vital role in strengthening Oromo identity, social cohesion, and unity while ensuring that an accurate understanding of history is passed on to future generations. It is through such remembrance that we honour the past, navigate the present, and build a future worthy of the sacrifices made.
The memory of August 6, 2016, lives on.
The spirit of unity endures.
The struggle for justice continues.
Oromo Qeerroo Union—forever united!
Gamtaa Qeerroo Oromoo—the strength of the people!
#Silencing_the_Gun_Among_Brothers
#Oromo_Qeerroo_Union
#Gamtaa_Qeerroo_Oromoo
August 6, 2026
ፊንፊኔ፦ የህልውና ጉዳይ እንጂ ተራ ጥያቄ አይደለም
የ150 ዓመት ቁስል፣ የ7ሺ ህይወት መስዋዕትነት፣ እና ዛሬው ወሳኝ ጊዜ
ጸሐፊ፦ ዳንዲ ረገባ
ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ፊንፊኔ ተራ የፖለቲካ ጉዳይ አይደለም። የከተማ ድንበር ጉዳይ አይደለም። የበጀት ድርሻ ወይም የአስተዳደር ክልል ጉዳይ አይደለም።
የህልውና ጉዳይ ነው።
ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ መታወቂያ፣ ክብር እና የወደፊት ተስፋ የተጠቃለለባት ከተማ ናት። እሷ ልብ ናት። እሷ ነፍስ ናት። እሷ መሠረት ናት። እናም ይህችን ልብ ለማውጣት የሚደረግ ማንኛውም ሙከራ፣ የህዝቡን ህልውና ራሱን ለማጥፋት የሚደረግ ጥረት ነው።
የታሪክ ጠባሳው፦ ከ150 ዓመት በላይ የፈወስ ቁስል
ዛሬ ፊንፊኔ ላይ የምናየው ቀውስ አዲስ አይደለም። የ150 ዓመት ዕድሜ ያለው የታሪክ ጠባሳ አካል ነው።
የአፄ ሚኒሊክ ሰራዊት ወደ ደቡብ ሲዘምት፣ ኦሮሞን ከመሬቱ አስወግዶ፣ መሬቱን በግዳጅ በመያዝ፣ እና የኦሮሞን ባህላዊ፣ ፖለቲካዊ እና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ስርዓት በማፈራረስ ላይ ነበር። ያ የመጀመሪያው ስብራት ነበር—በህዝብ፣ በመሬት እና በማንነት መካከል የተፈጠረ ጥልቅ ስብራት።
ይህ ስብራት አልተፈወሰም። ተሸፍኗል፣ ችላ ተብሏል፣ የተካደ ነው—ነገር ግን አልተፈወሰም። እና በየትውልዱ፣ ቁስሉ እንደገና ይከፈታል።
ቄሮ፦ ስብራቱን ለመጠገን የተነሳ ትውልድ
ከ150 ዓመታት በኋላ፣ አዲስ የኦሮሞ ትውልድ—የቄሮ ትውልድ—ጮክ ብሎ እና በማይሻር መልኩ ተነሳ።
ይህ ትውልድ ታሪኩን አውቆ ነበር። ስብራቱን ተሰምቶት ነበር። እና ህመሙን የበለጠ ለመሸከም ፈቃደኛ አልሆነም።
በዚያም ቄሮ ተነሳ—ለፍትህ፣ ለእውቅና፣ እና የተሰበረውን ለመጠገን። ለዚህ ትግል ከ7,000 በላይ ወጣቶች ህይወታቸውን ሰጥተዋል። 7,000 ህልሞች። 7,000 የወደፊት ጊዜዎች። 7,000 ነፍሳት በፍትህ መሠዊያ ላይ።
የቄሮ ንቅናቄ ለውጥ ብቻ አልነበረም—ትንሳኤ ነበር። ኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከእንግዲህ ዝም እንደማይል፣ ከእንግዲህ እንደማይጠብቅ፣ እና ከእንግዲህ እንደማይሸነፍ ለዓለም ያሳወቀ ትንሳኤ ነበር።
የተሰጠው ቃል እና የተሰበረው እምነት
የቄሮን ድል ተንተርሶ፣ የኢህአዴግ ክንፍ የሆነው ብልጽግና ፓርቲ ስልጣን ያዘ። ወደ ስልጣን ሲመጣ፣ ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ቃል ገባ፦ ጥያቄዎቹን አንድ በአንድ ቆጥሮ እመልሳለሁ።
ከእነዚህ ጥያቄዎች ዋናው ምን ነበር? የመሬት ባለቤትነት ማረጋገጥ። ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ አካል መሆኗን ማረጋገጥ። የተዘረፈው መመለሱን ማረጋገጥ። የተሰበረው መጠገኑን ማረጋገጥ።
ለስምንት ዓመታት፣ ኦሮሞ ህዝብ ጠበቀ። በቃሉ አመነ። ፍትህ በመጨረሻ እንደሚደርስ ተስፋ አደረገ።
ነገር ግን በስምንት ዓመታት ውስጥ፣ ያ ቃል ክህደት ሆነ።
ዛሬው ክህደት፦ ፊንፊኔን ለመንጠቅ የሚደረግ ሙከራ
ብልጽግና ፓርቲ አሁን “ምክክር” በሚባል ሂደት ፊንፊኔን ከኦሮሚያ ለመንጠቅ የመጨረሻ ውሳኔ ላይ ደርሷል።
የዚህ “ምክክር” መደምደሚያ ግልጽ ነው፦ ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ አይደለችም።
ይህ የአስተዳደር ለውጥ አይደለም። ይህ የፖሊሲ ማስተካከያ አይደለም። ይህ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ የሚደርስ ቀጥተኛ ጥቃት ነው።
ብልጽግና ፓርቲ የቄሮን ንቅናቄ ድል ተንተርሶ ስልጣን የያዘ ፓርቲ፣ አሁን ኦሮሞን ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ ለመስበር እየሞከረ ነው።
የመጀመሪያው ስብራት በሚኒሊክ ሰራዊት ነበር።
ሁለተኛው ስብራት በብልጽግና ፓርቲ እየተሞከረ ነው።
ዓላማው አንድ ነው፦ ኦሮሞን መሬቱን ማጥፋት፣ ማንነቱን መሰረዝ፣ እና ድምጹን ማፈን።
የመቋቋም ተፈጥሮአዊ መብት
ግን እዚህ ላይ ብልጽግና እና አጋሮቹ ሊረዱት ያቃታቸው እውነት አለ።
የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ራሱን የመከላከል ተፈጥሮአዊ መብት አለው።
ይህ መብት በሕግ የተሰጠ አይደለም—በሰብአዊነት የተሰጠ ነው። ይህ መብት በሰነድ የተረጋገጠ አይደለም—በህልውና የተረጋገጠ ነው።
ማንኛውም ህዝብ፣ ህልውናው ሲጠቃ፣ ራሱን የመከላከል መብት አለው። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከምንም ህዝብ ያነሰ አይደለም።
የፊንፊኔ ጉዳይ የመተዋወቅ ጉዳይ አይደለም—የህልውና ጉዳይ ነው። እና ህልውና የማይደራደር ነው።
የሚበራው ይበራል
ብልጽግና ፓርቲ የውሳኔ ሰነዶችን ሊያዘጋጅ ይችላል። ምክክር ሊጠራ ይችላል። ህጎችን ሊያወጣ ይችላል። ድንበሮችን እንደገና መሳል ይችላል።
ነገር ግን ወረቀት ላይ የሚጻፈው ነገር በህዝብ ልብ ውስጥ ያለውን እውነት ሊለውጥ አይችልም።
እና እውነቱ ይህ ነው፦ ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ዋና ከተማ ናት። ዘላለም የኦሮሚያ አካል ትሆናለች።
እንደ ጠዋት ፀሀይ ከምስራቅ እንደምትወጣ፣ እንደ ወንዝ ወደ ባህር እንደሚፈስ፣ እንደ ተራራ ሥሩን እንደማይተው—ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ አካል ናት። ይህ በሰነድ የሚሰጥ አይደለም፤ በታሪክ የተረጋገጠ ነው። በህግ የሚሰጥ አይደለም፤ በደም የተረጋገጠ ነው።
የሚበራው ይበራል እንጂ።
ጊዜያዊ ስልጣን ሊደበቅ ይችላል፣ ነገር ግን ፀሀይ ሁልጊዜ ታበራለች። የውሸት ድሎች ሊኖሩ ይችላሉ፣ ነገር ግን እውነት ሁልጊዜ ትወጣለች። ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ዋና ከተማ ሆና ትቀጥላለች—ምክንያቱም ህዝቡ እንደዚያ ስለሚያውቀው፣ ምክንያቱም ታሪክ እንደዚያ ስለሚመሰክር፣ እና ምክንያቱም ፍትህ እንደዚያ ስለሚጠይቅ።
ለህዝቡ የመጨረሻ መልዕክት
ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ በሙሉ፦
ታሪካችሁ ይታወቃል። ህመማችሁ ይታወቃል። ትግላችሁ ይታወቃል። የቄሮ ጀግኖች ህይወታቸው በከንቱ አልሞተም። መስዋዕትነታቸው እንደ ተስፋ ዘር በመሬት ላይ ተተክሏል። እና ያ ዘር አሁን እያበቀለ ነው።
ለአምባገነኖች አሳሳቢ ቃል፦
የኦሮሞን ህዝብ መንፈስ ሊያፈርሱ አይችሉም። የኦሮሞን ህልም ሊያጠፉ አይችሉም። የኦሮሞን ፍትህ ጥማት ሊያረኩ አይችሉም። ያህል ጊዜ ሞክራችሁ፣ ያህል ጊዜ ተሸንፋችኋል። እናም ዛሬም እንደገና ትሸነፋላችሁ።
ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ናት። ዘላለም የኦሮሚያ ትሆናለች። ይህ የማይለወጥ እውነት ነው—በደም የተጻፈ፣ በታሪክ የታተመ፣ እና በህዝቡ ፈቃድ የታሸገ።
የሚበራው ይበራል እንጂ። ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ዋና ከተማ ሆኖ ይቀጥላል!
ኦሮሚያ ትነግር!
ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ናት!
ዘላለም የኦሮሚያ ትሆናለች!
Finfinne: A City Built on Bones
The Unfinished Business of Justice and the Betrayal of Reconciliation
By Israel Soboka
There are some truths that cannot be buried, no matter how much time passes, no matter how many official narratives are crafted, no matter how loudly the powerful insist that we move on. One such truth lies beneath the bustling streets, the government buildings, and the ambitious infrastructure of Finfinne—a city whose very foundations are steeped in blood.
The city we now know as Finfinne was not established upon empty land, descending from the heavens like a divine gift. It was built through genocide. When the army of Emperor Menelik settled upon this land, they did not find a vacant wilderness waiting for civilisation. They found the Oromo people—indigenous, thriving, rooted in the soil for generations. And they systematically removed them.
This is the uncomfortable, unavoidable reality: Finfinne is a city built on the bones of the Oromo people.
The Promise of Reconciliation
For a brief moment, there was hope. Across Ethiopia, a national dialogue was convened—a conversation intended to heal the deep, festering wounds of centuries. The expectation was clear: this commission would acknowledge the genocide committed against the southern peoples of the country, including the atrocities carried out across Oromia. It would offer recognition, pave the way for apology, and lay the foundation for lasting peace through mutual understanding.
Hope flickered in the hearts of many. Perhaps, at long last, history would be confronted rather than concealed. Perhaps the victims and their descendants would receive the dignity of acknowledgment. Perhaps Ethiopia could finally begin the arduous work of genuine reconciliation.
But hope, as it so often does in the face of entrenched power, proved fragile.
The Commission That Became a Conspiracy
The National Dialogue Commission was not established to heal. It was hijacked.
Instead of becoming a vehicle for truth and forgiveness, it was commandeered by the familiar machinery of political manipulation—the same old games of Abyssinian elite politics that have, for generations, prioritised control over justice. Rather than laying the groundwork for peace, the commission has become a catalyst for further tension. Rather than addressing the historical grievances of the Oromo and southern peoples, it has provided cover for continued denial and evasion.
The most egregious betrayal? The attempt to sever Finfinne from Oromia entirely. This is not a policy debate; it is an existential assault. To detach Finfinne from its Oromo identity is to complete the genocide—to erase not just the people, but the very memory that this land ever belonged to them. It is an attempt to annihilate the foundation upon which peace could be built.
The commission was never meant to support the perpetrators of genocide against the Oromo and southern peoples. Yet that is precisely what it has become: a shield for the guilty and a dagger aimed at the heart of the victims.
The Wound That Will Not Heal
The scars of history are not to be smoothed over; they are to be acknowledged. A wound that is covered without being cleaned does not heal—it festers. And that is what is happening now. The commission, in its current form, is not addressing the historical wounds; it is picking at them, ensuring that they remain raw, infected, and painful for generations to come.
This is not reconciliation. This is provocation disguised as dialogue. This is manipulation masquerading as peace-building. And the people of Oromia see it for what it is.
A New Generation Awakens
But here is the truth that the architects of this betrayal have failed to understand: the new Oromo generation is not weak.
This is not a generation that will beg for its freedom. This is not a generation that will quietly accept the denial of its history or the theft of its land. This is not a generation that will wait for permission to claim its rights.
A new Oromo generation has emerged—one that knows its history, one that understands its power, and one that possesses the capacity to defend its rights. The Addis Ababa forces—the heirs of Menelik’s imperial project—must abandon their hope of subduing this generation. Their dreams of perpetual dominance are finished. Their expectations of subjugation are obsolete.
The Oromo people are no longer asking for permission. They are asserting their existence.
The Illegitimacy of the Commission
Let us be clear: the National Dialogue Commission does not speak for the Oromo people. It has no mandate. It holds no legitimate authority to represent the will, the pain, or the aspirations of the Oromo. It is a collection of individuals—unelected, unaccountable, and unworthy of trust—who have inserted themselves into a process they have no business steering.
They do not have the right to dictate the terms of a peace that they have no intention of honouring. They do not have the authority to decide the fate of a land and a people whose suffering they refuse to acknowledge. And they must not be permitted to disrupt the legitimate quest for justice under the guise of dialogue.
A Call to Action
The time for polite fiction is over. The time for empty gestures and meaningless commissions is over. The time for half-measures and hollow promises is over.
What is needed now is clear and unwavering:
Recognition. The genocide committed against the Oromo and southern peoples must be acknowledged—not in vague, diplomatic language, but in explicit, undeniable terms.
Justice. The perpetrators of these crimes, past and present, must be held accountable. No one is above the law, and no one is beyond the reach of history.
Restoration. The land that was stolen, the dignity that was stripped, and the future that was denied must be returned to the Oromo people.
Peace. But peace with justice, not peace built on the suppression of truth. Peace that honours the victims, not peace that erases them.
The Final Word
Finfinne is a city built on bones. But those bones are not silent. They cry out for recognition. They cry out for justice. And a new generation—proud, strong, and unyielding—has risen to answer their call.
The forces of denial and domination may cling to their power for a little while longer. But history is not on their side. Justice is not on their side. And the will of the Oromo people is not on their side.
The architects of genocide and their modern-day apologists can delay the reckoning. But they cannot stop it. The truth will out. The land will be reclaimed. And the city built on bones will, one day, be a city built on justice.
In solidarity with the Oromo people and all who refuse to let the dead be forgotten.
“A people without the knowledge of their past history, origin and culture is like a tree without roots.” — Marcus Garvey
Beyond the Direct Translation: Asebe Regassa’s Reflection on the True Meaning of Gabrummaa
By Maatii Sabaa
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In the wake of a recent interview with Biqilaa Amanuu, a storm of interpretation has swept through Oromo intellectual circles. The subject? A word that carries the weight of centuries: gabrummaa.
To the casual observer, the translation seems straightforward. “Slavery.” “Enslavement.” A direct, uncomplicated rendering into English that fits neatly into Western frameworks of oppression. But as Asebe Regassa provocatively argues, this superficial translation does profound violence to the concept’s true meaning—and, more critically, misdirects our understanding of what the Oromo struggle has always been about.
The Misinterpretation That Misses the Mark
Following the interview, many commentators rushed to frame the discussion within a familiar narrative: Oromos were sold as slaves under Menelik’s system. They wrote it boldly, confidently, reducing a complex historical reality to a single, devastating equation. And while the historical record does indeed document the exploitation of Oromo peoples during that period, Regassa insists that this framing fundamentally misunderstands both the nature of the system and the nature of the resistance.
“The history is true,” Regassa acknowledges, “but the struggle against gabrummaa and the system of gabrummaa is not that.”
What Regassa identifies is a dangerous reductionism—the tendency of both scholars and activists to reach for the most emotionally resonant translation without interrogating whether that translation captures the full scope of what gabrummaa actually represents. The result, as he notes, has been confusion and controversy among those who engaged with the interview.
Unpacking the Concept: More Than Chains and Whips
So what does gabrummaa truly mean?
Regassa is unequivocal: “Gabrummaa does not mean enslavement/slavery. Enslavement is only a rough and direct translation.”
Instead, gabrummaa encompasses something far more systematic and insidious—”subjugation, servitude, and being kept under the yoke of oppression.” This is not merely a semantic distinction. It is a fundamental reorientation of how we understand both historical injustice and contemporary struggle.
Slavery implies a particular legal and social status—the ownership of one human being by another. It conjures images of chains, auctions, and plantations. But gabrummaa speaks to an entire architecture of domination: political, economic, cultural, and psychological. It is a system designed not merely to exploit but to subjugate, to render entire peoples subordinate through structures that penetrate every aspect of existence.
The General’s Vision: Dismantling the System
General Waaqoo Guutuu’s powerful declaration illuminates this distinction: “Gabrummaa iddaan buqqifna yoo dadhabne ilmaan itti guddifna”—”We shall dismantle gabrummaa at its place; if we fail, we shall raise our children upon it.”
When Regassa interprets this statement, he insists: the General was not speaking of ending slavery in the narrow sense. He was speaking of dismantling an oppressive system—a comprehensive project that requires nothing less than decolonizing the entire structure of power to emancipate the people from such subjugation.
This is a revolutionary vision, not a reformist one. It recognizes that gabrummaa is not a historical aberration or a set of discrete injustices that can be addressed piecemeal. It is a total system that demands total transformation. To merely end chattel slavery while leaving the underlying structures of subjugation intact would be to mistake the symptom for the disease.
The Intellectual Burden
Regassa’s reflection carries a pointed challenge for those who study Oromo history and society: “Warri ogbarruu Oromoo qorattanimmoo yaada itti kennaa, ulfaadhaa!”—”For those who study Oromo affairs, pay attention to this: it is weighty!”
The weight he speaks of is both intellectual and ethical. It is the burden of getting it right—of refusing the easy translation that flattens complexity, of resisting the temptation to map Oromo experience onto Western categories of oppression that may not fully apply. It is the responsibility of scholars and commentators to engage with the full richness of Oromo concepts rather than reducing them to the most convenient English equivalent.
This is not academic navel-gazing. The distinction between slavery and subjugation has real-world implications for how movements organize, how demands are articulated, and how the ultimate goals of liberation are conceived. A movement that aims only to end slavery might fight for legal reforms. A movement that aims to dismantle gabrummaa must fight to transform everything.
A Call for Deeper Engagement
Regassa’s intervention is ultimately a call for deeper engagement—with language, with history, and with the lived experience of Oromo people across generations. It is a reminder that the most powerful concepts resist easy translation, that the struggle for liberation is not served by reaching for the most familiar vocabulary but by insisting on the specificity and integrity of Oromo thought.
The controversy sparked by the interview was, in Regassa’s analysis, born of this very failure—the attempt by both interviewer and subject to explain gabrummaa through its most superficial rendering, generating confusion among audiences who deserved better.
As Oromo intellectual traditions continue to develop and engage with global conversations about justice, liberation, and decolonization, Regassa’s reflection stands as a crucial reminder: the words we use matter. The translations we choose shape the struggles we imagine. And the most profound acts of resistance may begin not with protests or declarations, but with the patient, painstaking work of getting the meaning right.
Gabrummaa is not slavery. It is something more fundamental, more encompassing, and more challenging to uproot. And recognizing that distinction may be the first step toward the genuine emancipation that General Waaqoo Guutuu envisioned—the dismantling of the entire oppressive system, at its very place.
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This article draws from Asebe Regassa’s reflections on the meaning of gabrummaa and its implications for Oromo historical understanding and contemporary struggle.
Beyond the Title: A Social Worker’s Journey of Service and Liberation
By Dhabessa Wakjira
Introduction: More Than a Profession
There are moments in life when a career becomes a calling—when the work you do ceases to be simply a job and transforms into an expression of who you are. For me, that moment came when I realised that being a Social Worker is not just about earning a degree or holding a title. It is a profound commitment to serve with compassion, to advocate for justice, and to stand beside those who need support the most.
I am Dhabessa Wakjira, and I am proud to be a Social Worker in the making.
The Heart of Social Work
What does it truly mean to be a Social Worker? It means waking up each day with a purpose that extends beyond personal gain. It means choosing to be a voice for the voiceless, a shield for the vulnerable, and a bridge for those who feel isolated from the world around them.
Social Work is rooted in the belief that every person matters—regardless of their background, their struggles, or their circumstances. It is a profession that:
- Gives hope to the vulnerable and marginalised
- Empowers individuals and families to find their strength
- Protects children’s rights and ensures their safety
- Strengthens communities from within
- Reminds people that they are seen, heard, and valued
Every life touched, every voice heard, every child protected, and every family empowered is a step toward a better society. These are not just words on a page—they are the daily realities of those who choose this path.
Who I Am
Allow me to reintroduce myself.
My name is Dhabessa Wakjira, and I carry my identity with pride. I am an Oromo, and I am a Social Worker. These two truths are not separate—they are woven together into the fabric of who I am and what I stand for.
In my work and in my life, I choose:
- Empathy over judgment — Understanding that every person carries a story I have not lived
- Service over status — Recognising that true worth lies not in titles but in impact
- Impact over recognition — Knowing that the change I help create matters more than the credit I receive
These are not abstract ideals. They are the compass that guides my daily actions.
What I Do
As a Social Worker, I am called to:
- Empower — Helping individuals and communities discover their own strength and capacity for change
- Protect — Safeguarding the rights and well-being of children, families, and vulnerable groups
- Support — Walking alongside people in their times of greatest need
- Educate — Sharing knowledge that equips others to advocate for themselves
- Mobilise — Bringing communities together to address shared challenges
- Care — Offering compassion and humanity in every interaction
- Organise — Creating systems and structures that uplift rather than oppress
- Collaborate — Building partnerships that amplify the impact of service
- Serve — Placing the needs of others at the centre of my work
Each of these actions is a deliberate choice—a commitment to creating positive change, one person, one family, and one community at a time.
The Intersection of Identity and Purpose
There is a phrase that I carry close to my heart: “Oromo Freedom Fighter isn’t just what I do—it’s who I am.”
For me, this is not a contradiction to my work as a Social Worker—it is an extension of it. The fight for Oromo liberation and the fight for social justice are intertwined. When I advocate for the rights of children, families, and communities, I am also contributing to the broader struggle for freedom, dignity, and self-determination.
Social Work is, at its core, about addressing the systems and structures that perpetuate inequality and suffering. It is about recognising that individual struggles are often rooted in larger historical and political realities. To be an Oromo Social Worker is to understand that the path to healing requires not only individual support but also collective liberation.
The Journey Ahead
I am still a Social Worker in the making—and that is a truth I embrace. Every day brings new lessons, new challenges, and new opportunities to grow. I am learning to hold space for the pain of others while also tending to my own. I am learning to navigate systems that are often broken while never losing sight of the humanity they are meant to serve.
I am learning that change is slow, and that patience is a form of strength. I am learning that even when progress feels invisible, every act of compassion plants a seed that will one day bloom.
A Call to the World
To anyone who reads this, I offer this reflection: Social Work is not a profession reserved for the few. It is a way of being that we can all embody—in our families, in our neighbourhoods, in our daily encounters with strangers. You do not need a degree to choose kindness. You do not need a title to stand up for what is right.
But for those who do choose this path—who answer the call to serve—know that you are part of something greater than yourself. You are part of a legacy of compassion, resistance, and hope that stretches across generations and continents.
Conclusion: Here’s to Change
Here’s to creating positive change, one person, one family, and one community at a time. 💜
Here’s to the vulnerable who teach us resilience. Here’s to the families who trust us with their stories. Here’s to the children whose futures we are fighting to protect. Here’s to the Oromo people and to all peoples who continue to struggle for freedom and dignity.
I am Dhabessa Wakjira. I am a Social Worker in the making. I am an Oromo Freedom Fighter. And I believe—with every fibre of my being—that a more just world is possible.
“The best way to find yourself is to lose yourself in the service of others.” — Mahatma Gandhi
Aerial Offensive: ENDF Deploys Drones to Strike TPLF Convoys Near Shererina
By Oromia News Agency
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA — In a significant escalation of military operations, the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) have reportedly deployed unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and combat drones to strike convoys belonging to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) Army 70. The strikes, which occurred near the town of Shererina, targeted the unit after it attacked government positions in the area.
The aerial operation represents a notable intensification of Ethiopia’s use of drone technology in its ongoing conflict with Tigrayan forces. According to reports, the strikes also targeted trucks transporting ammunition, inflicting heavy damage on the extremist forces .
The Strategic Deployment of Drone Warfare
The use of combat drones and UAVs by the ENDF marks a significant shift in the military tactics employed in the conflict. Unmanned aerial vehicles offer several strategic advantages over traditional air power—they are more precise, reduce the risk to pilots, and can operate in challenging terrain with sustained surveillance capabilities.
The reported targeting of ammunition convoys is particularly significant. Supply lines are the lifeblood of any military operation, and disrupting them can severely degrade an adversary’s ability to sustain combat operations. By striking ammunition trucks, the ENDF is attempting to weaken the TPLF’s logistical capacity and limit its ability to resupply its forces for future offensives.
The strikes near Shererina are also strategically important due to the location’s proximity to key transportation routes. Shererina is situated near the border between the Amhara and Tigray regions, an area that has seen significant military activity throughout the conflict. Control over these routes is essential for moving troops, equipment, and supplies, making them high-value targets for both sides.
The Context of Escalation
This latest aerial operation comes against a backdrop of heightened tensions in northern Ethiopia. The conflict between the Ethiopian government and TPLF forces has seen numerous cycles of violence, ceasefires, and renewed fighting. The use of drones by the ENDF is not new—there have been previous reports of drone strikes against TPLF positions since the conflict began in late 2020—but the scale and precision of the reported strikes indicate a growing reliance on this technology.
The decision to deploy combat drones also reflects Ethiopia’s expanding military capabilities. In recent years, the Ethiopian government has sought to diversify its sources of military equipment and technology, including through partnerships with countries such as Turkey, China, and the United Arab Emirates. Turkey’s Bayraktar drones, in particular, have been widely used in conflicts in Libya, Syria, and Nagorno-Karabakh, and their presence in Ethiopia has been reported by multiple sources.
A Pattern of Escalation
This reported attack aligns with a broader pattern of increasing military activity near Ethiopia’s borders, with regional actors testing their capabilities and resolving grievances in ways that could raise the stakes for all of Ethiopia’s conflicts . Recent months have seen a rise in airstrikes near Ethiopian territory, including SAF drone strikes on RSF fighters in Kurmuk and SSPDF strikes on SPLA-IO forces in Akobo .
The risks associated with this escalation are becoming harder to ignore. Ethiopia is already managing pressure from northern tensions and the risk of renewed TPLF/TDF conflict. Escalation along the Sudan or South Sudan borders would further stretch the ENDF, weaken response capacity elsewhere, and create openings for domestic armed groups such as OLA and Fano . For local communities, the primary risks are sudden movement restrictions, cross-border fire, refugee inflows, militia incursions, and disrupted humanitarian access .
The Human Cost
While military analysts often focus on the strategic implications of such strikes, the human cost is equally significant. The conflict in northern Ethiopia has already resulted in tens of thousands of deaths, displaced millions of people, and created a humanitarian crisis of immense proportions. Each new escalation brings with it the risk of further civilian casualties and displacement.
The precise impact of the reported drone strikes on local populations near Shererina remains unclear. However, the use of aerial bombardment in populated areas raises serious concerns about civilian safety. Both the Ethiopian government and the TPLF have been accused of human rights abuses during the conflict, and international observers have called for independent investigations into alleged violations.
A Broader Regional Context
The conflict in Tigray does not occur in isolation. It is part of a broader pattern of instability in the Horn of Africa, a region characterised by ethnic tensions, political rivalries, and competition for resources. The involvement of external actors, including the UAE and Turkey, has further complicated the situation.
Moreover, the ENDF’s operations in Tigray have broader implications for Ethiopia’s federal structure and ethnic politics. The conflict has exacerbated tensions between Ethiopia’s various ethnic groups and raised questions about the viability of the country’s federal system. The reported drone strikes near Shererina are not just a military operation; they are a reflection of deeper political and ethnic fault lines that continue to divide the country.
Conclusion: A Dangerous Precedent
The reported deployment of UAVs and combat drones by the ENDF to strike TPLF convoys near Shererina marks a significant moment in the conflict. It signals the Ethiopian government’s determination to use advanced military technology to pursue its objectives, even as it expands the conflict’s reach and intensifies its violence.
However, the use of drones also carries risks. It may provoke retaliatory actions from the TPLF, further escalate the conflict, and draw in external actors who have vested interests in the region. It may also accelerate the militarisation of the region, making a peaceful resolution increasingly difficult.
As the conflict continues, the international community faces a growing imperative to engage in diplomatic efforts to de-escalate tensions and bring an end to the violence. The people of Ethiopia, particularly those in Tigray and other affected regions, have already suffered too much.
This is a developing story. More details are expected to emerge as the situation unfolds.
#Ethiopia #ENDF #TPLF #Drones #Warfare #HumanitarianCrisis #Tigray
A Response from Within: Correcting the Narrative on Ethiopia’s National Dialogue
A four-year participant challenges the critique that the National Dialogue began with the “wrong first question,” offering a detailed defence of the process and an invitation for critics to join the table.
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA — In the ongoing public debate over Ethiopia’s National Dialogue, one critique has stood out: that the process began with the wrong question, focusing on divisions rather than shared aspirations. Mr Kebour Ghenna articulated this view in a widely discussed reflection, arguing that the Dialogue should have begun by asking, “What future do Ethiopians wish to build together?” rather than “What divides Ethiopians?”
Now, a direct participant in the Dialogue has responded. Mr Zenayeneh Girma, who has served for four years as a representative of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in the National Dialogue process, has offered a corrective perspective—one grounded in direct participation rather than external observation.
“The evidence contradicts your central claim that the Dialogue began with the ‘wrong first question,'” Zenayeneh wrote, respectfully challenging Kebour’s thesis.
A Painstaking Process
Zenayeneh begins by correcting what he describes as a factual error. The National Dialogue did not begin by collecting grievances alone. It began by collecting issues from across the country—over 10,000 specific concerns raised in consultations across all woredas .
These were systematically aggregated into 2,000 themes, then distilled into 8 major national agenda pillars . These pillars cover nation-building and identity; state structure and form of government; the status of federal cities; religious affairs; institution building and the rule of law; social and economic issues; corruption and good governance; and peacebuilding and national reconciliation .
“This was not a hurried exercise but a painstaking process designed to ensure every voice—no matter how remote or marginalised—was heard,” Zenayeneh states.
He challenges Kebour’s suggestion that only divisions were documented. “In every consultation, participants were asked what future they desired for their communities and Ethiopia collectively. The 8 pillars emerged not from ‘what divides us’ but from what Ethiopians chose to discuss as urgent national questions—including the most difficult and deadlocked ones.”
Unprecedented Inclusivity
Zenayeneh argues that the Ethiopian process is unprecedented in its inclusivity. For the first time in the country’s history, Ethiopians from all regions, ethnicities, religions, and political affiliations—including diaspora communities—were brought together to question issues once considered “untouchable”: the flag, federalism, the status of Addis Ababa, the constitutional order, corruption, and institutional reform .
“This is not ‘organising disagreement.’ This is building a foundation for consensus,” he writes.
A Call for Participation, Not Observation
One of Zenayeneh’s most pointed observations is directed at the role of intellectuals who critique the process from outside. “You critique from outside while refusing to enter,” he writes, directly addressing Kebour.
As a prominent intellectual, Zenayeneh notes, Kebour could have contributed expertise to advisory panels. Instead, he has consistently critiqued from a distance. “Observing by ‘sitting outside’ and then writing based on hearsay is an easy task. Building a process that engages 4,000+ communities across a vast, diverse country is not.”
Zenayeneh acknowledges that some opposition figures remain outside the process—some by choice, others by circumstance. But the Commission has extended invitations repeatedly. “A dialogue that waits for everyone to agree to participate may wait forever. The process must move forward while continuing outreach.”
What History Will Remember
Zenayeneh concludes with a prediction about what history will actually remember: a moment when Ethiopians—for the first time—sat together across all divides and spoke honestly about their deepest political questions. It will remember a Commission that organised not just grievances but aspirations, not just complaints but solutions.
“The Dialogue is not perfect. But perfection is not the standard—participation is. And by that measure, Ethiopia has achieved something unprecedented.”
His message to intellectuals and critics is clear: “Instead of theorising from outside, consider contributing your expertise. The nation needs thinkers like you inside the room—not just observers outside it.”
Conclusion
Zenayeneh’s response offers a powerful counter-narrative to critiques of Ethiopia’s National Dialogue. It defends the process as painstaking, inclusive, and historic. It acknowledges imperfections while arguing that participation—not perfection—is the standard by which the Dialogue should be judged.
“Thank you for keeping the debate alive,” Zenayeneh writes. “But please, let us not allow perfect to become the enemy of progress.”
This feature news is based on the response of Mr Zenayeneh Girma to Kebour Ghenna, published on July 31, 2026.
The Wrong First Question: A Reflection on Ethiopia’s National Dialogue
In the search for national unity, beginning with grievances may have been the fundamental error
By Kebour Ghenna*
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA — After three years of consultations across Ethiopia and among the diaspora, the National Dialogue has finally reached the stage of discussing the country’s most difficult political questions. The national flag. Its symbols. The future constitutional order. Whether Ethiopia should retain a parliamentary system or adopt a presidential one. Who should exercise authority over Addis Ababa. Federalism. Identity. History. Power.
These are undoubtedly important questions. They are also precisely the questions on which Ethiopians disagree most profoundly. That is why one cannot help wondering whether the Dialogue began with the wrong first question.
Instead of asking, “What future do Ethiopians wish to build together?” the process appears to have begun by asking, “What divides Ethiopians?”
The Philosophy of Disagreement
There is an old observation in political philosophy that nations are not held together by constitutions, flags, or institutions alone. They survive because people continue choosing a common future despite their disagreements. That choice must come before constitutional design—not after it. Unfortunately, the Dialogue appears to have reversed that order.
The philosophy behind the Dialogue seems straightforward: identify every important national dispute, bring representatives together, discuss each issue, and eventually consensus will emerge.
It is an attractive theory. History, however, is less optimistic. People rarely discover unity by beginning with their deepest disagreements. More often, they become better at defending them. A discussion that begins with competing historical narratives usually ends with more refined historical narratives. A discussion that begins with competing constitutional visions usually ends with better-articulated constitutional disagreements. The participants leave having understood one another better—but they do not necessarily trust one another more. Listening is not the same as nation-building.
The Missing Conversation
Perhaps the first phase of the Dialogue should not have collected grievances. Perhaps it should have collected aspirations.
Imagine asking every Ethiopian, regardless of ethnicity, political affiliation, or ideology, only three questions:
- Why should Ethiopia continue to exist as one country?
- What future can we build together that none of us can build separately?
- What am I prepared to sacrifice—not demand—for that common future?
Notice what disappears. The flag disappears. Addis Ababa disappears. Federalism disappears. Not because they are unimportant—but because they become second-order questions. The conversation shifts from ownership to purpose, from rights to responsibilities, from yesterday to tomorrow. Only after establishing a shared destination should a nation begin arguing about the road that leads there.
The Problem of Absence
There is another difficulty. A dialogue derives legitimacy not simply from those who participate but also from those whose participation is indispensable. Many prominent opposition figures remain outside the process. Some are imprisoned. Some are in exile. Others are engaged in armed insurgency. Many influential intellectuals and political actors who advocate fundamentally different visions of Ethiopia’s future do not regard the Dialogue as their own.
Whether one agrees with their positions is almost beside the point. A national dialogue cannot ultimately become national if significant sections of the political nation remain unconvinced by it. Peace is rarely negotiated among those who already agree. It is negotiated among those who fundamentally distrust one another. The harder the conversation, the more important it becomes that every consequential voice sees itself inside the room rather than outside it.
A Nation Is More Than an Agenda
One sometimes has the impression that the Dialogue is attempting to build a nation by assembling an agenda. But nations are not built that way. An agenda is a list of problems. A nation is a shared act of imagination. People do not remain together because every disagreement has been resolved. No nation has ever achieved that. They remain together because they eventually conclude that their common future is more valuable than their separate grievances. That is a political decision before it is a constitutional one.
What History Will Remember
History will not remember how many consultations were conducted, nor how many agenda items were collected, nor how many reports were produced. It will remember only one thing: Did the Dialogue strengthen Ethiopia’s sense of common nationhood? Or did it simply organise Ethiopia’s disagreements more effectively?
There is a profound difference. If Ethiopians leave the Dialogue asking, “Which of our disputes remain unresolved?” the Commission will have organised an impressive national debate. If they leave asking, “What future can we now build together?” it will have done something infinitely more important. It will have begun rebuilding a nation.
That, perhaps, was the question with which the Dialogue should have begun.
“Nations are not held together by constitutions, flags or institutions alone. They survive because people continue choosing a common future despite their disagreements. That choice must come before constitutional design. Not after it.”
*The above feature is based on the reflection of Kebour Ghenna who continued to contribute to Ethiopia’s public discourse.
Swedish Football Dream Turns to Mystery as 20 Ethiopian Youth Players Go Missing After Gothia Cup
GOTHENBURG, Sweden – What was supposed to be a triumphant return home for Ethiopia’s young football ambassadors has instead become a quiet international mystery. Swedish authorities have confirmed that approximately 20 members of an Ethiopian youth football delegation are unaccounted for, having vanished on the final day of the prestigious Gothia Cup in Gothenburg.
The players, part of a delegation that had traveled to Sweden to compete in the world’s largest youth football tournament, did not board their scheduled flight back to Addis Ababa. According to police, the group left the school where they were housed during the tournament and simply did not return.
“They were present at the closing ceremonies, but when the time came to gather for transport to the airport, the group was noticeably absent,” a local police spokesperson stated.
In a development that has puzzled investigators, Swedish authorities have stated that there are currently no signs of foul play or human trafficking. Instead, the police believe the disappearance appears to have been voluntary.
“We are not currently looking at this as a criminal case related to abduction,” the police added. “The indications we have suggest that the individuals chose to leave their accommodation and remain in Sweden of their own accord.”
The Gothia Cup, which hosts over 1,700 teams from around the globe, is often a platform for young athletes to showcase their talent on an international stage. However, it has historically also been a known avenue for migration attempts; previous years have seen similar incidents where athletes have sought asylum in Sweden after their participation in the tournament.
The missing individuals have now been listed internationally as missing persons after failing to return to their home country as planned. The Ethiopian embassy in Stockholm has been notified of the incident and is coordinating with Swedish migration authorities to ascertain the whereabouts of the missing group.
This incident raises fresh questions about the security protocols surrounding large youth sporting events and the vulnerabilities of international delegations traveling to high-income countries. While the players are considered missing, police stress that no crime is currently suspected, focusing their efforts instead on locating the group to ensure their welfare.
“A Warning from the Grave”: Dr. Negasso Gidada’s 2014 Prophecy on the Addis Ababa Master Plan – and Why It Was Ignored
As Ethiopia reels from the aftermath of the 2014 Oromo protests, a newly surfaced document reveals that one of the Constitution’s architects had foreseen the catastrophe – and offered a roadmap to avoid it. His advice went unheeded.
By Our Staff Reporter
In May 2014, just weeks after violent protests erupted across Oromia over the “10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan,” Dr. Negasso Gidada – a key intellectual and co-architect of Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution – sat down to write a sobering analysis. He titled it: “A Tragic Consequence of the ‘10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan’: A Warning for the Future.”
The document, now circulating widely, reads like a dispatch from a man who saw the storm coming. In it, Dr. Negasso dissects the historical grievances, constitutional failures, and political miscalculations that ignited the unrest – and warns that if the root causes were not addressed, the federal system itself could unravel.
Nearly a decade later, his words carry a haunting resonance. The protests that began in Adaamaa University on April 29, 2014, spread to dozens of towns, leaving dozens dead, property destroyed, and ethnic tensions inflamed. The government’s response – a mix of repression and belated appeasement – did little to quell the anger. And, as Dr. Negasso predicted, the underlying issues remain unresolved.
A City Built on Conquest, a Constitution Unfulfilled
Dr. Negasso begins by grounding the crisis in history. Addis Ababa, founded in 1887 by Emperor Menelik and Empress Taitu around the hot spring of Finfinnee, was established on land that belonged to the Oromo of Shawa. He cites British envoy Harris, who in 1844 witnessed King Sahle Sellasie’s forces – armed with European guns – “destroy the Oromo life and resources,” burning homes, capturing women, and slaughtering men. The Oromo of Gulalle, he notes, still remember leaders like Tufa Mona and Birraatuu Goolee who died in those wars.
This historical memory, he argues, is not ancient grievance – it is living pain. And it has been compounded by three modern failures:
1. The Constitution of 1995, which promised Oromia a “special interest” in Addis Ababa (Article 49/5) but never defined it in law.
2. The 2003/2004 decision to move Oromia’s capital to Adaamaa, which sparked student protests and led to mass expulsions and imprisonments.
3. The broken promises of 2005, when OPDO, after losing the election, re-declared Finfinnee as the capital and vowed to build Oromo cultural centres and language schools in the city’s ten districts – none of which materialised.
“Nine years have passed,” Dr. Negasso wrote, “and nothing from the decisions and promises were implemented.”
The Master Plan: A Spark on Dry Tinder
When the “Integrated Master Plan” – which proposed integrating surrounding Oromo towns into Addis Ababa – was publicly announced in March 2014, it struck at this accumulated trauma. The plan was presented as a development initiative, but for Oromo farmers on the city’s fringes, it meant eviction. For Oromo intellectuals, it meant the erasure of their territorial rights. For the youth, it was the final straw.
“Here lies the root cause of the current incident and the tragic consequence,” Dr. Negasso wrote.
The protests were swift and fierce. They began at Adaamaa University, then spread to Haroo Maayaa, Dire Dawa, Bale, Guji, and beyond. By the time Dr. Negasso penned his note, the death toll was mounting – two students killed in a TV room explosion at Haroo Maayaa, others thrown into rivers, and reports of mutilation and ethnic violence. Security forces responded with live fire, and the government issued statements defending the plan while blaming “outside forces.”
A Constitutional Crisis in Plain Sight
Dr. Negasso’s most incisive contribution is his legal analysis. He walks through the Constitution article by article, showing how both the ruling party and nationalist forces were undermining it.
He quotes Article 49/5: “The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa… shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.” That law, he notes, has never been enacted.
He cites Article 40/4, which guarantees peasants the right to land and protection from eviction – a right routinely violated in the suburbs of Addis.
And he warns that if the Constitution is not respected, the federal system could collapse into ethnic conflict. “The end result could also mean the disintegration of Ethiopia which no one of us wants to see.”
What He Prescribed – and What Was Ignored
Dr. Negasso did not merely diagnose; he offered a cure. His recommendations were clear:
· Apologise for the failures: the unfulfilled constitutional provision, the broken promises, the violence by security forces.
· Investigate human rights violations by both state and individual actors, and bring perpetrators to justice.
· Immediately implement Article 49/5 – define Oromia’s special interest, demarcate the boundary, and affirm the jurisdiction of surrounding towns.
· Stop hate propaganda from both “Ethiopianist” and “Oromummaa” camps.
· Launch a national dialogue on the Constitution, the national question, land policy, federalism, and the role of the media.
“We can only try to mend the damage by taking corrective measures based on what we have learnt from the mistakes done,” he wrote.
The Unheeded Warning
Dr. Negasso concluded his note with a plea: “If we want to live together and save our people and country, we should either respect the Constitution as it is or create a situation in which it could be amended and ratified by the people through a referendum.”
The TPLF-led government did neither. The master plan was shelved – but the underlying issues were never resolved. The protests of 2014 would echo in the 2015 elections, and again in the 2016–2018 Oromo uprisings that ultimately reshaped the country’s political landscape.
Dr. Negasso Gidada passed away in 2019. But his note from May 2014 remains a haunting artifact – a warning written in ink, delivered from the grave, and largely ignored by those who had the power to act.
Today, as Ethiopia navigates yet another national dialogue, his words serve as a stark reminder: tragedy is not inevitable, but it is the price of constitutional neglect.
—
This feature is based on Dr. Negasso Gidada’s unpublished note dated May 2014, titled “A Tragic Consequence of the ‘10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan’: A Warning for the Future.”
Constitutional Legitimacy and Federalism in Ethiopia: A Trap in the Making?
With constitutional amendments on the table and a national dialogue that critics call structurally rigged, Ethiopia stands at a crossroads that could determine the fate of its multinational federation
By Prof Asfaw Beyene
There is absolute consensus among Ethiopians on one fundamental truth: the country is bleeding, and a genuinely inclusive, transparent, and democratic dialogue is the only viable exit from the abyss . However, when the very architecture of a peace-building process is engineered to marginalise the country’s largest demographic constituency and dismantle its constitutional foundations, the process ceases to be a dialogue. It becomes a structural trap .
As the Ethiopian National Dialogue Conference commenced on July 15, 2026, the stakes could not be higher. The federal government is preparing a sweeping constitutional reform package that could redefine Ethiopia’s federal structure, with proposals that include amending Article 39—the constitutional provision that enshrines the right of nations, nationalities, and peoples to self-determination, including secession—and replacing ethnicity-based regional boundaries with geography-based ones .
These are not mere policy adjustments; they are existential threats to the constitutional order that has governed Ethiopia since 1995. As Asfaw Beyene’s analysis argues, the national dialogue may be heading toward a “barred trap” from which there is no easy escape .
The Mathematics of Disenfranchisement
At the heart of the controversy lies the decision-making framework of the National Dialogue Commission. According to the Commission’s documented multi-tier decision-making system, the ultimate power to pass or reject national agendas is vested in a Regional Representatives Assembly composed of 211 members .
Every region and city administration is granted exactly 14 representatives, alongside 15 representatives handpicked by the federal government. The result? Oromia, a region home to an estimated 40 million people—roughly 35% to 40% of the Ethiopian population—is granted the exact same voting power (14 seats) as city administrations like Dire Dawa or Harari, which have populations of approximately 500,000 .
Mathematically, Oromia is granted a mere 6.6% of the voting power in the assembly that will decide the fate of the country. This is not equality; it is the systematic erasure of the Oromo voice .
The Danger of Dismantling Federalism
“The outcome of dismantling federalism can be separation, not unity.”
Many constitutional democracies require broad consensus before fundamental constitutional changes take effect. Some do not allow even supermajority voices for constitutional amendment; they require unanimous vote .
In Germany’s Basic Law, the law that establishes Germany’s federalism cannot be amended at all, even by a unanimous vote. In Canada, unanimous provincial consent is required for certain constitutional amendments under the unanimity formula. These systems protect federalism at such high cost because they are aware the alternative would be separation and independence .
They recognize that constitutions should not be altered solely based on the political preferences of a temporary governing majority because they provoke a counter remedy: secession . Ethiopia’s elections did not provide even a majority vote to the ruling party; elections were not organized in many parts of the country for security reasons .
Article 39: A Constitutional Prerequisite, Not a Mere Provision
Article 39 of the Ethiopian constitution must be understood not merely as a constitutional provision, but as a prerequisite upon which the constitutional order itself rests. Recognition of the right to self-determination, including the possibility of secession under Article 39, establishes the foundational boundaries within which the state exists .
Because this principle defines the relationship between the state, its territory, and the peoples composing it, any amendment that would fundamentally alter or remove this guarantee must logically require unanimous consent of a duly established representative body—not a majority vote .
Article 39 is not, by itself, a sufficient condition to unite a country. But it is a prerequisite that establishes the boundaries and consent-based framework through which the country’s territorial and constitutional existence is maintained. An attempt to remove or fundamentally alter this prerequisite would forfeit the very foundation that gives the constitutional system some legitimacy .
The Eritrean precedent is instructive. When Haile Selassie dismantled Eritrea’s legally mandated autonomy and unilaterally dissolved the Eritrea-Ethiopian Federation, followed by full annexation of Eritrea in 1962, this action prompted an armed national movement, triggering the 30-year Eritrean War of Independence .
The Referendum Question
Where a legally recognized political actor has formally advanced a referendum proposal pursuant to the existing constitutional framework, and where the governing law provides a mechanism for a referendum under applicable circumstances, the constitutional process cannot be circumvented through a preemptive amendment designed to render that referendum unnecessary or ineffective .
Article 39 of the Constitution provides a clear procedure for secession: when a demand for secession has been approved by a two-thirds majority of the members of the Legislative Council of the Nation, Nationality or People concerned; and when the Federal Government has organized a referendum which must take place within three years from the time it received the concerned council’s decision for secession .
The referendum proposal submitted by the OLF for independent Oromia constitutes a pending constitutional process that must be addressed according to the law in force at the time it was initiated. Allowing a subsequent amendment to override, extinguish, or bypass a properly raised referendum petition would undermine constitutional certainty, procedural fairness, and the principle that constitutional change must follow established legal procedures .
The View from the Regions
Regional reactions to the proposed constitutional reforms are mixed. Oromia and Somali regions favor preserving the current model, while Amhara and parts of the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR) show growing support for change .
Mulatu Gemechu, vice chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), has argued that the amendment process lacks legitimacy: “One cannot just pop out of a commission and decide to amend [the Constitution]. I was there when it was created. Every element of the Constitution was put in intentionally” .
Dejen Mezgebe, chairman of the Tigray Independence Party, has warned that “this amendment proposal is dangerous, especially for Tigray, which currently has no official or legal representation in federal institutions. Any amendment before Tigray returns to the constitutional order would create a generational crisis” .
Conclusion: A Trap or a Solution?
The constitution amendment is widely seen as a trap to get rid of the Oromo regional state, which is a prerequisite for the secessionist referendum. The Constitution was created through a long, inclusive process of deliberation among all nations and nationalities—a process that reflected the free will of the peoples of Ethiopia . It is impossible to remove the right of secession from the Constitution without violating the foundations of the constitutional order and federalism .
How can the people whose constitutional rights the dialogue is supposed to address be structurally cheated out of their representation? You cannot legally bind a nation to a contract in which its signature was forged .
Instead of ending the tragic wars currently ravaging the country, including the ongoing conflict in Oromia, this manufactured consensus will inevitably exacerbate ethnic polarisation and institutionalise conflict for generations .
“A constitutional amendment cannot be used as a procedural shortcut to defeat a lawful petition or to prevent the electorate from exercising a right that has already been invoked under the existing constitutional order.”
Bonnie Holcomb: The Mother of Oromo Studies
A lifetime of scholarship, sacrifice, and service in the pursuit of Oromo dignity and truth
MINNEAPOLIS, MINNESOTA — For forty years, one name has stood at the centre of Oromo scholarship, guiding the field from its exiled beginnings to global academic recognition. Bonnie Holcomb, co-founder of the Oromo Studies Association (OSA) and Editor-in-Chief of its Journal, has dedicated her life to ensuring that Oromo history, culture, and identity are studied on their own terms.
This year, as the OSA marks its 40th anniversary , the community celebrates not just an organisation, but the extraordinary vision and persistence of one woman—affectionately known as “The Mother of OSA” . In recognition of her lifetime service, a portrait of Holcomb was commissioned from a 15-year-old artist, Qabbanne, reflecting the intergenerational impact of her work .
The Founding of a Movement
The year was 1986 . In exile, scattered across meeting rooms in the diaspora, a small group of Oromo and non-Oromo scholars gathered with a radical idea: to build an independent academic home for the study of a people whose history, culture, and very existence had been systematically erased from mainstream scholarship . They would create a space where knowledge about the Oromo could be produced not by outsiders, but on its own terms .
Bonnie Holcomb was among them.
The OSA was born in direct response to a brutal crackdown—a void in which Oromo heritage was not merely absent from academia and state narratives, but actively suppressed . Those campaigning for greater recognition of the Oromo people were being murdered, tortured, jailed, or driven into exile . The founding of the OSA was an act of intellectual resistance: a refusal to accept erasure and a determination to tell stories that had been silenced .
The Invention of Ethiopia and Other Landmarks
In 1990, Holcomb, alongside fellow founder Sisai Ibssa, co-authored The Invention of Ethiopia: The Making of a Dependent Colonial State in North Africa . The book was a landmark work, offering a radical critique of how Ethiopian history had been represented and exposing a broader set of readers to Oromo history and ethnicity in the Horn of Africa . At its heart was a concern with inequality and a fundamental challenge to dominant state narratives .
The 1990s marked a productive period for Oromo studies, with diaspora intellectuals becoming key actors in the field . The Journal of Oromo Studies (JOS), launched in 1993, grew into the premier peer-reviewed publication for interdisciplinary scholarship on the Oromo people .
A Long and Difficult Road
Holcomb has described the journey as “a long and sometimes a difficult road to reveal evidence and build knowledge which shift the narrative in the region and globally” . This is not hyperbole. For decades, Oromo scholarship faced suppression, neglect, and active hostility. The OSA and its Journal have been more than academic endeavours; they have been an act of intellectual resistance—a refusal to accept the erasure of a people’s history and a determination to tell stories that had been silenced .
Despite these obstacles, the OSA has grown into a global scholarly community spanning continents and disciplines . In a landmark achievement, the Journal of Oromo Studies was recently indexed in Scopus, the gold standard of academic databases—placing it alongside publications from Springer, Elsevier, and Cambridge University Press . Holcomb’s message to contributors and advisors on this achievement reflected both pride and humility: “This publication, and the indexing in Scopus, are notable achievements, all. We have come a long way together” .
The Mother of OSA
The affectionate title “The Mother of OSA” is a testament to Holcomb’s foundational role and her ongoing commitment to the community . She has served as a Board Director and co-chair of the organising team for the 2026 annual conference, continuing to guide the organisation she helped build . Her work has been recognised with an OSA lifetime achievement award .
The theme for the 2026 conference, “Oromo on the Global Landscape: Honoring Asmarom Legesse as OSA Turns 40” , honours another visionary scholar whose work shaped Oromo studies . Asmarom Legesse, author of the landmark Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society (1973), passed away in early 2026 . The conference will take place from July 31 to August 2, 2026, in Minneapolis .
Passing the Torch
In a touching tribute to Holcomb’s legacy, a portrait of her was commissioned from a 15-year-old artist, Qabbanne . This act is itself symbolic: it reflects the intergenerational impact of Holcomb’s work and the future she has invested in. As the OSA enters its fifth decade, the question is whether the next generation will carry the torch forward . Holcomb’s message to the community is also a call to action:
“Please remember that it is the Oromo Studies Association that has conceived, designed, hosted, nurtured, upheld and published the research and scholarship represented in JOS. I urge you all to continue to support OSA, and by extension, its Journal, with donations, membership in OSA and engagement as well as submissions” .
Conclusion
Four decades ago, a small group of exiled scholars dared to imagine a world in which Oromo knowledge was recognised as a contribution to the full breadth of human civilization . Today, that vision is reality . Bonnie Holcomb has been central to that journey. Her legacy is not just the Journal, the conferences, or the Scopus indexing—it is the community of scholars, activists, and artists who continue the work.
As Holcomb wrote, with a warmth that reflects decades of dedication: “Congratulations, one and all” .
The celebration is earned. The legacy is enduring. And the future—if the community continues to support it—is bright.
“Bonnie Holcomb is more than a scholar; she is the architect of a field and the mother of a movement.”
Finfinnee in the Heart of Oromia*: The Founding of Addis Ababa as a Colonial Project
How Menelik II’s garrison towns and the establishment of Ethiopia’s capital city reshaped Oromia, displacing the Oromo people and cementing a system of political and economic control that endures today
FINFINNEE, OROMIA — The bustling streets of Addis Ababa, known to the Oromo as Finfinnee, tell a story of power, conquest, and displacement that remains largely hidden beneath the city’s modern veneer. This is not merely the capital of Ethiopia; it is the heart of a colonial project that began in the late 19th century and continues to shape the lives of millions.
The founding of Finfinnee was not an act of urban planning in the conventional sense. It was the culmination of a deliberate strategy of conquest and control, a military project disguised as a city, designed to secure the domination of the Ethiopian Empire over the Oromo people, the largest ethnic group in the Horn of Africa. As one historical account describes, the city was originally a katama – a military encampment or royal camp, with its neighborhoods laid out “mirroring an army on the march” . This military logic was not accidental; it was the foundation upon which the entire colonial structure was built.
The Strategy of the Katama
The establishment of garrison towns, or katamas, was a central feature of Emperor Menelik II’s colonial expansion. Convinced that more could be gained from the permanent exploitation of the Oromo, Menelik began to occupy conquered districts with permanent garrisons of his troops, providing for their administration under a hierarchy of his own officials. As one historical account notes, the creation of these towns was based on a desire to exercise “more effective control over the Oromo” and to escape interference from rival powers . These were strategically and politically secured regions, designed to serve as nerve centres for the Ethiopian colonial system .
From the mid-19th century, Menelik developed garrison towns such as Ankobar, Dabra Berhan, and Angolala. The last of these was burned by the Oromo in 1868, but was recovered by Menelik. He also developed Leche, Feqre Gimb, Enaware, Tamo, and Warra Illu, where he installed 40,000 soldiers in 1870. The Wallo Oromo attacked and destroyed Warra Illu that same year, but it was rebuilt. This pattern of Oromo resistance and Ethiopian colonial reassertion continued as northern Oromia gradually fell into Ethiopian hands .
Following the submission of northern Oromia, Menelik turned his attention to the Tulama Oromo, who were the residents of Finfinnee and its surroundings. The desire to exercise more effective control led him, in the latter part of 1878, to move to the mountain of Wacaca, where he dug the foundation for a new town, which he named Entoto (later called Old Entoto). In 1882, he transferred his settlement to a place called Dildila, later named New Entoto. These settlements were created by evacuating or enslaving the Oromo living there. After strengthening his army and accumulating massive firearms, Menelik built Addis Ababa on the place known by the Oromo name Finfinnee, between 1886 and 1887 .
The Founding of Finfinnee
The site of Finfinnee was originally chosen by Empress Taytu Betul in 1886, who was attracted by the hot springs in the area . The local Oromo tribes had their lands confiscated, and many were displaced . In its first years, the city was more like a military encampment than a town, with the emperor’s palace surrounded by the dwellings of his troops and retainers . As historian Getahun Benti argues, “From its earliest days, Addis Ababa was the staging station for the economic exploitation and political control of the conquered provinces of which Oromia was the largest” .
The major portion of the Oromo land on which the capital city was founded was divided among thirty-one Ethiopian officials . Army commanders were given large plots of land on which they established their respective camps for their relatives, followers, and war captives. While most Oromos were evicted and forced to migrate to far places, others were permanently marginalised and turned into servants and labourers . Through the proclamation of October 27, 1907, Oromo land became a commodity to be sold and bought, giving Ethiopian and European landlords a great deal more security of tenure .
Making Addis Ababa the centre of commerce, bureaucracy, and employment, the Ethiopian government attracted people from different parts of the world and Abyssinia proper to this city, while the Oromo people were marginalised, segregated, and dehumanised in rural and urban areas alike. The people in the city mainly obtained their food and income from the surrounding Oromos; military commanders, soldiers, and followers depended on the tribute and tax mainly collected from the Oromo people .
Consolidating the Colonial System
The garrison towns gradually evolved into the major geopolitical centres for practising political domination, wealth and capital accumulation, and religious and cultural dissemination . From these garrison centres, Ethiopian soldiers and colonial administrators were dispatched to impose colonial rule on Oromos through subjugation, enslavement, and expropriation of the basic means of production such as land, cattle, and other valuable resources .
Several non-garrison towns emerged in eastern and western Oromia with the development of trade and communication networks. As rail service was introduced, the towns of Aqaqi, Bishoftu, Mojo, Adama, Walanchiti, Metahara, Awash, Mieso, Afdem, Gota, Munesa, and Dire Dhawa flourished. While Oromos were evicted from their urban lands and forced to migrate to rural areas, Abyssinians were encouraged to migrate to cities and towns in Oromia .
The colonisation of Oromia, the development of transportation and communication systems, and the establishment of Addis Ababa and garrison towns facilitated the development of the Ethiopian institutional milieu and created “the integrating nucleus of the colonial economic system” in Oromia, with the collusion of the capitalist world economy. Commodities and food products produced by Oromo labour flowed to and were concentrated in Addis Ababa and other urban centres for local consumption and international markets .
A Legacy of Dispossession
The consequences of this colonial urbanisation are profound. The Ethiopian colonial structure has limited the access of Oromo urban residents, who are a minority in their own cities and towns, to institutions and opportunities such as employment, education, health, mass media, and other public services. The Oromo have been prevented from developing autonomous institutions, organisations, culture, and language, and have been subordinated to the institutions and organisations of the Habasha colonial settlers in their own cities, towns, and homeland .
The Ethiopian state elites and urban communities in Oromia remain determined to maintain the existing political and economic order, investing meagre available resources in building unproductive institutions, such as the army, security infrastructure, and colonial bureaucracy. The Abiy monologue, which he calls a national dialogue, is seen by many as an integral part of the Ethiopian colonial project .
Today, millions of Oromos are exposed to fatal diseases, famine, and massive poverty in Oromia cities and urban centres. Since state-terrorism, poverty, famine, and ethnonational challenges are increasing, and since the major world powers have a role in shaping these problems, they have a moral and political responsibility to become capable of mediating these processes and developing procedures and criteria by which these conflicts must be solved fairly and democratically before it is too late .
Finfinnee’s founding is etched in Oromo collective memory as a site of violent conquest. The legacy of Finfinnee is therefore inseparable from trauma, subjugation, and displacement.
*From Asafa Jalata “Oromian Urban Centers: Consequences of Spatial Concentration of Pinational Ethiopia,” Journal of Oromos Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2, January 2011, pp. 39-74.
Ethiopian Youth Football Team Vanishes After Gothia Cup in Sweden
Twenty young players and team leaders went missing on the final day of the tournament, with police believing the disappearance to be voluntary.
GOTHENBURG, SWEDEN — Swedish police have launched an international search for about 20 Ethiopian youth football players and team leaders who went missing after participating in the Gothia Cup, one of the world’s largest youth football tournaments .
The disappearance occurred on the final day of the tournament, when an administrator at the school housing the Ethiopian team discovered that the players and their accompanying adults had left without notifying anyone . The group includes boys aged between 14 and 17, along with one or more adult leaders .
Gothia Cup organizers contacted police as a precautionary measure, and a formal missing persons report was filed. Ten days after the tournament ended, the group remained unaccounted for and had not returned to Ethiopia .
Police have confirmed that the individuals did not return to Ethiopia and believe the disappearance to be voluntary . According to authorities, there is no evidence suggesting criminal activity or people smuggling behind the incident .
“No indication that anything illegal lies behind this, such as people smuggling or something similar,” Ellinor Halldin from the Swedish police’s missing persons unit told local media .
The Gothia Cup, also known as the World Youth Cup, featured teams from 77 nations this year, including four teams from Ethiopia . Fredrik Beckman, press spokesperson for the tournament, expressed surprise at the incident, noting that organizers had a good relationship with the team .
Police are working with the Swedish Migration Agency, border police, and authorities in other countries to locate the missing group . Officers expect to be alerted if any member of the group attempts to cross a border or comes into contact with officials .
“It is possible that they may be trying to stay in Sweden or another country, but that is speculation at this point,” Halldin added .
The Gothia Cup is an annual international youth football tournament held in Gothenburg, Sweden, attracting teams from around the world.
Victoria Makes Public Transport Half Price and Contactless
Statewide fare cuts and new payment options aim to ease cost-of-living pressures and improve accessibility
MELBOURNE, VICTORIA — Victoria has introduced a 50% fare reduction across all public transport services, a move that will halve travel costs for passengers statewide until 1 January 2027.
The discounted fares, announced by the state government, apply automatically to all services—including trains, trams, and buses—across the entire network. The concession applies to all passengers, including full-fare travellers, concession holders, and visitors.
“Half price fares apply automatically to all public transport services statewide and to all passengers, including concession holders,” the transport authority confirmed.
The fare reduction is designed to ease cost-of-living pressures and encourage more Victorians to use public transport. It comes at a time when household budgets are under strain and as the state continues its post-pandemic economic recovery.
Contactless Payment Rollout Expands
In a complementary move, the government has expanded contactless payment options across Victoria’s public transport network. The new system allows passengers to tap on and off using their bank card, smartphone, or wearable device.
Contactless payment is now available across the tram network and at train stations where myki is accepted. The system is designed to make travel easier and more convenient, particularly for visitors and occasional travellers who do not have a myki card.
However, the contactless option is currently available for full fare customers only.
Important Information for Concession Card Holders
Concession card holders have been advised to continue using their concession myki to ensure they are charged the correct fare. Tap-on with a phone or bank card will apply the full fare, and customers may be incorrectly charged.
“If you are a concession card holder and accidentally tap on with a phone or bank card, wait 30 seconds and tap off with the same device so you are not charged,” the transport authority advised.
Any customers who make a mistake and are incorrectly charged should contact the Transport Victoria Contact Centre on 1800 800 007 to discuss reimbursement options.
A Welcome Relief
The fare reduction has been widely welcomed by commuter groups and community organisations, who have described it as a meaningful intervention to support families and individuals.
A statement from the Public Transport Users Association described the move as a “welcome relief” for Victorian families, noting that half-price fares will make a meaningful difference to the weekly budgets of many households, particularly those who rely on public transport to get to work, school, and essential services.
The government has said that it remains committed to making public transport more accessible and affordable for all Victorians.
The half-price fares apply from now until 1 January 2027. For more information, visit the Transport Victoria website.
Every Answer Matters: Australia’s 2026 Census Approaches
As Census night draws near, multicultural communities are being encouraged to participate and ensure their voices are heard and counted.
AUSTRALIA — On Tuesday 11 August, Australia will conduct its national Census, a vital exercise that captures a snapshot of the nation’s people and housing, telling the story of how we are changing. The data collected is used to shape services that people use every day, helping governments, community groups and businesses plan for healthcare, education, transport and infrastructure.
The Census is held every five years and is compulsory for everyone in Australia on Census night, including visitors, international students and visa holders .
Support for Multicultural Communities
The Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) has developed a range of support options to help people from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds participate. While the Census form is only available in English, information is available in multiple languages. Translated resources can be accessed through the ABS website, and help is available through the Translating and Interpreting Service (TIS National) on 131 450.
Census National Spokesperson Emily Walter said it’s important that Australia’s multicultural communities know what support is available to help them take part.
“Information is available in 25 languages to help the community better understand what the Census is, how it works and what you need to do,” according to the ABS.
Ancestry and Language Questions
For the 2026 Census, Australians will be able to nominate up to four ancestries, an increase from two in previous years, providing a more accurate reflection of the country’s multicultural population. This change has been welcomed by community organisations, who say it helps ensure people from diverse backgrounds are accurately represented.
Community leaders have encouraged people to pay close attention to the ancestry and language questions, as this data helps organisations advocate for the needs of their communities.
“If we want our community to be accurately represented, we need to be accurately counted,” community leaders have said.
How to Complete the Census
Most households will receive a letter in the mail containing a unique 16-digit Census number and temporary password to complete the Census online. Some households will receive a paper form instead.
Once you receive your instructions, you can complete the Census immediately if you know where you will be on Census night.
If you need help, you can:
- Call the Census Contact Centre on 1800 181 227 for assistance in English
- Call TIS National on 131 450 for help in your preferred language
- Visit the ABS website to find in-person support locations near you
Protecting Your Information
The ABS has reassured Australians that personal Census information is protected by law and cannot be shared with agencies such as the Australian Taxation Office, police, landlords or private companies.
“Every answer helps us understand what Australia needs now, and in the future,” the ABS states.
The 2026 Census is on Tuesday 11 August. For more information, visit census.abs.gov.au/language-support.
A New Chapter for Victoria’s Multicultural Communities: Louise Perry Welcomes Reform and Community Leadership
As the VMC transitions to Multicultural Victoria, the new interim Chairperson invites community participation in shaping the state’s diverse future.
MELBOURNE, VICTORIA — In her inaugural address as the interim Chairperson of the Victorian Multicultural Commission (VMC), Louise Perry has struck a tone of optimism and collaboration, heralding a “new era” for Victoria’s multicultural and multifaith communities.
Perry’s appointment marks a critical transitional period for the state, as the Victorian Government introduces legislation to establish Multicultural Victoria, a new statutory body designed to strengthen the way government listens to, engages with, and supports its diverse population.
“It is a privilege to write to you for the first time as Chairperson,” Perry stated. “I am honoured to have the opportunity to serve our multicultural and multifaith communities“.
A Leader with Deep Community Roots
A Victorian woman of Burmese heritage, Perry brings a wealth of experience to the role, including a background in journalism, leadership in community organisations, and a distinguished career in international development and human rights. Her recent role as Deputy Secretary for Fairer Victoria at the Department of Families, Fairness and Housing saw her lead landmark strategies on anti-racism, youth, and gender equality.
“This is an exciting time for multicultural Victoria,” Perry wrote, reflecting on the week’s developments, which saw the introduction of the Bill to amend the Multicultural Victoria Act into Parliament. The proposed legislation seeks to dissolve the VMC and replace it with Multicultural Victoria, a move that aims to modernise how the state engages with its migrant and refugee communities.
Building a More Inclusive Future
The new body is designed to bring together the community engagement functions of the VMC with the policy responsibilities of Multicultural Affairs, creating a more integrated and effective approach. It will be led by a newly created Multicultural Coordinator General, supported by two Deputy Coordinators, one of whom will be dedicated to regional Victoria, and a diverse advisory group.
Perry has emphasised her commitment to building an organisation that reflects the aspirations of the communities it serves, prioritising a “recalibrated and coordinated approach” that promotes cohesion, equity, and inclusion.
“I look forward to working with communities, VMC staff and government as we prepare for legislative changes,” Perry said.
A Call for Community Leadership
As part of the transition, applications are now open for a range of leadership opportunities, including membership of the new Multicultural Community Advisory Group. This is a unique opportunity for community leaders to contribute their experience and insights, ensuring community voices remain central to the future direction of Multicultural Victoria.
Perry encouraged anyone with passion and commitment to shaping Victoria’s multicultural future to consider applying. “I encourage anyone with the passion and commitment for shaping Victoria’s multicultural future to consider applying“. Applications close on Sunday, 9 August.
Looking Ahead
As Perry begins her journey, she has committed to getting out into communities across Victoria, meeting people in person, and learning about their work, aspirations, and the issues that matter most to them.
“Together, we can continue building a Victoria where every community feels heard, valued and connected,” she concluded.
The establishment of Multicultural Victoria is subject to the passage of legislation.
Louise Perry Appointed Interim Chairperson of the Victorian Multicultural Commission
A seasoned leader in human rights and community engagement steps in to guide Victoria’s multicultural sector through a historic transition
MELBOURNE, VICTORIA — As the Victorian Multicultural Commission (VMC) prepares for a significant transformation, Ms Louise Perry has been appointed as interim Chairperson to lead the organisation through a critical transitional period. Her appointment, effective Thursday 16 July, comes as Victoria moves toward the establishment of Multicultural Victoria, a new statutory body that will reshape the state’s approach to multicultural and multifaith affairs .
Perry’s term is interim, extending until Multicultural Victoria is formally established. A Victorian woman of Burmese descent, she brings a wealth of experience spanning journalism, community leadership, international development, human rights, and the Victorian Public Service .
A Career of Service and Advocacy
Louise Perry’s professional journey reflects a deep commitment to social justice and community empowerment. She began her working life as a journalist, developing a keen understanding of storytelling and the power of narrative in shaping public understanding. This foundation led her to leadership roles in community organisations, where she championed the voices of marginalised and underrepresented groups.
Her career later took her into the International Development and Human Rights space, where she worked extensively on issues of justice, equity, and inclusion. This global perspective, combined with her local experience, has equipped her with a nuanced understanding of the challenges and opportunities facing multicultural communities.
Before her appointment to the VMC, Perry served as Deputy Secretary for Fairer Victoria within the Department of Families, Fairness and Housing, where she led landmark work on anti-racism, youth, and gender equality strategies . Her leadership in this role demonstrated her ability to drive systemic change and build partnerships across government and the community sector.
A Vision for Unity and Cohesion
Perry’s appointment comes at a pivotal moment for Victoria’s multicultural and multifaith communities. The transition to Multicultural Victoria represents an opportunity to elevate multicultural affairs across the whole of government, ensuring that diverse voices remain at the centre of policy and service delivery.
“The establishment of Multicultural Victoria presents a unique opportunity for multicultural and multifaith affairs in our state,” Perry said. “I look forward to working with communities, VMC staff and government as we prepare for legislative changes” .
Her leadership is expected to support and uplift Victoria’s multicultural and multifaith communities as champions of unity and cohesion, delivering benefits for all Victorians . The changes she will guide aim to ensure that the new structure is fit for purpose and responsive to the needs of communities .
The Transition to Multicultural Victoria
The establishment of Multicultural Victoria is subject to the passage of legislation . The new body will bring together the functions of the VMC and Multicultural Affairs, creating a unified approach to multicultural policy and community engagement . It will be led by a Multicultural Coordinator General, supported by two Deputy Coordinators General and a Multicultural Community Advisory Group .
The transition reflects a recognition that Victoria’s multicultural communities are not just a part of the state’s identity—they are central to its future. As Perry noted, this is a unique opportunity to strengthen the foundations of multicultural and multifaith affairs.
A Legacy of Leadership
Perry succeeds Vivienne Nguyen AM, who concluded her seven-year tenure as Chairperson on 15 July 2026 . Nguyen’s leadership saw the VMC through the COVID-19 pandemic, flood recovery, and the impacts of international events on multicultural and multifaith communities . Her legacy of community-led engagement and partnership-building has laid the groundwork for the next chapter.
Perry expressed appreciation for Nguyen’s contributions, which she described as “invaluable” and commended the groundwork laid for the future .
Looking Ahead
As Louise Perry steps into her interim role, Victoria’s multicultural and multifaith communities can look forward to a leader with a proven track record of advocacy, collaboration, and systemic change. Her appointment signals continuity and stability during a period of significant transformation.
Applications for leadership positions within Multicultural Victoria—including the Coordinator General, two Deputy Coordinators General, and members of the Multicultural Community Advisory Group—are expected to open shortly. Community members are encouraged to stay informed and participate in shaping the future of multicultural affairs in Victoria.
“The establishment of Multicultural Victoria presents a unique opportunity for multicultural and multifaith affairs in our state. I look forward to working with communities, VMC staff and government as we prepare for legislative changes.”
— Louise Perry, Interim Chairperson, Victorian Multicultural Commission
A Grateful Farewell: Vivienne Nguyen AM Concludes Seven-Year Leadership of the Victorian Multicultural Commission
After guiding Victoria’s multicultural communities through pandemic, flood recovery, and social transformation, the VMC Chairperson’s legacy is one of resilience, inclusion, and hope.
MELBOURNE, VICTORIA — Wednesday 15 July 2026 marks the end of an era for Victoria’s multicultural landscape. Vivienne Nguyen AM, Chairperson of the Victorian Multicultural Commission (VMC), has concluded her seven-year tenure, closing a chapter defined by crisis, celebration, and profound community connection .
Since her appointment in 2019, Nguyen has served as a steadfast advocate for Victoria’s culturally, linguistically, and religiously diverse communities. Her leadership spanned some of the state’s most challenging periods, including the COVID-19 pandemic, flood recovery efforts, and the far-reaching impacts of international events on multicultural and multifaith communities . Under her guidance, the VMC ensured that diverse voices remained central to the state’s response and recovery.
A Legacy of Advocacy and Inclusion
“Being in this role has been an honour and a privilege,” Nguyen reflected. “We have shown that we can live and thrive, and we can overcome adversity no matter the shape and size. Diversity is indeed our strength and our asset.”
Nguyen’s journey to this role began long before her appointment. She arrived in Australia as a 12-year-old refugee from Vietnam, a young girl who would grow into one of Victoria’s most passionate advocates for community engagement and cultural diversity . Over more than 25 years, she has been a leader across corporate, community, and government settings, holding executive roles at AMP Asset Management and ANZ Banking Group, where she led their global diversity strategy .
In 2021, she was appointed a Member of the Order of Australia (AM) in recognition of her significant service to multicultural Victoria . Her contributions have also been acknowledged through the Australian Centenary Medal and induction into the Victorian Honour Roll for advocating for women’s leadership and supporting young Vietnamese people .
“Vivienne Nguyen is a true champion of multiculturalism who goes above and beyond,” said Mr Juma Piri Piri, Chairperson of the Refugee Communities Association of Australia, at the time of her AM recognition .
Strengthening the Foundations of Multicultural Victoria
Under Nguyen’s leadership, the VMC convened the Multifaith Advisory Group, contributed to Victoria’s Anti-Racism Taskforce, and delivered flagship initiatives including Cultural Diversity Week . She played a critical role in the Victorian Government’s pandemic response, partnering with community leaders and peak bodies to deliver unique resources for diverse communities .
Minister for Multicultural and Multifaith Victoria Ingrid Stitt expressed gratitude for Nguyen’s contributions. “I want to thank Vivienne for her valuable contributions to the Victorian Multicultural Commission and to Victoria’s multicultural communities since 2019,” Minister Stitt said.
A Transition to a New Chapter
Nguyen’s departure comes as the Victorian Government prepares for the proposed establishment of Multicultural Victoria, a new statutory body that will bring together the functions of the VMC and Multicultural Affairs, subject to the passage of legislation . This body will have a Multicultural Coordinator General and two Deputies, leading community engagement, advocacy, and accountability functions .
Applications for leadership positions within Multicultural Victoria—including the Coordinator General, two Deputy Coordinators General, and members of the Multicultural Community Advisory Group—are expected to open shortly . Community members are encouraged to keep an eye out for these opportunities and share them widely through their networks.
Ms Louise Perry has been appointed as interim Chairperson to support this transitional period, starting Thursday 16 July. Her term will continue until Multicultural Victoria is formally established .
A Victorian woman of Burmese heritage, Perry brings extensive experience in public policy and community engagement. She has served as Deputy Secretary for Fairer Victoria within the Department of Families, Fairness and Housing, where she led landmark anti-racism, youth, and gender equality strategies .
“The establishment of Multicultural Victoria presents a unique opportunity for multicultural and multifaith affairs in our state,” Ms Perry said. “I look forward to working with communities, VMC staff and government as we prepare for legislative changes” .
A Final Farewell
As Nguyen steps down, her legacy continues through the relationships she has built, the communities she has championed, and the foundation she has helped create for the next chapter of multicultural affairs in Victoria.
“Thank you for allowing me the privilege of serving alongside you,” Nguyen said in her farewell message .
While her role as Chairperson has come to an end, her commitment to Victoria’s multicultural communities remains steadfast. The VMC extends its deepest gratitude to Nguyen for her outstanding leadership and unwavering dedication over the past seven years.
“Diversity is indeed our strength and our asset.”
— Vivienne Nguyen AM, Chairperson, Victorian Multicultural Commission
The Gumaa Reconciliation Process
Gumaa is a sophisticated indigenous institution for resolving blood feuds, aiming to restore social harmony and reintegrate an offender back into the community. The process follows several key stages:
1. Collective Responsibility: The killer’s entire lineage is held corporately liable for the act. The group, not just the individual, is responsible for compensation and initiating the purification ritual. The goal is to restore social ties, not just punish an individual.
2. Negotiation & Compensation: Elders from both sides negotiate a “blood price” (gumaa), traditionally paid in cattle. The amount is determined by the nature of the offense (intentional vs. unintentional) and the severity of the injury, but does not vary based on the age or sex of the victim.
3. The Purification Ritual: This highly symbolic ceremony serves to cleanse the offender and the community.
· Preparation: The offender arrives with face covered, wearing the clothes from the day of the murder, symbolizing their unclean state.
· The Sacrifice: A lamb is sacrificed. The parties stand facing each other, signifying readiness to forgive and be forgiven.
· Symbolic Acts: Elders guide the parties to place their hands inside the sacrificed animal’s stomach to shake hands, symbolizing the “washing away” of the sin. The offender’s face is then uncovered, old clothes are removed, and new ones are put on, marking full reintegration.
4. Covenant & Reintegration: The process often concludes with a waadaa (covenant). The ritual concludes with a shared meal, publicly signifying the end of the feud and the offender’s full return to the community.
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The Irreecha Thanksgiving Festival
Irreecha is a vibrant bi-annual festival of thanksgiving, renewal, and unity, deeply rooted in the Oromo worldview.
· Timing and Types: It is celebrated twice a year:
· Irreecha Malkaa: Celebrated in September/October at lakesides or rivers to thank Waaqa for the end of the rainy season and the coming harvest.
· Irreecha Tulluu: Celebrated in Spring (around March) on hilltops to pray for rain and blessings for the upcoming planting season.
· Key Rituals and Symbols:
· Fresh Grass and Flowers: Participants carry freshly cut green grass and flowers to the sacred site, symbolizing fertility, life, and renewal.
· Water: Rituals are performed near bodies of water considered holy and pure. The grass is dipped in the water, and participants may sprinkle themselves with it as a blessing.
· Prayers and Songs: The festival features communal prayers, songs, and dances led by Qaalluu elders or Abba Gadaa leaders. It is a time to thank Waaqa for blessings and ask for peace (nagaa) and prosperity for the year ahead.
· Prohibitions: Participants are forbidden from attending with resentment or hatred in their hearts.
· Social and Cultural Significance: Beyond its religious roots, Irreecha is a powerful symbol of Oromo identity, unity, and cultural pride. It fosters social bonds and reinforces collective identity. While rooted in Waaqeffannaa, it is now celebrated by many Oromo people regardless of their religion.
The Role of Waaqeffannaa in Peacemaking
Waaqeffannaa, the indigenous monotheistic religion of the Oromo people, plays a profound and multifaceted role in peacemaking that is deeply embedded in its theology, rituals, and social institutions. Its approach to peace is not merely the absence of conflict but a state of holistic harmony with Waaqa (God), fellow humans, and the natural environment.
Theological Foundation: Peace as a Divine Mandate
Peace (nagaa) is a core spiritual value in Waaqeffannaa. Waaqa is believed to be peace itself, and human beings are expected to be peacemakers who do not disturb this divine order. This is embedded in daily life, from the common greeting “Nagaa dha?” (Are you at peace?) to prayers like “Nagaan nu oolchi” (Lead us in peace).
Key Peacemaking Principles: Gumaa and Waadaa
Two central traditional mechanisms for conflict resolution are Gumaa and Waadaa:
· Gumaa: A ritual process of reconciliation, particularly for serious offenses like bloodshed, intended to restore broken relationships and bring peace.
· Waadaa: A covenant or oath that establishes a binding agreement between parties to maintain peace.
Rituals, Festivals, and Community Practices
Peacemaking is reinforced through collective rituals:
· Irreecha: The annual thanksgiving festival where thousands gather to thank Waaqa and publicly preach peace and unity. A central chant is “Nagaa, nagaa!” (Peace, peace!), affirming the community’s collective desire for balance.
· Dhibaayyuu: A thanksgiving ritual that plays a pivotal role in inter-community peacebuilding and sustaining social solidarity.
Institutional Mechanisms: The Gadaa System and Qaalluu Leaders
Waaqeffannaa is closely linked to the Gadaa system, a traditional Oromo governance structure that serves as a viable conflict resolution and peace-building mechanism. Within this system, Qaalluu leaders, as custodians of the faith, often act as mediators, using traditional reconciliation methods to resolve disputes.
Contemporary Relevance and Challenges
While its values align with modern peacebuilding, Waaqeffannaa faces challenges in modern Ethiopia, including historical marginalization and limited freedoms for its adherents. Despite this, its principles offer a powerful, locally-grounded framework for building lasting peace from the community level upward.
In essence, Waaqeffannaa provides a comprehensive blueprint for peace, integrating spiritual belief with practical action to foster reconciliation and social harmony.
The Irreechaa Protocol: From Ancient Healing to Modern Stroke Recovery
What if the path to physical recovery after a stroke lies not in isolation but in community, not in medicine alone but in the sacred rituals that have healed generations?
When we think of stroke rehabilitation, we typically imagine hospital beds, physical therapists, and repetitive exercises. The journey is often described as isolating—a solitary struggle against the body’s betrayal. But what if the most effective recovery intervention has been practiced for centuries, not in clinics, but at the water’s edge, surrounded by thousands of voices raised in song?
The Oromo people’s Irreechaa festival—a thanksgiving celebration held at sacred water bodies like Hora Arsadii and Hora Finfinnee—offers a blueprint for stroke recovery that transcends conventional rehabilitation. It is not merely a cultural festival; it is a sophisticated, community-driven healing protocol that addresses the physical, psychological, and spiritual dimensions of recovery.
The Foundation: Why Ritual Matters in Recovery
Stroke, as a form of brain tissue damage caused by a sudden disruption of blood supply, often results in muscle weakness or paralysis on one side of the body, known as hemiparesis or hemiplegia . Beyond the physical challenges, stroke profoundly affects patients’ psychological and spiritual well-being.
Conventional rehabilitation focuses on regaining motor function through physical therapy, strength training, and range-of-motion exercises. Yet research increasingly recognises that recovery is not purely mechanical. The emotional isolation, loss of identity, and spiritual questioning that accompany stroke require interventions that address the whole person.
This is where Irreechaa enters the picture. For the Oromo people, who have endured generations of political marginalisation and cultural suppression, Irreechaa has functioned as what scholars describe as “cultural therapy”—a cyclical, collective practice that restores dignity, cohesion, and hope . Its choreography—pilgrimage to sacred water, symbolic washing, public prayer, group singing and dancing—provides a template that can be adapted for physical rehabilitation.
The Three Therapeutic Pillars of Irreechaa for Stroke Recovery
1. Recognition: Reclaiming Identity and Agency
One of the most devastating effects of stroke is the loss of identity. A person who once moved freely, worked, and cared for family suddenly becomes dependent on others. This loss mirrors the experience of colonised peoples—the internalised devaluation that comes from being told, directly or indirectly, that you are less than what you were .
Irreechaa counters this through public, mass affirmation . When thousands gather in traditional white attire, singing and performing traditional dances, they are not just celebrating; they are visibly, collectively reclaiming dignity . For a stroke survivor, participation—even passive observation—reaffirms that they remain part of the community. Their identity is not erased by their condition.
The festival’s impact on psychological well-being is significant. Scholars document that the joyful atmosphere counters trauma, while participants see their culture celebrated, combating marginalisation and fostering confidence . For stroke survivors, this sense of belonging and self-worth is a powerful motivator for recovery.
2. Regulation: Movement, Music, and Healing the Body
The physical elements of Irreechaa serve a regulatory function that aligns precisely with evidence-based rehabilitation. Structured songs, rhythmic movement, and shared timing “calm bodies and synchronise emotion” . This mirrors approaches like EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing), where bilateral stimulation helps process traumatic material.
Traditional Oromo songs, known as geerarsa, have a particularly powerful healing function. One form of folksong is designed to “divert the thought of the distressed individual by persuading him through the intricate terminologies” . Even individuals with physical and cognitive impairments can be drawn into the healing experience through these songs.
Scientifically, the combination of water and sound creates immersive environments. Chanting reduces stress hormones and triggers dopamine, promoting transcendence . Movement—however limited—stimulates blood flow and helps maintain flexibility. When tens of thousands move and sing together, the result is a form of community-wide emotional and physical regulation that no individual therapist could replicate.
Research on spiritual practices in stroke rehabilitation supports this approach. One study found that dhikr therapy—practiced by flexing and moving the knuckles of the hand—can reduce stiffness in the joints of stroke patients, supporting muscle flexibility and strength . Irreechaa offers this same principle on a massive scale: repetitive, meaningful movement embedded in a spiritual and social context.
3. Reconnection: Healing the Social Wound
Historical trauma isolates; ritual reconnects . Anthropologists describe how public rituals generate “communitas”—an intense sense of togetherness that suspends everyday hierarchies . At Irreechaa, this communitas creates “prosocial bonds that reduce isolation and renew civic agency” .
For a stroke survivor, social isolation is a major barrier to recovery. Depression, anxiety, and loneliness compound physical limitations. The festival’s intergenerational participation—elders demonstrating rituals, children and youth participating actively—creates a continuity of social bonds that bridges generations . The stroke survivor is not left behind; they remain part of the living chain.
Irreechaa’s role in fostering inclusivity and national healing has been widely recognised, described as “a catalyst for inclusivity in Ethiopia” that “promotes a sense of togetherness” . For the individual survivor, the lesson is clear: recovery is not a solitary journey but a communal one.
The Water Blessing: Symbolic and Practical Healing
The most iconic Irreechaa ritual involves participants entering sacred water and symbolically washing away hardship . This act operates on multiple levels:
- Symbolically, it represents cleansing from past trauma and preparation for renewal.
- Psychologically, it provides a physical mechanism for emotional release.
- Communally, it creates a shared experience that binds participants together.
For a stroke survivor, water also offers practical therapeutic benefits. Hydrotherapy is a recognised rehabilitation technique that reduces joint stress, improves circulation, and provides gentle resistance for muscle strengthening. The sacred waters of Irreechaa offer this benefit within a context of profound meaning.
For diaspora Oromo communities, adaptations of these water rituals in park settings or hilltops serve similar functions . When a traditional water body is unavailable, communities transform other spaces into sacred gathering points. This adaptability suggests that the Irreechaa protocol can be adapted to any setting—including rehabilitation centres, community halls, or home environments.
A Blueprint for Stroke Recovery Intervention
What can the Irreechaa protocol teach rehabilitation professionals, caregivers, and stroke survivors?
1. Recovery Requires Community
The individualised model of rehabilitation misses a crucial element: the healing power of belonging. Interventions that create spaces for group participation, shared music, and collective movement may enhance outcomes.
2. Symbolism Matters
Water, music, movement, and traditional attire are not superficial decorations; they are therapeutic vehicles that engage the whole person—body, mind, and spirit.
3. Repetition Builds Strength
The cyclical, annual nature of Irreechaa mirrors the repetitive practice essential to stroke rehabilitation. Regularity, predictability, and ritualised practice build resilience.
4. Cultural Grounding Is Therapeutic
Cultural practices are not barriers to evidence-based approaches; they are themselves evidence-based approaches refined over generations . Adapting indigenous healing traditions to modern rehabilitation can improve engagement and outcomes.
5. Hope Is a Medicine
Irreechaa’s central message—that renewal is possible—is exactly what a stroke survivor needs to hear. Hope, meaning, and purpose are not sentimental extras; they are essential drivers of recovery.
Conclusion: The Quiet Work of Repair
Irreechaa demonstrates that healing is not only possible but has been practised for centuries. Its protocol—recognition, regulation, and reconnection through public ritual—provides a template that could be adapted for stroke recovery across cultures and contexts.
As scholars of historical trauma note, healing requires “shared remembrance, mourning, and culturally grounded practices that rebuild meaning and agency” . For stroke survivors, the same principle applies. Recovery is not just about regaining muscle strength; it is about rebuilding meaning, reconnecting with community, and reclaiming identity.
Irreechaa’s power is double-edged: the very practices that heal—public recognition, shared emotion, embodied solidarity—can also unsettle established systems of control . But for the stroke survivor seeking to recover, this is not a threat. It is an invitation to reclaim what was lost.
The path forward is not to shrink the wisdom of the ancestors but to secure it. Treat it as a healing asset, adapt its principles to modern practice, and let ritual do its quiet work of repair.
“Irreechaa’s power is double-edged: the very practices that heal—public recognition, shared emotion, embodied solidarity—also unsettle projects that rely on minimising Oromo visibility. The path forward is not to shrink Irreechaa but to secure it: treat it as a national asset, protect rights equally, and let ritual do its quiet work of repair” .
Irreechaa as a Model for Community Mental Health Interventions
Irreechaa as Ritual Repair: How an Ancient Thanksgiving Festival Became a Blueprint for Collective Mental Health Intervention
Far more than a seasonal celebration, the Oromo festival’s water blessings, songs, and communal rituals function as a sophisticated, community-driven therapy for generations of historical trauma
In an era where mental health professionals increasingly recognise the limitations of individual therapeutic models for addressing collective trauma, an ancient festival offers an unexpected but profoundly effective blueprint. For the Oromo people, the Irreechaa celebration—held at sacred water bodies like Hora Arsadii (Bishoftu) and Hora Finfinnee—operates as what scholars describe as “cultural therapy”: a cyclical, collective practice that restores dignity, cohesion, and hope after generations of political marginalisation .
For a people whose late-19th-century imperial incorporation, linguistic suppression, and systematic cultural erasure represent textbook “cumulative, collective wounding,” Irreechaa has become far more than a seasonal celebration . It is a sophisticated, community-based mental health intervention that has sustained Oromo resilience for centuries. By examining the Irreechaa protocol—its structure, its symbols, and its therapeutic mechanisms—we may find a model for collective healing that transcends cultural boundaries.
The Foundation of Collective Trauma
The Oromo experience of historical trauma is severe and systematic. Late-19th-century imperial expansion violently incorporated Oromo homelands into the Ethiopian Empire, followed by over a century of political and cultural subordination . Oromo institutions, including aspects of the Gadaa governance system, were constrained or suppressed, and the public status of Afaan Oromoo was systematically diminished.
This represents what scholars term “cumulative, collective wounding”—mass harms that echo across generations through families and institutions . The result is not merely individual psychological distress but a community-wide experience of internalised devaluation, social fragmentation, and disconnection.
Conventional mental health approaches—individual therapy, medication, and cognitive interventions—can address symptoms but often fail to heal the underlying collective wounds. Irreechaa offers an alternative: a community-based intervention designed to restore what was broken collectively.
The Therapeutic Structure of Irreechaa
Irreechaa’s choreography follows a remarkably consistent pattern: pilgrimage to sacred water, symbolic washing, public prayer, group singing and dancing, and the leadership of elders . This structure aligns precisely with what anthropologists identify as the key elements of “ritual repair” .
Recognition: Countering Internalised Devaluation
One of the most insidious effects of historical oppression is internalised inferiority—members of marginalised groups absorb the dominant society’s negative messages about their identity. Irreechaa counters this through public, mass affirmation . When millions gather in traditional white attire, singing and performing traditional dances, they are not just celebrating; they are visibly, collectively reclaiming dignity .
The festival’s impact on psychological well-being is significant. Scholars document that the joyful atmosphere counters trauma from oppression, displacement, or recent conflicts, while youth see their culture celebrated, combating marginalisation and fostering confidence . The sense of pride and self-worth cultivated at Irreechaa is particularly important for younger generations, who carry the Oromo legacy forward .
Regulation: Choreographing Healing through Music and Movement
The physical elements of Irreechaa serve a regulatory function that echoes evidence-based trauma interventions. Structured songs, rhythmic movement, and shared timing “calm bodies and synchronise emotion” . This mirrors approaches like EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing), where bilateral stimulation helps process traumatic material.
Traditional Oromo songs, known as geerarsa, have a particularly powerful healing function. One form of folksong is designed to “divert the thought of the distressed individual by persuading him through the intricate terminologies” and has “strong power of meeting the requirements or to draw attention of the listener” . Even individuals with mental illness can be drawn into the healing experience through these songs .
Scientifically, the combination of water and sound creates immersive ritual environments. Chanting reduces stress hormones and triggers dopamine, promoting transcendence . When tens of thousands move, sing, and splash in sacred waters together, the result is a form of community-wide emotional regulation that no individual therapist could replicate.
Reconnection: Rebuilding Social Bonds
Historical trauma isolates; ritual reconnects. Anthropologists have long described how public rituals generate what they call “communitas”—an intense sense of togetherness that suspends everyday hierarchies . At Irreechaa, this communitas creates “prosocial bonds that reduce isolation and renew civic agency” .
The festival’s intergenerational participation reinforces this reconnection. Elders demonstrate rituals like eebba (blessings) and traditional dances, while children and youth participate actively, creating a continuity of social bonds that bridges generations . This is not simply a pleasant experience; it is a vital antidote to the social fragmentation that oppression produces.
Irreechaa’s role in fostering inclusivity and national healing has been widely recognised, with the festival described as “a catalyst for inclusivity in Ethiopia” that “promotes a sense of togetherness and fosters a spirit of inclusivity, reminding us that despite our differences, we are all part of the same human family” .
The Water Blessing: Symbolic Washing Away
The most iconic Irreechaa ritual involves participants entering sacred water and symbolically washing away hardship, or performing libation rituals using water and fresh grass (Birraa) . This act operates on multiple levels:
- Symbolically, it represents cleansing from past trauma and preparation for renewal .
- Psychologically, it provides a physical mechanism for emotional release.
- Communally, it creates a shared experience that binds participants together.
For diaspora Oromo communities, adaptations of these water rituals in park settings or hilltops serve similar functions, connecting a community separated by geography to the healing practices of their ancestors . The Melbourne community, for example, transformed Dandenong Hill into a sacred gathering point when a traditional water body was unavailable . Planting trees alongside these symbolic rituals extends the theme of renewal to ecological consciousness .
The Shadow: When Healing Attracts Threat
The very power that makes Irreechaa therapeutic also makes it threatening to forces seeking to maintain dominance . The 2016 Bishoftu tragedy—where security forces’ crowd control triggered a stampede that killed scores—etched a deep collective trauma into Oromo memory . This event reinforced fears that peaceful cultural gatherings can be violently disrupted.
Subsequent Irreechaa celebrations have often featured heavy policing, preemptive arrests, and restrictions that rights groups criticise as disproportionate . The “securitisation” of Irreechaa reflects a fundamental reality: visible, unified collective identity threatens projects that rely on minimising that group’s visibility and power .
The festival’s security challenges are well-documented. As one analysis notes, “this pattern sustains a feedback loop: securitisation communicates distrust of Oromo mass assembly; participants experience retraumatisation; organisers double down on the festival’s identity-affirming message, which authorities then read as political mobilisation” .
A Blueprint for Collective Intervention
What can the Irreechaa protocol teach mental health practitioners, community organisers, and policymakers?
1. Collective Healing Requires Collective Ritual
Individual therapy cannot fully address historical trauma because the wound is communal. Interventions must create spaces where communities can heal together .
2. Symbolism Matters
Water, music, movement, and traditional attire are not superficial decorations; they are therapeutic vehicles that engage the whole person .
3. Intergenerational Participation Is Essential
Children and elders healing together creates continuity that individual approaches cannot achieve .
4. Regularity Builds Resilience
Irreechaa’s cyclical nature—held annually, marking seasonal change—provides ongoing, predictable support that communities can rely on .
5. Cultural Grounding Is Strength
Cultural practices adapted to trauma healing are not barriers to evidence-based approaches; they are themselves evidence-based approaches refined over generations .
Conclusion: Ritual as Quiet Repair
Irreechaa demonstrates that collective healing is not only possible but has been practised for centuries. Its protocol—recognition, regulation, and reconnection through public ritual—provides a template that could be adapted across cultures and contexts .
As scholars of historical trauma note, healing requires “shared remembrance, mourning, and culturally grounded practices that rebuild meaning and agency” . The Irreechaa protocol provides exactly that: a culturally grounded practice that rebuilds meaning and agency for millions.
The path forward, as one analysis concludes, is “not to shrink Irreechaa but to secure it: treat it as a national asset, protect rights equally, and let ritual do its quiet work of repair” . For mental health professionals, the lesson is clear: the best interventions may not be found in clinical manuals but in the living traditions of communities that have survived and thrived despite centuries of attempted erasure.
Irreechaa’s power is double-edged: the very practices that heal—public recognition, shared emotion, embodied solidarity—also unsettle projects that rely on minimising Oromo visibility. The path forward is not to shrink Irreechaa but to secure it.
The Irreechaa Protocol: How an Ancient Festival Provides a Blueprint for Collective Mental Health Intervention
What if healing from trauma is not meant to be a solitary journey but a communal ritual—one that has been practised for centuries?
In an era where mental health professionals increasingly recognise the limitations of individual therapeutic models for addressing collective trauma, a centuries-old festival offers an unexpected but profoundly effective blueprint. The Oromo people’s Irreechaa—an annual thanksgiving celebration held at sacred water bodies like Hora Arsadii (Bishoftu) and Hora Finfinnee—functions as what scholars describe as “cultural therapy”: a cyclical, collective practice that restores dignity, cohesion, and hope after generations of political marginalisation .
For a people who have endured conquest, linguistic suppression, and systematic cultural erasure, Irreechaa is far more than a seasonal celebration. It is a sophisticated, community-based mental health intervention that has sustained Oromo resilience for centuries. By examining the Irreechaa protocol—its structure, its symbols, and its therapeutic mechanisms—we may find a model for collective healing that transcends cultural boundaries.
The Foundation of Collective Trauma
The Oromo experience of historical trauma is textbook in its severity. Late-19th-century imperial expansion violently incorporated Oromo homelands into the Ethiopian Empire, followed by over a century of political and cultural subordination . Oromo institutions, including aspects of the Gadaa governance system, were constrained or suppressed, and the public status of Afaan Oromoo was systematically diminished .
This represents what scholars term “cumulative, collective wounding”—mass harms that echo across generations through families and institutions . The result is not merely individual psychological distress but a community-wide experience of internalised devaluation, social fragmentation, and disconnection.
Conventional mental health approaches—individual therapy, medication, and cognitive interventions—can address symptoms but often fail to heal the underlying collective wounds. The Irreechaa protocol offers an alternative: a community-based intervention designed to restore what was broken collectively.
The Therapeutic Structure of Irreechaa
Irreechaa’s choreography follows a remarkably consistent pattern: pilgrimage to sacred water, symbolic washing, public prayer, group singing and dancing, and the leadership of elders . This structure is not accidental; it aligns precisely with what anthropologists identify as the key elements of “ritual repair.”
Recognition: Countering Internalised Devaluation
One of the most insidious effects of historical oppression is internalised inferiority—members of marginalised groups absorb the dominant society’s negative messages about their identity. Irreechaa counters this through public, mass affirmation . When millions gather in traditional white attire, singing Dhaanto, and performing the Shaggooyee dance, they are not just celebrating; they are visibly, collectively reclaiming dignity .
For Oromo youth—particularly those in the diaspora—this public celebration of their culture combats marginalisation and fosters confidence . It tells them that their identity is not something to hide but something to celebrate with pride.
Regulation: Choreographing Healing
The physical elements of Irreechaa serve a regulatory function that echoes evidence-based trauma interventions. Structured songs, rhythmic movement, and shared timing “calm bodies and synchronise emotion” . This mirrors approaches like EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing), where bilateral stimulation helps process traumatic material.
Psychologically, this is “psycho-bio-social regulation” . The body and mind work together to process emotional material, with collective synchrony amplifying the therapeutic effect. When tens of thousands move and sing together, the result is a form of community-wide emotional regulation that no individual therapist could replicate.
Reconnection: Rebuilding Social Bonds
Historical trauma isolates; ritual reconnects. Anthropologists have long described how public rituals generate what they call “communitas”—an intense sense of togetherness that suspends everyday hierarchies . At Irreechaa, this communitas creates “prosocial bonds that reduce isolation and renew civic agency” .
The festival’s multi-generational participation reinforces this reconnection . Elders demonstrate rituals like the Eebba (blessings) and traditional dances , while children and youth participate actively, creating a continuity of social bonds that bridges generations. This is not simply a pleasant experience; it is a vital antidote to the social fragmentation that oppression produces.
The Water Blessing: Symbolic Washing Away
The most iconic Irreechaa ritual involves participants entering sacred water and symbolically washing away hardship . This act operates on multiple levels simultaneously:
Symbolically, it represents cleansing from past trauma and preparation for renewal. Psychologically, it provides a physical mechanism for emotional release. Communally, it creates a shared experience that binds participants together.
For diaspora Oromo, adaptations of this water ritual in park settings serve similar functions, connecting a community separated by geography to the healing practices of their ancestors . Planting trees alongside these symbolic water rituals extends the theme of renewal to ecological consciousness .
The Shadow: When Healing Attracts Threat
The very power that makes Irreechaa therapeutic also makes it threatening to forces seeking to maintain dominance. The 2016 Bishoftu tragedy—where security forces’ crowd control triggered a stampede that killed scores—etched a deep collective trauma into Oromo memory . This event reinforced fears that peaceful cultural gatherings can be violently disrupted.
Subsequent Irreechaa celebrations have often featured heavy policing, preemptive arrests, and restrictions that rights groups criticise as disproportionate . The “securitisation” of Irreechaa reflects a fundamental reality: visible, unified collective identity threatens projects that rely on minimising that group’s visibility and power .
Yet the festival continues to grow. In 2025, tens of thousands gathered in Addis Ababa and Bishoftu, with Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed addressing the crowd . The celebration has become a complex space where cultural resurgence, political symbolism, and community grievance intersect .
A Blueprint for Collective Intervention
What can the Irreechaa protocol teach mental health practitioners, community organisers, and policymakers?
1. Collective Healing Requires Collective Ritual
Individual therapy cannot fully address historical trauma because the wound is communal. Interventions must create spaces where communities can heal together.
2. Symbolism Matters
Water, music, movement, and traditional attire are not superficial decorations; they are therapeutic vehicles that engage the whole person.
3. Intergenerational Participation Is Essential
Children and elders healing together creates continuity that individual approaches cannot achieve.
4. Regularity Builds Resilience
Irreechaa’s cyclical nature—held annually, marking seasonal change—provides ongoing, predictable support.
5. Cultural Grounding Is Strength
Cultural practices adapted to trauma healing are not barriers to evidence-based approaches; they are themselves evidence-based approaches refined over generations.
Conclusion
Irreechaa demonstrates that collective healing is not only possible but has been practised for centuries. Its protocol—recognition, regulation, and reconnection through public ritual—provides a template that could be adapted across cultures and contexts.
As scholars of historical trauma note, healing requires “shared remembrance, mourning, and culturally grounded practices that rebuild meaning and agency” . The Irreechaa protocol provides exactly that: a culturally grounded practice that rebuilds meaning and agency for millions.
For mental health professionals, the lesson is clear: the best interventions may not be found in clinical manuals but in the living traditions of communities that have survived and thrived despite centuries of attempted erasure. The Irreechaa protocol is not just a festival; it is a toolkit for collective mental health, refined over generations and proven effective by the very survival of the Oromo people.
“Irreechaa’s power is double-edged: the very practices that heal—public recognition, shared emotion, embodied solidarity—also unsettle projects that rely on minimising Oromo visibility. The path forward is not to shrink Irreechaa but to secure it: treat it as a national asset, protect rights equally, and let ritual do its quiet work of repair” .
The 8th Conference of Judicial Officers of the South-West Shewa Zone
Strengthening the Judiciary through Service, Integrity and Professional Excellence
Waliso, Oromia — The 8th Conference of Judicial Officers of the South-West Shewa Zone was officially held in the town of Waliso, under the theme: “We Will Work with a High Spirit of Service to Provide the Public with Pure, Efficient and Acceptable Judicial Services!”
The conference, which brought together judges and legal professionals from across the zone, served as an important platform to evaluate court performance, discuss challenges, and chart a path toward improved service delivery. It concluded with a recognition ceremony honouring judicial officers who had recorded outstanding achievements .
Focus on Quality and Efficiency
During the conference, a key presentation was delivered under the title “Causes for the Cancellation and Improvement of Cases: The Reality of the Courts of the South-West Shewa Zone and the Direction of Solutions” . This session sparked in-depth discussions among the participants, highlighting the commitment of the judiciary to learning from past shortcomings and enhancing the quality of its rulings .
The theme of the conference reflects a broader reform effort to ensure that the judiciary is not only independent but also responsive to the needs of the public. As noted in previous judicial gatherings in Oromia, the primary goal is to improve access to justice and strengthen public trust in the legal system .
Participants and Attendance
The event was attended by a wide range of judicial and administrative officials, including:
- Judges of the Zonal Courts ;
- Representatives from the Oromia Supreme Court ;
- Judicial officers from neighbouring zones and city courts;
- Heads of sector offices from the zone and the town of Walisoo;
- Court administrators and other legal professionals .
The broad representation underscores the coordinated efforts across different levels of the judiciary to align practices and share experiences. Previous zonal conferences, such as those in Jimma and other parts of Oromia, have similarly focused on utilising technology and improving the quality of judicial services .
Recognition of Excellence
One of the highlights of the conference was the presentation of certificates of recognition to judges and court officials who had demonstrated exemplary performance. This practice is common in Oromia’s judicial sector reforms and aims to motivate legal professionals to uphold the highest standards of integrity and service.
The recognition was part of a broader effort to strengthen the rule of law and ensure that the judiciary remains a pillar of justice in the region. Recent reports, however, have also highlighted the difficulties facing the judiciary, including incidents of judges being unlawfully arrested and intimidated, underscoring the importance of such gatherings to reaffirm judicial independence.
Conclusion
The successful conclusion of the 8th Conference of the Judicial Officers of the South-West Sheba Zone reflects a renewed commitment to a judiciary that is accessible, transparent and accountable. In the face of security and administrative challenges, the spirit of service and integrity shown by judicial officers is a beacon of hope for a just and fair legal system .
The Two Humiliations of TPLF: A Reflection on Power, Pride, and the Oromo Awakening
In the shifting sands of Ethiopian politics, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front has suffered wounds that time has not healed—and the Oromo people remain the central characters in this unfolding drama
In the annals of Ethiopian political history, few organizations have risen as high or fallen as dramatically as the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). For nearly three decades, it dominated the political landscape of the Ethiopian Empire, ruling with an iron fist while projecting an image of revolutionary legitimacy. Yet today, the TPLF finds itself nursing wounds that history will not allow it to forget—wounds inflicted not by foreign enemies but by the very people it sought to subjugate.
The reflection of Abba Ebba offers a searing analysis of what he calls the “two humiliations” of the TPLF—humiliations that, in his view, are inextricably linked to the Oromo people and their awakening. These are not merely military defeats but moral and political reckonings that the TPLF has been unable to accept or process.
The First Humiliation: The Fall of Mekelle
“For 27 years, like the saying ‘the hare’s skin cannot cover the elephant,’ the TPLF tried to stretch its hide over an empire too vast for its frame. In the final hour, it was the sons and daughters of Oromo—the Qeerroo and Qarree—who stood before tanks with empty hands and brought down the regime. They made the TPLF retreat to Mekelle, dragging its ill-gotten wealth behind it. This is the first humiliation that remains unhealed to this day.”
The 2018 Oromo protests were not merely a political uprising—they were a seismic shift in the Ethiopian political landscape. The Oromo youth, known as the Qeerroo and Qarree, rose in a wave of popular resistance that the TPLF could not contain. The protests were decentralized, leaderless, and yet remarkably unified in their demands for justice, equality, and an end to the TPLF’s domination .
The TPLF, which had ruled Ethiopia for 27 years, was forced to abandon power and retreat to its northern stronghold of Mekelle. This was not a defeat by a rival military force but a collapse in the face of unarmed civilian resistance. The humiliation was profound and, according to Abba Ebba, has never been truly accepted by the TPLF leadership.
“The TPLF was defeated by the popular wave that ignited from one end of Oromia to the other—a wave that was part of the Oromo liberation struggle. This is an undeniable truth. The Oromo is an elephant; when it tramples, it crushes. The TPLF was forced to swallow this reality, whether it liked it or not.”
The Second Humiliation: The Retreat to Mekelle
The second humiliation followed the first. After initially retreating to Mekelle, the TPLF sought to reassert its influence on the national stage. It formed alliances with various forces—including some within the Amhara political spectrum—and attempted to challenge the Prosperity Party government.
However, this effort ended in another defeat. The TPLF was forced to retreat once again to Mekelle, leaving behind its ambitions and its allies, having consumed itself in the fires it had ignited. This second retreat, Abba Ebba argues, is the other humiliation that remains raw and unprocessed .
“When the TPLF was about to return to Addis Ababa, it found itself burned by the fire it had started. It was forced to retreat to Mekelle—another humiliation that has not faded.”
The Unlearned Lesson
Despite these humiliations, the TPLF has not learned its lesson. Instead, it continues to prepare for a new war, this time under the cover of the Prosperity Party government’s own challenges. After four years of uninterrupted military preparation, the TPLF is once again positioning itself for conflict .
Abba Ebba warns that this preparation is driven by a desire for revenge—a desire to settle scores with the Oromo people who, in the TPLF’s view, are responsible for its humiliations. “Under the cover of the Prosperity Party government, the TPLF is seeking to take revenge on our people for its past humiliations.”
The Unnecessary Price
Abba Ebba poses a pointed question: why must the Oromo people pay the price for the TPLF’s ambitions? Why must Oromia become a battlefield for conflicts that are not of its making?
“The TPLF did not need to travel 600 kilometres into the heart of the country, into the breadbasket of Ethiopia—Oromia. It could have declared Eritrea-style independence when the Derg fell, and it could do so today. All it needs is to settle its accounts and secure the consent of its people.”
The TPLF’s refusal to accept defeat has left the Oromo people caught between multiple threats. On one hand, there is the TPLF’s continued military preparations and its desire for revenge. On the other, there are forces like Fano and other armed groups that have also targeted Oromo communities.
The Oromo Elite’s Responsibility
Abba Ebba also points a finger at the Oromo elite, accusing them of failing to fulfill their responsibilities. The Oromo people, who have paid the heaviest price in the struggle against the Ethiopian Empire, now face a dual threat: the TPLF’s revanchism and the Oromo elite’s failure to protect the gains of the struggle.
“The Oromo elite has failed to protect the historic victory achieved by the Oromo popular struggle. It has also failed to protect the constitutional right to self-determination—the right to democracy, justice, and self-rule—from being undermined.”
This failure, Abba Ebba argues, has allowed the Oromo people to be marginalized and treated with suspicion by their neighbours. The Oromo elite’s failure to step up has left the people vulnerable to manipulation and exclusion.
A Call to Vigilance
Abba Ebba concludes with a call to the Oromo people:
“Our people must prepare themselves for the danger of the approaching war and actively monitor the situation. The war that is being prepared—whether by TPLF or by the Fano forces—poses a threat to the next generation of Oromo. Decisive action must be taken to find a lasting solution.”
He insists that Oromia must not become a doormat for the ambitions of others. “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
A Historical Warning
The reflection of Abba Ebba is not merely a commentary on contemporary politics—it is a historical warning. It reminds the Oromo people that the TPLF, despite its humiliations, has not abandoned its ambitions. The two humiliations remain unhealed, and the TPLF continues to seek revenge.
But the reflection also carries a message of hope and resolve. The Oromo people, having risen once, can rise again. The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
Conclusion
The two humiliations of the TPLF are more than military or political defeats—they are symbolic wounds that the organization has not been able to accept. The TPLF’s refusal to learn from its past has left the Oromo people facing a renewed threat. But the Oromo people, having already demonstrated their power, are not powerless.
As Abba Ebba declares: “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
The Debate Over Finfinne: Citizenship, Nationality, and the Right to Self-Determination
In Ethiopia’s complex federal system, the status of the capital city has become a flashpoint for competing visions of identity, rights, and constitutional interpretation
FINFINNE, ETHIOPIA — A provocative statement by Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa has reignited debate over the status of Finfinne (Addis Ababa) and the rights of its residents, challenging what he describes as “baseless” calls for the city’s self-determination while affirming the constitutional framework that places it within Oromia.
“Finfinne is one of the cities of Oromia” , Dr. Tsegaye asserts, grounding his argument in Ethiopia’s federal constitution and the regional constitution of Oromia . The statement has drawn both support and criticism in a country where the status of the capital city remains a sensitive political issue.
A City of Many Peoples
Finfinne, with its population estimated at between 3 and 4 million, is a microcosm of Ethiopia’s remarkable diversity. People from all regions of the country have made the city their home, bringing with them their languages, cultures, and traditions .
“Their coming is a blessing. Their presence is beautiful. It is beauty itself,” Dr. Tsegaye writes, acknowledging the contributions of migrants who have enriched the capital’s social and cultural fabric.
These residents, he emphasizes, are full rights-bearing citizens of both the country and the region. Their rights are guaranteed under Ethiopia’s constitution (Chapter 3), the Oromia constitution, and other relevant laws. State and regional governments are constitutionally obligated to protect and fulfill these rights .
Residents, Not a Nation
Despite the rich diversity of its population, Dr. Tsegaye draws a sharp legal distinction: “The residents of Finfinne are residents, citizens—not a nation.”
While each individual citizen retains their ethnic identity—with many having ties to their regions of origin—the residents of Finfinne collectively do not constitute a “nation” as defined under Ethiopia’s constitutional framework .
The Ethiopian constitution grants the right to self-determination to “nations, nationalities, and peoples,” defined in Article 39(5) as groups with shared culture, language, identity, and a sense of common history . Residents of Finfinne, however diverse, do not meet these criteria as a collective group.
Individual Rights vs. Collective Rights
Dr. Tsegaye draws a crucial distinction between two types of rights:
Individual rights that accrue to all citizens—including the right to education in one’s language, cultural expression, religious freedom, and preservation of identity—are fully guaranteed to residents of Finfinne .
Collective rights—specifically, the right of a group to self-determination—are reserved for groups that constitute “nations” under Ethiopian law. Such groups must meet the constitutional criteria defined in Article 39(5) .
According to Dr. Tsegaye, residents of Finfinne do not meet this constitutional threshold. They are not a “nation” but rather a diverse collection of individuals from various nations. Therefore, any movement seeking self-determination for the city of Finfinne as a collective entity is constitutionally baseless .
As he states, “If they were to be properly settled according to this criterion, they would be Oromo, and their region would be Oromia.”
The Call for Self-Determination
The debate over Finfinne’s status is not merely academic. In recent years, some voices have called for the city to exercise self-determination, either as an independent federal city or through other arrangements.
Dr. Tsegaye characterizes these calls as “baseless and anti-Oromo” . The phrase “anti-Oromo” likely reflects the perspective that these efforts threaten Oromo rights and the territorial integrity of Oromia.
However, the debate cuts multiple ways. Those advocating for Finfinne’s self-determination argue that the city’s residents have distinct interests that may not be fully represented by either the federal or regional government.
The Constitutional Framework
The Ethiopian constitution is one of the few in Africa that explicitly recognizes the right of nations, nationalities, and peoples to self-determination, including the right to secession .
The constitution also establishes Finfinne (Addis Ababa) as a special city, with its status and boundaries determined by the federal government. This has been a source of tension between the federal government and Oromia, with some Oromo nationalists arguing that the city rightfully belongs to Oromia.
Dr. Tsegaye’s argument is grounded in the constitutional text as he interprets it, but the constitution’s provisions on Finfinne’s status have been subject to multiple interpretations.
A Citizen, Not a Nation
The heart of Dr. Tsegaye’s argument is that Ethiopian citizenship must be distinguished from nationality. All Ethiopians are citizens, but they belong to nations, nationalities, or peoples as defined in the constitution. Residents of Finfinne are citizens first, and their ethnic identity is separate from their status as residents of the capital .
In a country where ethnic federalism is both a constitutional principle and a political reality, the distinction matters. It shapes access to resources, political representation, and even legal status.
His final counsel to residents of Finfinne is clear: “Leave this ‘Addis Ababa should determine its own destiny’ noise, and protect your citizenship rights. It is counsel” .
Conclusion
Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa’s intervention enters a contentious and evolving debate with significant political and legal implications. His emphasis on the constitutional text, the distinction between individual and collective rights, and the specific status of Finfinne as a city within Oromia reflects one interpretation of Ethiopia’s complex federal framework.
Yet the status of Finfinne remains one of the most sensitive and unresolved issues in Ethiopian politics. The debate over whether the city is the capital of Ethiopia, the seat of the Oromo people, or something else entirely continues to shape political discourse.
“The residents of Finfinne are residents, citizens—not a nation.”
Why Unity Remains a Constant Theme in the Oromo Freedom Struggle
In the face of colonial domination and systemic oppression, the call for Oromo unity is not just a political slogan—it is a survival strategy, a moral imperative, and the foundation of a centuries-old struggle for liberation
The Oromo freedom struggle is one of the longest-running national liberation movements in Africa. For over a century, the Oromo people have resisted colonial domination, cultural suppression, and political marginalisation within the Ethiopian Empire. Throughout this long and arduous journey, one theme has remained constant: the call for unity.
Unity is not merely a rhetorical device in Oromo political discourse. It is a practical necessity, a moral principle, and a historical lesson that has been learned through generations of struggle. To understand why unity remains so central to the Oromo cause, we must look at the history of oppression, the nature of colonial strategy, and the lessons learned from both successes and failures.
The Colonial Strategy: Divide and Rule
The Ethiopian Empire was built through conquest. In the late 19th century, Emperor Menelik II’s armies, armed with European rifles, swept through the Oromo territories, confiscating land, imposing a feudal system of tribute and forced labor, and suppressing Oromo institutions such as the Gadaa system. The neftegna-gabbar system was not a metaphor—it was a system of land confiscation, tribute extraction, and forced labour that persisted for generations .
“When Menelik’s armies swept through what is now Oromia in the 1880s and 1890s, they did not arrive as liberators. They arrived with rifles purchased from European powers, with a feudal ideology that viewed the southern peoples as pagans to be civilised and their land as empty territory to be claimed” .
To maintain control over a conquered population that vastly outnumbered the colonisers—Oromos comprise roughly 35% of Ethiopia’s population —the imperial state employed a classic colonial strategy: divide and rule. Oromo society was fragmented, regional differences were exploited, and some Oromo elites were co-opted into the colonial administration. This strategy of fragmentation served the coloniser’s interests by preventing the emergence of a unified Oromo national consciousness .
The suppression of Oromo unity was not incidental to colonial rule—it was essential to it. A united Oromo nation posed an existential threat to the colonial system. This is why successive Ethiopian governments have sought to undermine Oromo unity, whether through direct repression or through the co-optation of Oromo elites into the state structure .
The Birth of National Consciousness
The 1960s marked a turning point in Oromo political consciousness. Oromo intellectuals and artists began to articulate their dissatisfaction with socio-economic deprivation and what was seen by some as ethnic oppression . The Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association (MTA), founded in the 1960s, represented one of the first organised attempts to build Oromo unity across regional and clan divisions .
The Haile Selassie government, recognising the threat posed by this emerging unity, crushed the MTA. Its destruction was the immediate catalyst for the founding of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in the early 1970s . The establishment of the OLF represented a decisive shift: for the first time, a unified political organisation was created to lead the Oromo struggle for self-determination .
“The effort to bring together a few Oromo nationalists of diverse backgrounds from all over Oromia” to establish the OLF was itself an act of unity . The founders understood that only through a unified national movement could the Oromo people overcome the colonial system.
The Weapon of Culture
Oromo culture has been a powerful force for unity. While the Ethiopian state banned the Oromo language from public contexts and prevented it from being printed, Oromo musicians and artists developed creative forms of cultural resistance that sustained Oromo identity and consciousness .
“Afaan Oromo song (music) was used as the most powerful form of chimerical power in speaking across age, class, region, sex, power, and even ideology in resisting the domination of Imperial rule while striving to sustain common Oromo unity” .
Oromo musical icons such as Ali Birra, Abitaw Kebede, Nuho Gobana, Umar Suleyman, Ebbisa Adunya, and Kadir Said played an indispensable role in creating a social space wherein the Oromo struggle for equality and self-emancipation is articulated and debated . Songs like Haacaaluu Hundeessaa’s Maalan Jiraa became anthems of resistance, weaving together stories of pain and pride, hope and despair, and reminding Oromos of their shared identity and destiny .
“It is here, in this reservoir of songs, in the unruly dances and heart-breaking ballads, that one finds the story of the Oromo nation and its struggle for self-determination, not in the official archives and historiographies of the Ethiopian state” .
These artists became targets of state repression because their songs threatened the colonial order by building Oromo unity and consciousness .
Lessons from History
The Oromo people have a long memory of both the costs of disunity and the power of unity. The 16th-century Oromo campaigns, which successfully reclaimed territories from both Christian and Islamic imperial forces, were made possible by the sophisticated organisation of the Gadaa system—a system built on unity of purpose and collective action .
“The successes of the Oromo were not due to sheer numbers or migratory luck—but stemmed from an internally sophisticated and morally grounded civilisational system anchored in the Gadaa democratic order” .
Factors such as the Gadaa system, age-set institutions (Cibra), the unifying goal of reclaiming ancestral land (Galma), spiritual conviction (Kaawoo), and inclusive sociopolitical integration (Moggaasaa) all contributed to Oromo military success .
Conversely, the weakness of the Oromo movement has often been attributed to disunity. As one analysis notes, within the Oromo nationalist movement there are “lots of varieties, units, political agendas, and goals” . This diversity, while reflective of the Oromo people’s richness, has at times been exploited by the state to undermine the movement.
The recognition that disunity serves the coloniser is a constant theme in Oromo political discourse. “The colonizers and their agents have vilified and attacked” the OLF “to make the Oromo society leaderless” . A leaderless, fragmented society is easier to control.
Unity in Contemporary Struggles
The theme of unity remains urgent today. Recent efforts by the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) to establish a “Transitional National Unity Government of Oromia” reflect this ongoing imperative . These groups have called on “all genuine Oromo forces, regardless of their method of struggle, to resolve their political differences and galvanize their unity” .
The call for unity is not merely political—it is a response to the dire situation facing the Oromo people. Across all 22 zones of Oromia, conflict between government forces and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) has led to arrests, beatings, displacement, mass burning of civilian houses, and other atrocities . The Oromo people face a crisis that demands unified action .
Yet the path to unity is not simple. The Oromo nation is divided by class, region, religion, and political orientation. As one analysis notes, “the Oromo nation is not a monolith. It is divided by class” . At the top is the Oromo comprador bourgeoisie—elites integrated into the state structure who benefit from the existing system . At the bottom is the Oromo working class—peasants, agricultural labourers, industrial workers, unemployed youth, and the urban poor .
This class division has led to a recognition that “nationalism alone cannot deliver what the Oromo masses actually need” . The Oromo peasant displaced from their land does not care whether the displacer is Amhara or Oromo—the displacement is the same . The Oromo worker paid starvation wages does not care whether the boss is based in Addis or abroad—the exploitation is the same .
This insight has led some to argue that the Oromo struggle must move beyond nationalism to class politics, building alliances with other oppressed peoples across Ethiopia . “Your ally is the Amhara worker who also wants land. Your ally is the Tigrayan worker who also wants a living wage” .
The Role of the Gadaa System
The Gadaa system continues to be a source of unity for the Oromo people. Its principles of regular rotation of leadership, checks and balances, and consensus-building mechanisms are considered “one of the most sophisticated pre-capitalist socio-political systems ever developed” . The Gadaa system is not merely a cultural artefact—it offers lessons in democratic governance that are relevant to the contemporary struggle .
“A liberated Ethiopia would not erase Oromo culture. It would draw on it. It would recognise that the Gadaa system offers lessons in democratic governance that the European liberal tradition cannot teach” .
The revival of the Gadaa system and the celebration of the Irreechaa festival have become powerful symbols of Oromo unity and cultural renaissance.
Conclusion
Unity remains a constant theme in the Oromo freedom struggle because it is both a necessity and a lesson learned through generations of experience. The colonial state has sought to divide the Oromo people because a united Oromo nation poses an existential threat to the colonial system. The Oromo people have learned, through both victory and defeat, that unity is the foundation of successful resistance.
But unity is not merely a political strategy—it is a moral principle rooted in the Oromo worldview. The concept of Safuu, the moral order that maintains balance and harmony, applies to the Oromo nation as well. Disunity is a breach of Safuu, a disruption of the natural order that brings suffering to the community .
As the Oromo struggle continues, the call for unity remains urgent. Whether through political organisation, cultural expression, or class solidarity, the Oromo people must find ways to overcome the divisions that have been imposed upon them and build the unity necessary for genuine liberation.
“The full restoration of the Oromo people’s freedom and rights is essential for lasting peace” . And that restoration will only be achieved through unity.
The struggle for Oromo liberation is the struggle for Oromo unity. And the struggle continues.
Borana National Park: A Sanctuary of Endangered Wonders in Southern Oromia
Home to rare zebras, endemic birds, and volcanic mysteries, this protected area stands as a beacon of biodiversity and cultural heritage
BORANA ZONE, OROMIA — Deep in the southern reaches of Oromia, where the highlands give way to vast savannas and the horizon stretches endlessly toward the Kenyan border, lies one of the country’s most extraordinary natural treasures. Borana National Park, established in 2017, is a protected area of immense ecological significance, spanning 45,366 square kilometres across the Borana Zone of Oromia and extending into the Liben Zone of the Somali Region.
The park sits roughly 565 to 570 kilometres south of Addis Ababa along the road to Moyale, with the town of Yabelo serving as the primary gateway and headquarters, located approximately 10 kilometres from the main entry points. Its conservation blocks—Yabello, Saarite, Dire Dida Soda, Danbala Dibayu, and Gammedo Mountain—encompass open acacia grasslands, rolling savannas, and the dramatic volcanic crater lake of El Sod.
A Refuge for Rare Species
Borana National Park is perhaps best known as one of the few places on Earth where two zebra species coexist: the endangered Grevy’s zebra and the more common Burchell’s zebra. The Grevy’s zebra, distinguished by its narrower stripes and larger size, has experienced dramatic population declines across its range. In Ethiopia, aerial surveys in the 1990s revealed a sharp drop in numbers, with only approximately 130 individuals counted nationwide by 2003. The park’s conservation efforts focus on repopulating zebra species and protecting their habitat from threats such as drought and overgrazing.
Beyond zebras, the park shelters a remarkable diversity of wildlife. Visitors may encounter Beisa oryx, Grant’s gazelle, greater and lesser kudu, gerenuk, cheetahs, leopards, and ostriches. The park is home to 327 plant species and 40 mammal species, making it a biodiversity hotspot in the Horn of Africa.
A Paradise for Birdwatchers
For bird enthusiasts, Borana National Park is nothing short of legendary. Over 280 bird species have been recorded, including several rare and endemic birds that exist nowhere else on Earth. Among the most remarkable is the endangered Ethiopian bush crow (Zavattariornis stresemanni), a charismatic corvid confined to a distinct climate pocket in the Borana zone.
The Ethiopian bush crow, also known as Stresemann’s bush-crow, is a pale grey bird measuring approximately 28 centimetres long. It prefers open short-grass savannas of grazed pasturelands with scattered stands of taller trees, particularly acacia species. With a range extending only 160 kilometres from north to south and less than 100 kilometres from east to west, the species is extremely vulnerable to habitat loss and climate change. Recent severe droughts in 2021, 2022, and early 2023 have raised fears that the species may face extinction much earlier than previously predicted.
Other rare birds found in the area include the white-tailed swallow and Prince Ruspoli’s turaco, which can be spotted in the nearby Arero forest.
The Volcanic Crater of El Sod
One of the park’s most unique attractions is El Sod, a volcanic salt-crater lake whose name means “the house of salt”. This inactive volcano, approximately 1.8 kilometres wide, contains a black lake that holds a deposit of raw salt crystals beneath its dark, slimy waters.
For centuries, the Borana herders have harvested salt from El Sod, a tradition steeped in legend. According to local lore, a shepherd discovered the crater a thousand years ago after noticing his ox had become physically different from the rest of the herd after tasting the salt. Today, a cooperative of expert salt extractors continues this ancient practice, producing three distinct qualities of black salt, with the finest, called ilkole, used in cooking.
The extraction process is arduous and requires exceptional skill. Miners descend a narrow 2.5-kilometre path, dropping 340 metres to the crater lake. When water levels recede at the end of the rainy season, experienced divers submerge to dig up the muddy salt, which is then washed, crushed, and dried in the sun. This salt remains largely unknown outside the Borana area and neighbouring communities.
Challenges and Conservation
Despite its ecological significance, Borana National Park faces numerous threats. Recurrent and severe droughts, exacerbated by climate change, are disrupting the delicate ecological balance that sustains the park’s wildlife. Invasive species, overgrazing by livestock, and road collisions also pose significant challenges.
The Ethiopian bush crow, with its highly restricted climatic requirements, is particularly at risk. Studies suggest that the species requires very specific average temperatures between 15 and 30 degrees Celsius, making it extremely vulnerable to the temperature fluctuations brought about by climate change. Researchers have called for urgent species-specific action plans at the national level to address the ever-increasing conservation challenges.
A Place of Wonder
Borana National Park is more than a protected area—it is a living testament to the natural and cultural heritage of the Oromo people. Its landscapes, from the acacia-dotted savannas to the volcanic crater of El Sod, tell stories of ancient traditions, endangered species, and the enduring relationship between the Borana people and their environment.
As the park continues to face the pressures of climate change and human activity, its preservation remains a shared responsibility. Whether for the rare Grevy’s zebras, the endangered Ethiopian bush crow, or the timeless salt harvest of El Sod, Borana National Park stands as a sanctuary of wonder in the heart of southern Ethiopia.
“Borana National Park is home to Booqee Sadeen, three maar lakes that were introduced as the main tourist attraction, including El Sod which is known for providing access to mineral water and salt varieties for the locals”.
Reclaiming the Dawn: The Renaissance of Waaqeffannaa Civilisation
After centuries of suppression, the Oromo people’s ancient faith is rising from the shadows to reclaim its place in the spiritual and cultural landscape of the Horn of Africa
In the sprawling, colourful tapestry of Ethiopian cultural heritage, few stories are as compelling as the centuries-long journey of the Oromo people’s indigenous faith. For millennia, Waaqeffannaa—the belief in a single, supreme Creator—served as the spiritual bedrock of a proud, pastoral people who structured their lives around the principles of truth, balance, and harmony with nature.
Yet for over a century, this faith was forced underground, hidden from the public eye, its practitioners marginalised, and its sacred sites endangered. Today, however, a powerful renaissance is unfolding. Waaqeffannaa is not merely surviving—it is being reborn. This is the story of a faith that refused to die, and the people who are reclaiming their spiritual birthright.
The Ancient Foundations
Waaqeffannaa is the indigenous, monotheistic religion of the Oromo people of Ethiopia and parts of Kenya. It centres on the worship of Waaqa—the One True God—the creator and sustainer of life, often referred to as Waaqa Tokkicha . The name itself derives from Waaqa, meaning “believing in Waaqa, following Waaqa, and directing one’s life toward Waaqa” .
This faith predates the arrival of Christianity and Islam in the Horn of Africa, representing the Oromo people’s “own ancient and authentic faith” . It is a sophisticated spiritual system, defined by several core pillars :
- Ayyaana (Divine Spirits): Manifestations or intermediaries of Waaqa, linked to natural forces like rivers and mountains.
- Uumaa (Sacred Nature): A deep reverence for the environment, with trees like the sacred Odaa (sycamore fig), water, and land holding immense spiritual significance.
- Safuu (Moral Order): An ethical framework of truth (dhugaa) and balance that guides human behaviour and aligns it with the divine will .
- Rituals and Ceremonies: Led by spiritual leaders (Qallu and Qallitti), these include thanksgiving prayers and the famous Irreechaa festival at lakesides .
A Faith Suppressed, Not Destroyed
The survival of Waaqeffannaa is a story of resilience. For generations, the faith was systematically marginalised by successive Ethiopian governments and the influence of missionary religions . It was driven underground, its adherents pressured to convert, and its sacred sites neglected.
As the Oromo spiritual tradition known as Wayyuu explains:
“Waaqeffannaa was suppressed but not abolished… Waaqeffannaa was hidden but not destroyed. It was hidden because the people abandoned Waaqeffannaa and began to live under oppression.”
Despite this suppression, the faith survived—not as a public institution, but as an “enduring spiritual memory” preserved in the hearts, traditions, and hidden practices of those who refused to forget . Today, an estimated 1 to 1.5 million Oromo actively follow the faith, while many more who identify as Christians or Muslims continue to maintain Waaqeffannaa beliefs and practices .
The Struggle for Sacred Sites
The renaissance of Waaqeffannaa is intrinsically linked to the struggle for its physical spaces. For centuries, colonial and religious interventions have led to the erasure of these vital sites . One such place is Andoodee Tumaa, a sacred Oromo ritual site in the Akaki district, near Finfinne (Addis Ababa).
This site was a crucial part of the Tuulamaa Oromo Gadaa law-making process, where laws were proclaimed to the public every eight years . However, the site now faces an existential threat. The systematic expansion of Addis Ababa, driven by a controversial Master Plan that was halted only after a youth-led struggle, has encroached upon Andoodee Tumaa, shrinking it to a fraction of its original size. A water supply facility has been constructed in this sacred location, with further encroachment from a newly constructed church .
The threat is symbolic of a wider issue: the erasure of Oromo spiritual geography. But the local community remains steadfast. As one assessment notes, “The Oromo people have never accepted the abandonment of their sacred ritual sites, despite facing heavy suppression” . The fight to preserve sites like Andoodee Tumaa is not just a battle for land; it is a battle for cultural memory.
The Heartbeat of the Renaissance: Irreechaa
If the sacred sites are the geography of the renaissance, the annual festival of Irreechaa is its heartbeat.
Irreechaa is a thanksgiving festival, held to thank Waaqa for rain, harvest, and the gift of life . The ritual of Irreechaa, which includes prayers at water bodies, simultaneously affirms the distinctiveness of the Oromo while connecting them to broader ancient African cultural traditions . Once a forbidden event, Irreechaa has undergone a dramatic transformation. It has evolved from a suppressed celebration to a recognised element of national cultural heritage .
Today, it is a major public celebration, symbolising Oromo unity and identity . Tens of thousands of people, predominantly from the Oromo ethnic group, gather annually, often at Lake Hora Arsadi, dressed in traditional white attire to express their gratitude . While the festival is a joyful assertion of an identity suppressed for over a century, it has also become a stage for political expression . The 2016 festival, which was met with a violent crackdown, became a catalyst for political change that ultimately ushered in the current prime minister .
This evolution reflects the growing public recognition of Oromo culture, facilitated by national policies, the work of activists, and the resurgence of Waaqeffannaa itself .
A Philosophical Renaissance
The resurgence of Waaqeffannaa is also a philosophical revival. Oromo intellectuals and activists are working to reclaim the faith as part of a broader cultural identity, to lift the “darkness” that has hidden its truth for so long . Strategies for this cultural preservation include documenting oral traditions, integrating Waaqeffannaa into educational curricula, and advocating for official recognition of its religious rights .
This renaissance is a movement to restore the spiritual and moral principles that have guided the Oromo for millennia. It is a reclaiming of Safuu—the justice and balance that is fundamental to the Oromo worldview . The ultimate message is one of hope. As the Wayyuu tradition declares:
“The day the darkness that has hidden the truth of Waaqeffannaa is lifted, goodness will spread across this land. When humanity returns to the truth of Waaqa, all people will rejoice.”
Conclusion: Reclaiming the Dawn
The renaissance of Waaqeffannaa civilisation is a testament to the resilience of a people and their faith. It is a story of reclaiming an identity, of reviving sacred practices and spaces, and of giving voice to a spiritual heritage that has been hidden for too long.
It is not merely about reviving a religion; it is about the survival and flourishing of the Oromo people’s soul. The dawn of this new era promises to restore not just a faith, but also the principles of truth, justice, and harmony that form the bedrock of a truly liberated people.
Yaa’ii Dhaddacha Baldhaa: Historic Gadaa Assembly Restores Sacred Traditions and Issues Major Rulings
The Sikkoo Mandoo Gadaa Council convenes in East Bale Zone, addressing issues of traditional marriage, illegal migration, and cultural preservation
BALEE ZONE, OROMIYA — The ancient grounds of Dhaddacha Baldhaa in Rayitu district, East Bale Zone, have become the centre of a historic gathering as the Sikkoo Mandoo Gadaa Council convenes for the Yaa’ii (Gadaa Assembly). The assembly, which marks the formal reopening of the Dhaddacha Baldhaa seat, has issued six major rulings covering marriage customs, illegal migration, cultural preservation, and community security.
The Restoration of Dhaddacha Baldhaa
“Yaa’iin Gadaa Sikkoo Mandoo Godina Baalee Bahaa Aanaa Raayituu, Dhaddacha Baldhaatti geggeeffamaa jiruun dhaddachi Baldhaan deebi’ee banamuu hordofee luba Gadaa shanan Dhaddachatti deebisuun murtiiwwan gurguddoo ja’a lallabe.”
The Yaa’ii Gadaa of Sikkoo Mandoo, taking place at Dhaddacha Baldhaa in Rayitu district, has restored the Dhaddacha Baldhaa seat and appointed five Gadaa priests to the assembly. The council has issued six major rulings that will guide the Oromo community of Sikkoo Mandoo.
“Murtiwwaan gurguddoon lallabaman kunis, Dhaddachi Baldhaan deebi’ee akka banamu akkasumas dhaddachoota Sikkoo Mandoo hunda deebisuu, fuudhaaf heeruma ilaalchisee gabbarri hafuu akka qabuufi kanneen biroos lallabameera.”
The major rulings announced include the restoration of the Dhaddacha Baldhaa, the revival of all Sikkoo Mandoo Gadaa assembly seats, and guidance on traditional marriage practices.
Ruling on Traditional Marriage and Rituals
“Fuudhaaf heeruma ilaalchisee gabbarri hafuu akka qabu…”
The council reaffirmed that traditional marriage rituals must be properly observed, preserving the cultural practices that have guided Oromo society for generations. This ruling underscores the importance of maintaining the sacred customs of the Gadaa system, including the proper observance of marriage ceremonies.
Addressing Illegal Migration
“Godaansa seeraan alaa ilaalchisee; karaa seeraan alaa dargaggoonni abdii egeree ta’an faddaalaan gowwomfamanii biyyaa bahaa jiran akka hafuufi xiyyeeffannoon irratti hojjatamuu akka qabu ergaan darbe.”
On the issue of illegal migration, the council emphasized that efforts should be made to prevent young people from being misled by false promises and leaving the country illegally. It called for increased attention to the root causes of illegal migration and for young people—who are the hope of the future—to remain in their homeland.
Preserving Oromo Identity and Culture
“Uumanni Oromoo Arsii uummata safuu, safaffannaa aadaafi duudhaa mataa ofi qabu waan ta’een seenaafi eenyumaa isaa ganamaa eeggatee jiraachuu akka qabu lallabamee jira.”
The assembly declared that the Oromo people of Arsii are a nation with their own moral code, cultural practices, and traditions, and must preserve their history and original identity. This ruling reinforces the importance of cultural continuity and the transmission of Oromo values to future generations.
Security and Peacebuilding
“Nageenyaan walqabatee; nageenya waaraa lafa qabsisuuf hunduu nagaaf dursaa kennee, Waamichaa abbootii Gadaafi Abbootii Siinqeetti dhagahee garaa nagaatti dhufuu akka qabu lallabameera.”
Regarding security, the council called on all community members to prioritize peace, to heed the call of Gadaa leaders and Siinqee elders, and to embrace peace. The assembly emphasized that security is a collective responsibility requiring the participation of all members of the community.
Environmental Protection
“Gama eegumsaa qabeenya uumatiin immoo biqiltoowwaan akka dhabamaniifi kan dhaabaman immoo akka kunuufaman lallabamee jira.”
In the area of environmental protection, the council ruled that existing trees must not be destroyed and that newly planted trees must be nurtured and protected. This ruling reflects the Oromo people’s deep commitment to environmental stewardship, rooted in the principles of the Gadaa system and the sacred duty to protect creation.
A Framework for the Future
“Murtiwwaan kunneen aadaafi duudha Oromoota Sikkoo Mandoo biratti waggoota saddeetiif kan tajaajiluudha.”
These rulings will guide the Oromo community of Sikkoo Mandoo for the next eight years, aligning with the Gadaa system’s eight-year cycle. The decisions made at Dhaddacha Baldhaa will shape the cultural, social, and environmental practices of the community for a full Gadaa cycle.
The Significance of the Gathering
The Yaa’ii Gadaa at Dhaddacha Baldhaa is a testament to the resilience and continuity of the Oromo Gadaa system. It demonstrates that despite historical challenges, the Oromo people continue to govern themselves, preserve their culture, and address contemporary issues through their traditional institutions.
The assembly addressed the full spectrum of community life:
- Cultural preservation through the restoration of traditional practices
- Social justice through rulings on marriage and community relations
- Security through calls for peace and collective responsibility
- Environmental protection through the stewardship of natural resources
- Youth engagement through efforts to prevent illegal migration
A Call to the Community
The council issued a call to all Gadaa leaders and Siinqee elders to continue their work of guiding the community and promoting peace. The assembly also urged community members to support the rulings and to work together to ensure their implementation.
Conclusion
The Yaa’ii Gadaa of Sikkoo Mandoo at Dhaddacha Baldhaa marks a significant moment in the ongoing revitalization of Oromo cultural institutions. The six major rulings issued by the assembly provide a comprehensive framework for community life, addressing marriage practices, migration, cultural preservation, security, and environmental protection.
As the Oromo people continue their journey of cultural revival and self-determination, gatherings such as the Yaa’ii at Dhaddacha Baldhaa play an essential role in maintaining the continuity of the Gadaa system and ensuring that Oromo traditions remain a living, breathing force in the lives of the people.
“Walumaagalatti Yaa’ii Gadaa Sikkoo Mandoo yeroo amma Baalee Bahaa, Aanaa Raayituutti gaggaeeffame jiru murtiiwwaan gurguddoon Aadaafi Duudha Oromoo cimsan kan dabarsee yoo ta’u murtiwwaan kunneen aadaafi duudha Oromoota Sikkoo Mandoo biratti waggoota saddeetiif kan tajaajiluudha.”
The Dhaddacha Baldhaa stands once again as a centre of Oromo governance and culture, guiding the people toward a future rooted in tradition and hope.
Ayyaana Ilillii (Qaammee): The Sacred Festival of Oromo Girls
A celebration of girlhood, freedom, and cultural continuity
FINFINNE, OROMIA — Among the many festivals that enrich the Oromo cultural calendar, Ayyaana Ilillii—also known as Qaammee—holds a special and cherished place. This celebration, which typically arrives in the month of Hagayya (the second month of the Oromo rainy season), is a joyful occasion dedicated to young women and girls, marking their importance in Oromo society and celebrating their freedom and vitality.
“Ayyaanni Ilillii ykn Qaammeen ayyaana shanarraniiti.”
Ayyaana Ilillii is the festival of girls. This simple declaration carries profound meaning—a recognition that Oromo girls are worthy of celebration, respect, and freedom.
The Significance of Ayyaana Ilillii
“Akkuma beekamu fuuldura keenya kana waan torbee 3 hin caalle ayyaana guddaa hawwiidhaan eegamu ayyaana ililliitii tu nutti as deemaa jira.”
Ayyaana Ilillii is a grand festival eagerly anticipated by the Oromo people. It usually takes place over three days, marking a period of celebration, cultural expression, and community bonding. The festival is widely known and celebrated among Oromo communities, particularly in the Oromia Region. It is considered one of the major Oromo festivals, alongside the well-known Irreechaa celebration.
A Festival of Girls
“Ayyaanni kun ayyaana shamarraniiti.”
This festival is exclusively dedicated to girls. It provides a unique opportunity for young women to experience a day of freedom, joy, and community. On this day, girls are allowed to move freely, visiting different homes and neighborhoods in groups, singing, dancing, and celebrating their girlhood .
The freedom given to girls on this day is a powerful cultural statement. It acknowledges the importance of young women and their right to expression, movement, and joy. In a society where girls often face restrictions and expectations, Ayyaana Ilillii offers a rare moment of liberation and celebration.
How the Festival Is Celebrated
“Kalee akkuma hawaasa keenya keessatti baratame durbii manaa baatee lafa feete fi akka feetetti hin deemtu garuu guyyaa Ayyaana Ilillii kana Mirgi isaanii guutummaan guututti kabajamaadha.”
Traditionally, girls were not allowed to leave their homes freely. On the day of Ayyaana Ilillii, however, their rights are fully respected. They can go wherever they wish, and no one has the right to restrict their freedom.
“Ayyaana kana kan daddarbu shamara hin heerumneefi kaadhimaa kaadhimamtee jirtutu deema akkasumas heerumtee kan baranoo taates mandara ollaa ishii wajjin deemte daddarbuu ni dandeessi.”
The festival is primarily observed by unmarried girls and those who are engaged. However, even married women can participate by accompanying the girls from their neighborhood. This inclusive approach allows women of all ages to engage in the celebration and pass on cultural values to the younger generation.
Traditions and Rituals
“Gaafa jennu warra Dhiiraa hin ilaallatu jechuu miti isaanis akkuma gita umurii isaaniitiin gaafa ayyaanni kun dhihaatu dhiiboo bahanii qoosaa wal arrabsoo dhiichisanii taphatu maal akka jettanii dhechiftan immoo isinumaafan dhiisaa.”
It is important to note that Ayyaana Ilillii is not a festival that excludes men entirely. Men and boys, according to their age groups, also participate in the festivities. They play, engage in friendly banter, and share in the joyful atmosphere. The focus, however, remains on the girls and their celebration.
“Akkuma ayyaanni Taaboree ayyaana warra dhiiraati jedhamee waamamu ayyaanni Ililliitis ayyaana shamarranii jedhamee waamama.”
Just as the Taaboree festival is considered the festival of boys, Ayyaana Ilillii is considered the festival of girls. This parallel highlights the balance and complementarity that exists within Oromo culture, where both boys and girls have their own special celebrations.
The Wadaajii Tradition
“Akkasumas guyyaa kana warri Dhiiraa wadaajii dhungachuuf qophaa’u.”
On this day, men and boys prepare to consume a special drink called Wadaajii. This is part of the cultural celebration, where community members gather and share in the festivities.
“Gaafa isaan daddarbaaf deeman karaatti dhiichisaan eeganii dhungatu wadaajii kana kan namni tokko dhungate namni biraa dhungachuu hin danda’u.”
As the girls go from place to place, they are met by local residents who offer them Wadaajii. It is considered a tradition of respect and kindness that only one person’s offering is accepted, symbolizing the spirit of mutual respect and reciprocity.
“Wadaajin lamaan wal dhungatan kun gaafa ishiin heerumtu innis waan bituuf qaba ishiinis gaafa inni fuudhu waan bittuuf qabdi kana moo waan nuti har’a uumnee osoo hin taane achii dhufteedhuma kalee hawaasni keenya Aaddeffachaa dhufeedha.”
The Wadaajii tradition carries a deeper symbolic meaning. Some interpret it as representing the future exchange between a couple—what the husband will provide and what the wife will bring. This practice is not a new invention but has been passed down through generations, reflecting the continuity and cultural heritage of the Oromo people.
Preparation for the Festival
“Akkasuma shamarri takka gaafa ayyaanni Ilillii as dhihaatu mana dhoqqee looniitiin lallaqxee babbareefattee qophoofti.”
In preparation for the festival, girls often decorate themselves with local soil (clay) and traditional ornaments, adorning themselves beautifully. This is a way of expressing joy and pride in their culture. The sight of young girls dressed in their finest traditional attire, moving through the village in joyful groups, is a testament to the resilience of Oromo culture.
The Meaning of the Festival
Ayyaana Ilillii is more than a celebration—it is a statement. It declares:
- Girls are valued: Oromo society recognizes the importance of its young women and celebrates their presence.
- Freedom is sacred: The festival provides a brief but meaningful period of freedom for girls, affirming their right to move, express, and be joyful.
- Community matters: The participation of the entire community—men, women, boys, girls, elders, and youth—reinforces the bonds of community and shared identity.
- Culture endures: Despite pressures from colonization, modernization, and external influences, Oromo culture continues to thrive and adapt.
Conclusion
Ayyaana Ilillii is a beautiful expression of Oromo cultural identity. It is a celebration of girlhood, freedom, and community, held during the rainy season when the land is green and the people are filled with hope . It is a time when the voices of young women are heard, their joy is celebrated, and their importance is affirmed.
“Ayyaanni kun ayyaana shamarraniiti.”
Ayyaana Ilillii is the festival of girls—a festival of joy, freedom, and the enduring spirit of the Oromo people.
May the tradition of Ayyaana Ilillii continue to be celebrated for generations to come, and may every Oromo girl know the joy of this sacred celebration.
A life of resilience, philanthropy, and service to the city of Bishoftu
From Farm to Honor Guard: The Legacy of Assefa Abebe (Assefa Korenti)
BISHOFTU, OROMIA — In the annals of community service and quiet heroism, some names deserve to be remembered not for titles or wealth, but for the lives they touched and the legacy they left behind.
Mr. Assefa Abebe, known affectionately as Assefa Korenti, was one such figure. From humble beginnings as a farm laborer to serving in the elite Imperial Bodyguard, from working as an electrician to becoming a successful entrepreneur and philanthropist, his life story is a testament to the power of hard work, generosity, and unwavering commitment to community .
A Journey of Many Hats
Assefa Abebe’s life was a tapestry of varied and remarkable experiences. He worked as a farm laborer, served as a soldier in the Imperial Bodyguard, and later became a skilled electrician. It was during his time at the Electric Light and Power Authority, earning a modest salary of 40 birr, that he earned the nickname “Assefa Korenti” (Assefa the Electrician) for his tireless work installing and repairing electrical poles across Bishoftu, often working after hours to serve his community.
His entrepreneurial spirit led him to establish the first fuel station in Bishoftu, then known as Debre Zeyit, and later the Bishoftu Afaf Hotel, situated on the shores of Lake Bishoftu. Yet, what truly set him apart was his generous heart.
The Generosity That Defined a Legacy
In a time of severe drought, a group of farmers from the surrounding Ada’a district approached Assefa Abebe for help. Without hesitation, he offered them an incredible act of trust and generosity: he handed over his hotel for two years, telling them, “Manage the hotel yourselves and keep all the income until the drought passes.”
When the farmers returned after two years, they were no longer in need, but they made a request: that he rename the hotel in their honor. He complied, renaming it the “Farmers Hotel” (Ye Aresha Hotel) . This humble story of generosity and gratitude became a symbol of the bond between Assefa and his community. It was later recounted by Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed during the launch of the Goodwill Project as an example of selfless community service .
A Life of Service and Legacy
Assefa Abebe’s contributions to Bishoftu are numerous. He was an early adopter and distributor of clean energy, introducing “white gas” (smokeless fuel) and cylinder gas to the city, improving public health and living standards .
He was deeply involved in education, supporting schools like Lebe Dengel, Ada’a Model, and Teodros, both financially and as a member of their administrative boards. He also established numerous grain mills, many of which continue to serve the community. In the 1970s, he was the only hotelier in Bishoftu at the time, and a pioneer in many sectors, including a gas station .
A Call for Recognition
Mr. Assefa Abebe (Assefa Korenti), who passed away tragically, leaves behind a legacy that has touched thousands of lives. It is a legacy that many believe should be formally recognized, and community members have called for him to be honored at the 6th Bishoftu Philanthropy Award . His story remains a powerful reminder that true heroes are not always the famous or wealthy, but those who build up their communities with quiet strength and open hearts.
“Hard work, resilience, and giving back to the community are the hallmarks of a life that leaves a legacy.”
Shashemene Welcomes U.S. Ambassador: A New Chapter in Partnership and Progress
In a historic visit, the city of Shashemene opened its doors to the United States Ambassador, showcasing decades of resilience and a vision for transformative development.
SHASHEMENE, OROMIA — Today, the city of Shashemene stood still to warmly welcome the Honorable Ambassador of the United States. The visit marked more than a formal diplomatic engagement; it was a powerful testament to the growing partnership, mutual respect, and shared aspirations between the United States and the people of Ethiopia .
The city, with its rich history of over 115 years, presented its developmental scenario to the Ambassador, covering key indicators in demographics, infrastructure, economic progress, and humanitarian efforts. The visit signals a strong message of cooperation as Ethiopia continues its journey of reform and transformation.
A City of Resilience and History
Shashemene is not just a city; it is a symbol of endurance and hope. Originally established in 1910/1911 (1903 E.C.), the name “Shashemene” is derived from a famous Oromo lady named “Shashe,” who operated a rest-stop called “Mene” in the area . For over a century, the city has served as a vital crossroads in the Rift Valley, connecting the southern regions of Ethiopia to the capital, Addis Ababa .
Shashemene gained international recognition in 1948 when Emperor Haile Selassie I granted 500 acres of fertile land to the Black people of the West as a token of appreciation for their support during the Italian occupation . This land grant led to the settlement of Rastafarian communities from Jamaica, the United States, and the Caribbean, making Shashemene a unique symbol of Pan-Africanism and diaspora repatriation .
As the city continues its journey, the resilience and hope of its people remain its greatest assets.
Presenting a Vision for Progress
During the visit, local officials detailed the city’s developmental scenario, highlighting significant progress across multiple sectors. Key indicators shared with the Ambassador included:
Demographics: With a rapidly growing population, Shashemene is a city of young people. An estimated 65% of residents are under the age of 25 . This youth bulge presents both an opportunity and a challenge. Harnessing the energy and potential of this demographic is central to the city’s development strategy.
Infrastructure: The city is undergoing significant transformation. Under the national “Corridor Development” initiative, Shashemene is being upgraded into a smart city with modern transportation networks and improved public services . Recently, Shashemene was also upgraded to the status of a “Regiopolis” (a major regional urban center) .
Economic and Humanitarian Works: The city is seeing strong potential in revenue generation, economic development, and social services. There is real potential for job creation and attracting investment to improve livelihoods. Simultaneously, the city is focused on strengthening education, health, and security services for its families.
A Message of Partnership and Hope
In welcoming the Ambassador, city officials expressed gratitude for the United States’ continued engagement and support. The Ambassador’s visit follows recent U.S. Embassy engagements in Oromia, where the focus has been on promoting inclusive economic development, improving health outcomes, and increasing the quality of education .
“Honorable Ambassador, we welcome your partnership and support as we continue building Shashemene into a safer, stronger, and more prosperous hub for many nations and nationalities.”
The officials noted that following the reform and prosperity government, meaningful transformation is not only possible but is already becoming real in communities across Ethiopia. The visit was described as a strong message of partnership, mutual respect, and shared goals.
The Power of Dialogue and Collaboration
As the visit concluded, the city offered its sincere gratitude and well wishes to the Ambassador.
“Honorable Ambassador, As a nation and transformative government all Ethiopians believe in the power of dialogue and collaboration. We hope your visit will deepen understanding, strengthen ties, and open new avenues for constructive support that benefits the people of Shashemene, Oromia and Ethiopia.”
The visit concluded with a reaffirmation of the commitment to build bridges of friendship between nations.
“Once again, welcome to Shashemene. We wish you a successful visit, and we thank you for your commitment to building bridges of friendship between nations. Thank you.”
Taaboree (Ukee): The Sacred Children’s Festival of the Oromo People
In the heart of the rainy season, a celebration of joy, freedom, and cultural continuity reminds us of the resilience of Oromo traditions
“Ayyaanni Taaboree, ayyaana ijoolleeti.”
The Taaboree festival is a festival for children. These simple words capture the essence of one of the most cherished celebrations in Oromo culture—a day when the voices of children fill the air, laughter echoes across the fields, and the community comes together to honour the youngest among them.
Taaboree (also known as Ukee) is celebrated primarily among the Maccaa and Tuulamaa Oromo communities. It is a festival that embodies the Oromo people’s deep reverence for children, their commitment to community, and their resilience in the face of cultural suppression.
The Season of Celebration
“Waqtii Gannaa kana keessa ji’a Adoolessaa kana keessa ayyaaneffatama.”
The Taaboree festival is celebrated during the rainy season, in the month of Adoolessa/July. The exact date varies from place to place, reflecting the diversity of Oromo communities and their local traditions.
“Guyyaan isaa bakkaa bakkatti gargar ta’uu mala.”
The timing of the festival is not fixed by a single calendar date but by the rhythms of nature and community life. When the rains have come, when the fields are green, when the earth is renewed—that is the time for Taaboree.
“Guyyaa kana ijoolleen hojiirraa bilisa.”
On this day, children are free from work. They are released from their chores, their responsibilities, and their daily duties. This is their day—a day of joy, of play, and of celebration.
“Nyaata mi’aawaa heddutu qophaaha; ijoolleen wal-geessee nyaatti.”
Delicious food is prepared, and the children gather together to eat. They share the meal in community, learning the values of generosity, togetherness, and mutual care.
“Ni dhiichisti.”
The community gathers around them, celebrating their youth, their energy, and their hope.
A Tapestry of Festivals
Taaboree is not the only festival in the Oromo calendar. The Oromo people have a rich tradition of seasonal celebrations, each with its own significance:
Ateetee: The women’s festival, celebrating the power and dignity of Oromo women.
Hingiccaa/Shinooyyee: The festival of young women, marking their transition to adulthood.
Booranticha: The father’s festival.
“Kana mara kan nurraa nyaate koloniidha.”
But all of these festivals have been eroded by colonialism. The colonial system that subjugated the Oromo people also sought to destroy their culture, their traditions, and their identity. The festivals that once united communities were suppressed, marginalized, and often forgotten.
The Nature of Colonization
“Qaamni si bituu fedhu, dursa waankee balleessa. Achii ofiikee gantee akka ati isa taatu godha.”
The one who seeks to buy you first destroys what you have. Then they offer you their own goods, making you believe that what they have is better.
This is a profound insight into the nature of colonization. The colonizer does not simply take what you have—they first destroy your culture, your traditions, your identity. They make you believe that your way of life is inferior, that your customs are primitive, that your identity is something to be ashamed of.
“Jarri dursa waan Oromoo, sirna isaa balleessuu irratti xiyyeeffatan.”
Those who came first were focused on destroying the Oromo identity and system. They understood that to control a people, you must first destroy their culture. You must make them forget who they are.
“Bakka baay’eetti waanti kun ta’eera.”
This has happened in many places. The suppression of Oromo culture, language, and traditions has been systematic and widespread.
The Resilience of Oromo Traditions
“Sirni Oromoo badee hin banne; cilaancilli isaa nu bira gaheera.”
The Oromo system has not been completely destroyed; only its shell has reached us. This is a statement of hope and resilience. While the colonial system has damaged Oromo traditions, the essence of Oromo culture survives.
“Amma aadaa babbareedaa daganne qorannee fuulduratti fiduu qabna.”
Now we must research the beautiful traditions we have forgotten and bring them back to life. This is a call to cultural revival—to remember, to reclaim, and to restore what was lost.
“Dhaloonni ammaa waan Oromoo bakkatti deebisuuf hojjachuu qaba.”
The current generation must work to restore Oromo culture. This is the responsibility of the present—to rebuild what was destroyed, to remember what was forgotten, and to pass on to future generations a living, thriving culture.
The Significance of Taaboree
The Taaboree festival is more than a celebration—it is an act of cultural resistance. In a world that has sought to erase Oromo identity, the celebration of Taaboree is a declaration that Oromo culture lives.
The festival teaches children:
- Their identity: They learn who they are and where they come from.
- Their community: They learn the values of sharing, togetherness, and mutual care.
- Their history: They learn the traditions of their ancestors.
- Their resilience: They learn that their culture has survived against the odds.
The Role of Children in Cultural Continuity
Children are not just the beneficiaries of culture—they are its carriers. The transmission of culture from one generation to the next depends on the active engagement of children in traditional practices.
Taaboree provides a space for children to experience their culture directly.
When children participate in the festival, they:
- Experience joy in their cultural identity
- Learn traditional songs and dances
- Share meals with their community
- Receive blessings from their elders
- Understand the rhythms of the natural world
These experiences become part of who they are. They shape their identity, their values, and their sense of belonging.
The Spiritual Dimension
The Taaboree festival, like all Oromo festivals, has a spiritual dimension. It is a time of giving thanks to Waaqa (God) for the blessings of life, for the rains, for the harvest, and for the children who carry the future.
The Oromo worldview recognizes the interconnectedness of all life. The spiritual, the human, and the natural are not separate—they are part of a single, harmonious whole.
When children participate in Taaboree, they are not just celebrating—they are connecting with the spiritual dimension of their culture. They are learning that their identity is not just about who they are now but about their place in a larger order.
The Challenge of Modernity
The Oromo cultural revival faces significant challenges. Modernity, urbanization, and the influence of external cultures have eroded traditional practices.
“Religious conversion and the influence of modernity have led to the decline of women’s institutions. Today’s generation, especially the young and educated ones, are viewing cultural institutions as a tradition of the past, not present.”
This is a challenge that the Oromo people must address. Cultural revival is not about rejecting modernity but about integrating traditional wisdom with contemporary life.
A Call to Cultural Revival
The Taaboree festival is not just a celebration—it is a call to action. It calls the Oromo people to:
Remember: Do not forget the traditions of the ancestors.
Reclaim: Take back what was taken.
Restore: Bring back what was destroyed.
Celebrate: Embrace your identity with pride.
The current generation has the responsibility to ensure that Taaboree—and all Oromo traditions—are passed on to the next generation.
Conclusion
“Ayyaanni Taaboree, ayyaana ijoolleeti.”
The Taaboree festival is a festival for children. But it is also a festival for the entire community—a celebration of identity, resilience, and hope.
In a world that has sought to erase Oromo culture, the Taaboree festival stands as a testament to the enduring spirit of the Oromo people. It is a reminder that culture cannot be destroyed by force—it lives in the hearts of those who remember, who celebrate, and who pass it on to the next generation.
“Amma aadaa babbareedaa daganne qorannee fuulduratti fiduu qabna.”
Now we must research the beautiful traditions we have forgotten and bring them back to life.
“Dhaloonni ammaa waan Oromoo bakkatti deebisuuf hojjachuu qaba.”
The current generation must work to restore Oromo culture.
In the children who celebrate Taaboree lies the hope of the Oromo nation. May their laughter echo through the generations, and may the traditions of the ancestors never be forgotten.
The Ya’a Gadaa of Arsii: Restoring the Sacred Assembly at Baldhaa
Thousands gather in East Bale Zone to revive the ancient Gadaa traditions and reclaim the cultural heritage of the Oromo people
BALEE ZONE, OROMIYA — The ancient grounds of Dhaddacha Baldhaa have come alive with purpose. In a powerful display of cultural resilience, the Ya’a Gadaa (Gadaa Assembly) of Arsii has been formally inaugurated at Dhaddacha Baldhaa in Rayitu district of East Bale Zone. This historic gathering marks a significant milestone in the ongoing efforts to revive and restore the sacred traditions of the Oromo people.
The assembly, which began on Adoolessa 12-14 according to the traditional Oromo calendar, has brought together Abbootii Gadaa (Gadaa leaders), Haadholiin Siinqee (Siinqee women), and members of the broader Oromo community from across the region .
The Significance of the Gadaa System
“Sirni Gadaa Oromoo Hambaa Addunyaa hundagaleessa Uummatni Oromoo addunyaaf gumaachedha.”
The Oromo Gadaa system is a universal heritage that the Oromo people have contributed to the world. The Gadaa system is one of the most sophisticated indigenous governance structures in the world, encompassing political, cultural, economic, social, and other dimensions of life.
The Gadaa system, recognized by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, has guided the Oromo people for centuries. It organizes society into generational classes that assume different responsibilities every eight years, ensuring democratic participation and peaceful succession.
“Sirni kun Sirna hundagaleessa hammattoowwan Siyaasaa, Aadaa, diinagdee, hawaasummaafi kanneen biroo of keessatti hammatee dhalootaa dhalootatti darbaa dhufe.”
This system has been passed down through generations, embodying the democratic principles of checks and balances, equality, and participatory governance. It integrates political, judicial, social, economic, cultural, and religious functions, making it a comprehensive framework for Oromo society.
Cultural Revival and Restoration
“Mootummaan Naannoo Oromiyaa Misooma Aadaa uummatichaaaf kenneen hojiilee Haaromsa Aadaa keessaa tokko kan ta’e Aadaa ceesisuun dhalootaa dhalootatti dabarsuun uummaticha fayyadamaa taasisuun Uummata Aadaa isaan boonuufi eenyummaa isaatiin addunyaarratti dorgomaa ta’e uumuuf hojiilee hojjatameen Ardaaleen Jilaa ykn dhaddhachaaleen wiirtuuwwan Gadaa bakka isaanii ganamaatti deebisuuf hojii hojjatameen milkaa’inootni galmaa’aniiru.”
The Oromia Regional Government has given significant attention to cultural development. Among the cultural revival efforts, the restoration of traditional institutions and the transmission of cultural practices from generation to generation have been prioritized.
The revival of the Gadaa system is part of a broader movement to strengthen Oromo identity and enable the people to stand proudly in the world, competing through their culture and identity. The restoration of Dhaddachas (Gadaa class centres) represents a key achievement in this effort.
The Gathering at Baldhaa
“Qaama Haaromsa Aadaa kan ta’e Dhaddhachaaleen ykn Ardaaleen Jilaa akka saaqamaniifi bakka isaaniitti deebi’aniif hojiilee hojjatameen dhaddachoota Gadaa Arsii keessaa tokko kan ta’e Dhaddachi Bal’aa Godina Baale Bahaa Aanaa Raayituutti bakka Abbootiin Gadaa, Haadholiin Siinqeefi Uummatni bal’aan argametti gaggeeffamuun eegalee jira.”
The Dhaddacha Baldhaa, one of the Gadaa assembly centers of Arsii, has been formally re-established in Rayitu district of East Bale Zone. The ceremony is being held in the presence of Gadaa leaders, Siinqee women, and the broader Oromo community.
The Ya’a Gadaa at Dhaddacha Baldhaa is not merely a commemoration—it is an act of restoration. The Gadaa system, which faced significant challenges from colonial suppression and modern pressures, is being actively revitalized.
The gathering is a declaration of cultural survival—a statement that the Oromo people will not be erased, their culture will not be forgotten, and their identity will not be denied.
The Path Forward
“Haaromsi Aadaa Oromoo eenyummaafi duudhaa Oromoo cimsuun, aadaa, barnoota, teeknooloojii fi diinagdee waliin tarkaanfachuuf bu’uura ta’aa jira.”
The cultural revival of Oromo traditions is not merely about preserving the past—it is about creating a foundation that enables the Oromo people to move forward in step with education, technology, and economic development.
As the elders gather under the sacred sycamore tree, they are not just remembering the past—they are building the future. The Gadaa system is not a relic of history but a living, breathing system of governance that continues to guide the Oromo people into the 21st century.
Conclusion
“Odaa Robaa, Odduun Roobaaf Nagaya!”
May the Odaa Roobaa be blessed! May the news of Roobaa bring peace!
The Ya’a Gadaa of Arsii at Dhaddacha Baldhaa is a historic gathering—a reaffirmation of Oromo identity, a restoration of sacred traditions, and a declaration of cultural survival. Thousands have gathered, and the message is clear: the Gadaa system lives, the Oromo people endure, and the traditions of the ancestors will never be forgotten.
The Ya’a Gadaa at Dhaddacha Baldhaa stands as a testament to the resilience of the Oromo people and the enduring power of the Gadaa system.
Oromo Cultural Renaissance: Reviving Ancient Traditions and Strengthening Identity
President Shimelis Abdisa outlines the progress and vision of Oromia’s cultural revival, emphasizing the restoration of traditional institutions and the celebration of indigenous heritage.
ADAMA, OROMIYA — In a powerful address to the 11th Regular Session of the 5th Year of the 6th Term of the Oromia Council, President Shimelis Abdisa declared that the Oromia Regional Government is actively pursuing cultural revival initiatives aimed at restoring the traditional morning customs and foundational practices of the Oromo people.
The President’s statement, “Haaromsi Aadaa Oromoo duudhaa ganamaa deebisaa jira” (The Oromo cultural revival is restoring the morning traditions), marks a significant milestone in the ongoing efforts to reclaim and celebrate the indigenous heritage of the Oromo nation.
The Revival of Traditional Practices
Reviving Festivals and Ceremonies: According to President Shimelis, the cultural revival initiatives have led to the resurgence of various traditional festivals and ceremonies that had been marginalized for extended periods due to historical suppression and neglect. These include the celebration of Irreechaa, the Oromo thanksgiving festival, which has grown in prominence not only within Oromia but also across the nation and in diaspora communities worldwide.
The revival of Irreechaa is viewed as more than a cultural celebration—it is a symbol of Oromo identity and resilience. The festival, which has attracted participants from across the region and beyond, is seen as evidence of the success of these cultural restoration efforts .
Restoration of the Gadaa System: The President also highlighted the peaceful power transfer ceremonies of the Gadaa system among the Karrayyu and Tulama Oromo communities. These ceremonies, conducted according to traditional protocol, demonstrate the enduring democratic principles of the Oromo Gadaa system. The Gadaa system, recognized by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, continues to be a living example of indigenous governance and democratic participation.
Institutionalising Cultural Governance
Establishment of Traditional Courts: One of the most significant achievements of the cultural revival program has been the establishment of Traditional Courts. According to the President’s report, to date, 7,058 primary Traditional Courts and 373 appellate Traditional Courts have been established across the region. These courts play a vital role in enabling communities to seek justice according to their cultural norms and traditional customs.
Conflict Resolution: The establishment of these traditional institutions has had a tangible impact on community harmony. The President highlighted that in 2018 alone, over 393 community conflict cases were resolved through these traditional structures. Of these, more than 370 cases were successfully resolved, demonstrating the effectiveness of culturally grounded approaches to peacebuilding and reconciliation .
A Foundation for the Future
Integrating Culture with Modern Development: President Shimelis emphasized that the cultural revival of Oromo traditions is not merely about preserving the past—it is about creating a foundation that enables the Oromo people to move forward in step with education, technology, and economic development. By strengthening cultural identity and traditional governance structures, the community is better positioned to navigate the challenges of modernisation while maintaining its unique heritage.
Calls for Continued Progress: Community responses to the President’s address have expressed support for the revival efforts while calling for ongoing progress. Some have raised issues in specific regions that require continued attention, demonstrating the ongoing dialogue between leadership and citizens regarding the implementation of these cultural initiatives.
A Broader Cultural Movement
The Oromo cultural revival is part of a broader movement across Africa to reclaim and celebrate indigenous cultures, languages, and governance systems. By reviving traditional institutions and practices, the Oromo people are reasserting their identity and contributing to the diverse cultural tapestry of the continent.
Conclusion
President Shimelis Abdisa’s address to the Oromia Council reaffirms the regional government’s commitment to cultural revival as a cornerstone of Oromo identity and development. The restoration of traditional festivals, the peaceful conduct of Gadaa power transfers, and the establishment of Traditional Courts reflect a concerted effort to strengthen the cultural foundations of the Oromo people.
“Haaromsi Aadaa Oromoo eenyummaafi duudhaa Oromoo cimsuun, aadaa, barnoota, teeknooloojii fi diinagdee waliin tarkaanfachuuf bu’uura ta’aa jira” —The President noted that the cultural revival, by strengthening Oromo identity and traditions, serves as a foundation for advancing alongside education, technology, and economic development .
As the Oromo people continue this journey of cultural renewal, the revival of their traditions stands as a testament to the resilience and enduring spirit of one of Africa’s largest ethnic groups.
Cultural revival is not just about looking back—it’s about building a stronger foundation for the future.
FOUR DECADES OF SCHOLARSHIP, ONE ENDURING LEGACY
As the Oromo Studies Association marks 40 years, its Journal enters a new era — and a community reflects on how far it has come
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The year was 1986. In exile, in meeting rooms scattered across the diaspora, a small group of Oromo and non-Oromo scholars gathered with a radical idea. They would build an independent academic home for the study of a people whose history, culture, and very existence had been systematically erased from mainstream scholarship. They would create a space where knowledge about the Oromo could be produced not by outsiders, but on its own terms.
They called it the Oromo Studies Association.
Four decades later, that audacious dream has become something far greater than its founders could have imagined. The OSA has grown into a global scholarly community spanning continents and disciplines. Its Journal of Oromo Studies, launched in 1993, has become the premier peer-reviewed publication for interdisciplinary scholarship on the Oromo people. And in a landmark achievement that signals the maturation of the field, the Journal has now been indexed in Scopus — one of the world’s most prestigious academic databases.
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THE JOURNAL: A DREAM COME TRUE
When the first issue of the Journal of Oromo Studies rolled off the presses in the summer of 1993, it was described as “a dream come true”. For scholars who had labored in obscurity, publishing in venues that often dismissed or distorted Oromo realities, the Journal offered something revolutionary: a platform where Oromo scholarship could stand on its own.
The first volume featured foundational essays by scholars like Asafa Jalata, whose work on “The Oromo, Change and Continuity in Ethiopian Politics” helped define the contours of a new field. Over the decades that followed, the Journal would publish research on everything from the Gadaa system to diaspora studies, from economic development to cultural preservation, from historical linguistics to contemporary politics.
Now fully open-access, the Journal publishes articles, research notes, and scholarly book reviews in both English and Afaan Oromoo, welcoming contributions from emerging and established scholars alike. Its interdisciplinary scope offers readers a comprehensive view of the socioeconomic, political and cultural conditions of the Oromo people — now numbering over 40 million across the Horn of Africa and the global diaspora.
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SCOPUS: A SEAL OF GLOBAL RECOGNITION
In June 2026, Scopus announced the addition of 242 new journals to its prestigious index. Among them was the Journal of Oromo Studies, bearing ISSN 1070-2202, published by the Oromo Studies Association.
For those unfamiliar with the world of academic publishing, Scopus indexing is not a minor achievement. It is the gold standard. It means the Journal has been vetted by an independent Content Selection and Advisory Board and found to meet the rigorous criteria for quality, peer review, and scholarly impact. It places JOS alongside publications from Springer, Elsevier, Wiley, and Cambridge University Press.
As Bonnie Holcomb, the Journal’s Editor-in-Chief, noted in a recent message to contributors and advisors: “This publication, and the indexing in Scopus, are notable achievements, all. We have come a long way together.”
The words carry weight. For those who have walked this road — who have submitted manuscripts, reviewed articles, edited copy, and advocated for Oromo scholarship in spaces where it was once unwelcome — this is validation of a lifetime of labor.
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THE VISIONARIES BEHIND THE MOVEMENT
The Oromo Studies Association was not born in a vacuum. It was founded by a group of exiled activists in 1986, a direct response to a crackdown that had led to those campaigning for greater recognition of the Oromo people being murdered, tortured, jailed, or driven out of the country. The founding was a response to a void — a void in which Oromo heritage was not merely absent from academia and state narratives, but actively suppressed.
Among the founders was Sisai Ibssa, a scholar-activist whose intellectual journey shaped the trajectory of Oromo studies for decades. A special issue of the Journal was devoted to honoring his contributions, examining his role in the Oromo liberation movement and his philosophical commitment to self-determination.
Another towering figure was Professor Asmarom Legesse, whose landmark work Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society (1973) brought the Oromo democratic system to international scholarly attention. Legesse passed away on January 31, 2026, just weeks before OSA’s 40th anniversary year. His legacy, and the generations of scholars he inspired, will be honored at this year’s conference.
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FORTY YEARS: ONE FULL GADAA CYCLE
In Oromo tradition, the Gadaa system operates on eight-year cycles, with a full generational transition spanning forty years. This year’s anniversary is therefore not merely a milestone — it is a symbolic completion of a full Gadaa cycle, representing generational renewal, continuity, and the orderly transfer of knowledge and responsibility.
The 2026 Annual Conference, themed “Oromo on the Global Landscape: Honoring Asmarom Legesse as OSA Turns 40,” will be held July 31 through August 2 in Minneapolis, Minnesota, at Augsburg University’s Hagfors Center.
The conference will bring together scholars, researchers, students, and community members from across the diaspora and the continent for three days of panels, roundtables, keynote addresses, and community dialogue. It will feature diaspora-connected parallel panels abroad, reflecting the conference’s commitment to centering Oromo communities wherever they are.
An opening night and dinner will be held on Friday evening, July 31, at the Oromo Community Center in Saint Paul. Registration is open to all — whether presenting research, attending for the first time, or returning as a longtime member of the OSA community.
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THE WORK THAT REMAINS
For all the achievements, the road has not been easy. As Holcomb reminded the Journal’s contributors: “It has been a long and sometimes a difficult road to reveal evidence and build knowledge which shift the narrative in the region and globally.”
The work of the OSA and the Journal has always been more than academic. It has been an act of intellectual resistance — a refusal to accept the erasure of a people’s history and a determination to tell stories that had been silenced. It has been about shifting narratives, not just in Ethiopia but across the global scholarly landscape.
Now, with Scopus indexing and forty years of institutional life behind it, the OSA stands at a moment of both celebration and renewed commitment. The Journal’s entire archive — decades of scholarship — is now posted to the OSA website at oromostudies.org. The institutional memory is preserved. The foundation is stronger than ever.
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A CALL TO THE COMMUNITY
Holcomb’s message to the Journal’s contributors and advisors is also a call to action:
“Please remember that it is the Oromo Studies Association that has conceived, designed, hosted, nurtured, upheld and published the research and scholarship represented in JOS. I urge you all to continue to support OSA, and by extension, its Journal, with donations, membership in OSA and engagement as well as submissions.”
The invitation is extended to all: fellow scholars, colleagues, and community members. Attend the conference, in person or virtually. Submit your research. Join the membership. Support the work.
As the OSA enters its fifth decade, the question is not whether it has achieved something remarkable — it has. The question is whether the next generation will carry the torch forward. Whether the scholarship will continue. Whether the Journal will remain the premier asset of a community that has fought for its voice.
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CONCLUSION: A LEGACY WORTH CELEBRATING
Forty years ago, a small group of exiled scholars dared to imagine a world in which Oromo knowledge was recognized as a contribution to the full breadth of human civilization. Today, that vision is reality.
The Journal of Oromo Studies, indexed in Scopus, stands as a monument to their courage and their persistence. The annual conference, now in its 40th year, brings together a global community of scholars and advocates. The website, with its full open-access archive, makes decades of scholarship available to anyone with an internet connection.
But the work is not finished. The narratives continue to shift. The knowledge continues to grow. The community continues to build.
As Holcomb wrote, with a warmth that reflects decades of dedication: “Congratulations, one and all.”
The celebration is earned. The legacy is enduring. And the future — if the community continues to support it — is bright.
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The 40th Annual Conference of the Oromo Studies Association will take place July 31 – August 2, 2026, at Augsburg University, Hagfors Center, 700 21st Ave S, Minneapolis, MN 55454. Details at www.oromostudies.org/conference. The opening night and dinner will be held on Friday, July 31, at the Oromo Community Center, 465 Mackubin Street, Saint Paul, MN 55103.
From Classroom to Doctorate: Oromo Community of LA Celebrates Teacher-Scholar Dr. Asfaw Dagafa
Los Angeles, CA – It was an evening of collective triumph and deep cultural pride as the Oromo Community of Los Angeles gathered yesterday to celebrate a remarkable milestone: the graduation of their members, spanning every academic level from high school diplomas to the pinnacle of scholarly achievement—the Ph.D.
While the room buzzed with congratulations for all the honorees, one story rose above the rest, leaving attendees inspired and deeply moved. The community turned its spotlight on Dr. Asfaw Dagafa, a man who redefined the meaning of perseverance.
By day, Dr. Dagafa stands at the front of a high school classroom, shaping young minds as a dedicated educator. But long after the final school bell rings, his journey was only just beginning. While managing the rigorous demands of teaching, he simultaneously pursued his doctoral studies at one of the nation’s most prestigious institutions—the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA).
Balancing a full-time teaching career with the intellectual intensity of a Ph.D. program is a feat few dare to attempt. Yet, Dr. Dagafa turned this grueling schedule into a testament of discipline, proving that dedication knows no bounds. His academic success is not merely a personal victory; it is a beacon of hope for the entire Oromo diaspora.
A Role Model for the Next Generation
Community leaders and elders were effusive in their praise, highlighting how Dr. Dagafa’s journey serves as a powerful blueprint for Oromo youth navigating their own paths in the United States.
“Dr. Asfaw Dagafa is an excellent role model,” remarked a community spokesperson during the ceremony. “He shows our young people that you do not have to choose between serving your community and achieving your highest academic dreams. He did both, simultaneously, and with excellence.”
The message resonated deeply throughout the hall: no dream is too ambitious, and no obstacle is too great when fueled by purpose and resilience. By standing at the front of a classroom during the day and sitting among UCLA’s brightest scholars at night, Dr. Dagafa has bridged the gap between mentorship and mastery.
A Community’s Pride
The Oromo Community of Los Angeles, known for its vibrant support of educational advancement, expressed overwhelming pride in Dr. Dagafa’s achievement. His success is viewed not just as an individual honor, but as a collective victory for the community—a narrative that counters adversity with academic excellence.
As the celebrations concluded, the community extended its heartfelt congratulations not only to Dr. Asfaw Dagafa but to every graduate who crossed the stage. From the newest high school graduate stepping into adulthood to the newly minted Ph.D. stepping into history, yesterday was a powerful reminder of what happens when a community uplifts its own.
Congratulations once again, Dr. Asfaw Dagafa! 
Your journey from the classroom to the doctorate will inspire generations of Oromo scholars to come.
Colonel Hailu Raggassa: The Hero Who Surrendered Power for the Freedom of His People
In the annals of Oromo history, there are names that echo through generations—figures who, in the face of overwhelming odds, chose the path of sacrifice over comfort, principle over power. Among these towering figures stands Colonel Hailu Raggassa, a man whose story is one of the most profound testaments to the Oromo struggle for liberation.
Born in the early 1930s in the Mannaangasha district of western Shewa, in what was then known as Ada’a Bargaa, Hailu Raggassa grew up in a Ethiopia under Emperor Haile Selassie’s rule. From an early age, he displayed remarkable intelligence and a natural aptitude for leadership. His uncle, Bashaa Gorbaa, who had fought in the Second Italo-Ethiopian War (Maayichawu), recognized the boy’s potential and insisted he pursue religious education. Through his uncle’s stories of wartime tactics and the heroism of Ethiopian patriots, young Hailu developed a deep sense of duty and a burning desire to serve and protect his people.
When circumstances prevented him from continuing his studies in his hometown, he travelled to Addis Ababa (Finfinne), where he worked various jobs until a benefactor recognized his determination and arranged for him to study at the prestigious Tafari Makonnen School. This was the beginning of a journey that would see him rise through the ranks of the Ethiopian military, becoming a high-ranking officer in the imperial army.
The Turning Point
For years, Colonel Hailu Raggassa served loyally within the system. But like many Oromo officers of his generation, he could not ignore the systematic marginalization, cultural suppression, and political disenfranchisement of the Oromo people under successive Ethiopian regimes. The Oromo language was banned in schools, Oromo identity was denigrated, and the Oromo people were subjected to a system of settler colonialism that stripped them of their land, language, and dignity.
The turning point came in the early 1970s. As the Oromo liberation movement gained momentum—fueled by the emergence of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA)—Colonel Hailu Raggassa made a decision that would define his legacy. Despite holding significant power and privilege as a high-ranking military officer, he chose to surrender his position and join the armed struggle for Oromo freedom.
The Armed Struggle
Colonel Hailu Raggassa became a key commander in the Oromo Liberation Army, working alongside other legendary figures such as General Tadesse Birru, who is widely regarded as the father of modern Oromo nationalism. Together, they began organizing an armed rebellion in Shewa, operating under the name of the Oromo Liberation Army. Hailu played a critical role in distributing land to Oromo peasants and mobilizing rural communities.
His military expertise, honed through years of service in the imperial army, proved invaluable to the nascent liberation movement. He understood that the struggle for Oromo freedom required not just courage, but strategy, organization, and sacrifice.
Arrest and Martyrdom
The Derg, the military junta that seized power in Ethiopia in 1974, viewed the Oromo liberation movement as an existential threat. In a brutal crackdown, Colonel Hailu Raggassa was captured alongside General Tadesse Birru and other Oromo leaders. They were tried, sentenced to death, and on March 19, 1975, executed by firing squad.
Their blood soaked the soil of Addis Ababa, but their legacy did not die. The martyrdom of Colonel Hailu Raggassa and his comrades became a rallying cry for the Oromo people, seeding the consciousness of generations to come.
A Legacy That Endures
Colonel Hailu Raggassa’s story is one of profound selflessness. He had everything—rank, privilege, and the comfort of a system that favored him. Yet he chose to walk away from it all, not for personal gain, but for the freedom and dignity of his people. He understood that true leadership is not about holding power, but about using whatever power one has to uplift the oppressed.
Today, Colonel Hailu Raggassa is remembered as a hero—a man whose life and death continue to inspire the Oromo struggle for self-determination. His name is inscribed in the collective memory of the Oromo people, a symbol of the ultimate sacrifice made in the pursuit of justice.
“Gootota qabsoo Oromoo bu’uressuutii hanga Jeneraal Taaddasaa Birruu waliin ajjeefamutti kanneen dhalootaaf aarsaa kanfalanii darban keessaa tokko Koloneel Hayiluu Raggasaa Hundeeti.”
“Among the heroes of the Oromo struggle—from the early architects to those who fell alongside General Tadesse Birru—Colonel Hailu Raggassa stands at the foundation.”
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Remembering the Heroes
The month of March holds particular significance in the Oromo liberation struggle. It was in this month, on March 19, 1975, that Colonel Hailu Raggassa, General Tadesse Birru, and their comrades were executed. Their sacrifice is commemorated annually by Oromos around the world, a solemn reminder of the price paid for freedom.
Colonel Hailu Raggassa’s story transcends the boundaries of time and geography. It speaks to the universal human longing for justice, dignity, and self-determination. He was not just an Oromo hero—he was a hero for all who believe that freedom is worth fighting for.
The Wonders of Creation: A Reflection on the Divine Order and Human Understanding
Exploring the mysteries of the universe and the pursuit of wisdom through the story of Daaniyaa.
There are moments in life when we are called to pause—to step back from the noise of our daily existence and contemplate the grandeur of creation. These moments of reflection are not merely intellectual exercises; they are acts of spiritual and psychological renewal that nourish the soul and expand the mind.
“Yeroo tokko tokko waan Uumaa-uumamaa xiinxaluu fi abuuruun fayyaa fi qalbii keenyaaf gaarii dha.”
Sometimes, contemplating the wonders of creation and being amazed by them is good for our health and our hearts. This simple truth carries profound wisdom. In a world that constantly demands our attention, our energy, and our productivity, we are rarely encouraged simply to wonder—to gaze at the stars, to marvel at the complexity of life, to ponder the mystery of existence itself.
The Wisdom of Contemplation
“Uumaan akkamitti akka uumama uumee fi akka jiraatu godhe, akkasumas akkamitti akka itti fufsiisaa jiru qorachuun beekumsaa fi hayyummaa olaanaa namaaf dabala.”
Studying how the Creator has created creation, how He has made it exist, and how He continues to sustain it adds to a person’s knowledge and elevates their wisdom.
This is a profound insight into the nature of wisdom itself. Wisdom is not merely the accumulation of facts; it is the ability to see the connections between things, to understand the patterns that underlie reality, and to recognize the hand of the Creator in all that exists.
When we study creation, we are not just learning about the world—we are learning about the Creator. We are glimpsing the divine wisdom that has ordered the universe.
The natural world is a book of signs, a revelation of divine artistry. The cycles of the seasons, the complexity of the human body, the vastness of the cosmos—all speak of a Creator whose wisdom and power are beyond human comprehension.
The Quest for Knowledge
“Raajii fi dinqii kana beekuuf tattaaffii gochuunis qalbii namaa haaromsa.”
Striving to know these prophecies and wonders renews the human spirit. The pursuit of knowledge is not a dry, academic exercise—it is a spiritual journey that enriches the soul and refreshes the mind.
This is why humanity has always been drawn to the mysteries of existence. From the earliest philosophers to the greatest scientists, the quest to understand the nature of reality has been a driving force of human civilization.
When we seek to understand the wonders of creation, we are engaging in an act of worship. We are using the minds that the Creator has given us to appreciate the beauty and complexity of what He has made.
Daaniyaa: A Model of Wisdom and Knowledge
“Daaniyaan beekumsaa fi hayyummaa jabaa ofkeessaa qaba.”
Daaniyaa possesses strong knowledge and wisdom. The figure of Daaniyaa, known from ancient scripture and tradition, stands as a model of the integration of wisdom and faith.
Daaniyaa was a man who, despite being taken into exile in a foreign land, maintained his faith in the Creator. He was known for his wisdom, his integrity, and his ability to interpret visions and dreams. He was a man of prayer who sought understanding from God.
Daaniyaan beekumsaa fi hayyummaa jabaa ofkeessaa qaba. Daaniyaa embodies the kind of wisdom that comes not merely from human learning but from divine revelation. He was a man who understood the mysteries of creation because he was in relationship with the Creator.
The Questions and Answers
“Waa’ee Daaniyaa beekuuf gaaffii fi deebii kana daaw’achuun mishaa dha.”
To know about Daaniyaa, watching this question and answer is excellent. The story of Daaniyaa offers us a model of what it means to pursue wisdom in a world that often values power over understanding.
Daaniyaa’s wisdom was not a secret he kept to himself; it was a gift he used to serve others. He interpreted dreams for kings, provided counsel to rulers, and gave glory to God for the wisdom he had received.
The questions we ask about Daaniyaa are really questions about ourselves. How can we cultivate wisdom in our own lives? How can we maintain our faith in the midst of challenges? How can we use our knowledge to serve others?
The Call to Wonder
In a world that often values certainty over curiosity, the call to wonder is a radical act. It is an acknowledgment that there is always more to learn, always more to discover, always more to understand.
The pursuit of wisdom is a lifelong journey. It requires humility, curiosity, and a willingness to be amazed. It requires us to recognize that we are not the center of the universe but are part of a larger creation that points beyond itself to its Creator.
Conclusion
“Yeroo tokko tokko waan Uumaa-uumamaa xiinxaluu fi abuuruun fayyaa fi qalbii keenyaaf gaarii dha.”
Sometimes, contemplating the wonders of creation and being amazed by them is good for our health and our hearts.
As we contemplate the wonders of creation, as we study the works of the Creator, and as we strive to understand the mysteries of existence, we grow in wisdom and in health. We are renewed in spirit and refreshed in mind.
Let us never lose the capacity for wonder. Let us always seek to understand. Let us follow the example of Daaniyaa, who combined strong knowledge and wisdom with unwavering faith.
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The wonders of creation are all around us, waiting to be discovered. May we have the eyes to see them, the hearts to be amazed by them, and the minds to understand them.
WHEN DREAMS TAKE ROOT: Why an Oromia Freedom Struggle Dream Can Grow Better
A story of constitutional promise, cultural resurgence, and the long arc toward justice
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For generations, the Oromo freedom struggle has been defined by its resilience. Through decades of marginalization, forced displacement, and systemic exclusion, the dream has endured—not as a fading memory, but as a living force that refuses to be extinguished.
Today, that dream stands at a crossroads. The path forward is neither simple nor guaranteed. But beneath the surface of conflict and political turbulence, there are reasons to believe that the Oromo freedom struggle dream can grow better—not despite the challenges, but because of the lessons learned, the institutions built, and the constitutional foundations that remain, however imperfectly, in place.
This is the story of why that dream can flourish.
THE CONSTITUTIONAL FOUNDATION: A PROMISE WAITING TO BE KEPT
Every great struggle requires a legal and moral framework. For the Oromo people, that framework exists in Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution—a document that, on paper, offers something remarkable.
Article 39 of the Constitution affirms that every “nation, nationality, and people” has the unconditional right to self-determination, including the right to secession. The Constitution established Ethiopia as a multinational federal state, granting autonomy to minorities based on territorial boundaries and empowering self-rule and regional control. Afaan Oromo is now used in Oromia’s courts, schools, and bureaucracy, reversing decades of marginalization.
Yet scholars describe a persistent gap between constitutional promise and political reality. Federal practice has remained markedly centralized. The question of Oromia’s special interests in Finfinne (Addis Ababa) remains largely unresolved.
This gap is not a reason for despair—it is a reason for hope. The Constitution exists. The legal framework is in place. The struggle ahead is not to create new rights, but to enforce existing ones. When constitutional guarantees are ignored, public trust erodes; but when they are finally implemented, the foundation for lasting peace is laid.
POLITICAL EVOLUTION: FROM ARMED STRUGGLE TO POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT
The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), established in 1973 as a political organization advocating for the self-determination of the Oromo people, has undergone a remarkable transformation. In 2018, the Ethiopian government removed the OLF from its terrorist list, allowing its leaders to return from exile. In June 2025, the OLF officially regained access to its headquarters in Finfinne (Addis Ababa), which it had been unable to use since August 2020.
This is not merely symbolic. It represents a shift from armed resistance to political engagement—a recognition that sustainable change requires participation in the democratic process, however constrained that process may be.
The OLF has participated in elections, fielding 163 candidates for both the federal parliament and the regional council in the 2026 elections. Though it did not win a single seat, the party has used the narrow political space available to communicate its objectives and principles to the public.
Professor Merera Gudina, chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), has long championed a “stem and branches” philosophy: the belief that Oromia is the indispensable heart of Ethiopia, and that its people must secure self-rule and shared-rule within a unified, democratic state. His perspective, tempered by over five decades of activism, argues that Ethiopia still lacks the genuine political will required for deep-seated dialogue.
But political will can be built. Institutions can be strengthened. The very fact that opposition parties continue to organize, to contest elections, and to demand accountability is evidence that the dream is alive and evolving.
CULTURAL RESURGENCE: THE REBIRTH OF IDENTITY
A freedom struggle is not only about politics—it is about identity, memory, and the right to be seen.
Irreechaa, the annual festival of the Oromo people, has undergone a remarkable transformation, evolving from a banned event to a recognized element of national cultural heritage and an attraction for international tourism. The 2025 theme, “Irreecha: For National Renewal,” embodies the spirit that sustainable progress must be grounded in cultural harmony and shared values.
Afaan Oromo, once reduced to minority status, is now experiencing revitalization efforts. Though implementation remains uneven, the language of wider communication in Ethiopia and neighboring countries is reclaiming its place. The Gadaa system has gained global recognition as a model of democracy and environmental stewardship.
Cultural revival is not a distraction from the struggle—it is the struggle’s soul. When a people remember who they are, they remember what they deserve.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: BUILDING THE MATERIAL FOUNDATION
Justice cannot be built on empty stomachs. Economic development in Oromia provides the material foundation upon which political dreams can be realized.
Development projects like the Welmel River Irrigation and the Sof Omer Luxury Lodge, alongside ongoing agricultural modernization and tourism efforts in Bale Zone, are pillars of economic transformation. The new Yabello airport is expected to significantly enhance regional trade, tourism, and investment while strengthening people-to-people ties.
The Oromia regional government has prioritized the expansion of domestic air travel to drive rapid development. Investment projects are expected to create employment opportunities for more than 284,174 individuals across various sectors, particularly in agriculture, manufacturing, and services.
When economic opportunities expand, political participation becomes more meaningful. When communities have a stake in the future, they are more willing to invest in the struggle for that future.
THE CHALLENGES THAT MUST BE OVERCOME
No honest assessment of the Oromo freedom struggle can ignore the profound challenges that remain.
The Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) has been fighting the Ethiopian government for more autonomy since 2018. The conflict has taken a devastating toll. In January 2025, the U.N. reported that 3.2 million children were not in school because of the fighting. Human rights conditions remain precarious, with documented arbitrary deprivations of life and liberty amid clashes in Oromia.
Political space has shrunk. Opposition leaders have been imprisoned. Electoral competition alone is no longer viewed as sufficient to address Oromia’s political challenges. The OLF has raised concerns that “Tsimdoo” (allied) forces have attempted attacks that caused harm to local residents.
These challenges are real. They are painful. They are not insurmountable.
THE PATH FORWARD: WHY THE DREAM CAN GROW BETTER
The Oromo freedom struggle dream can grow better because the conditions for its growth are being laid—not by outside forces, but by the Oromo people themselves.
First, constitutional tools exist. The 1995 Constitution provides a framework for self-determination that, however imperfectly implemented, remains a powerful legal weapon. The gap between promise and reality is not permanent—it can be closed through sustained political pressure and legal advocacy.
Second, political engagement is deepening. The OLF’s return from exile, its participation in elections, and its calls for inclusive dialogue represent a maturation of the struggle. The OLF has urged the government to demonstrate genuine political will in resolving ongoing grievances through justice, truth, and reconciliation.
Third, cultural identity is strengthening. The revival of Irreechaa, the resurgence of Afaan Oromo, and the global recognition of the Gadaa system provide a cultural foundation that no political repression can destroy.
Fourth, economic development is creating new possibilities. As Oromia’s economy grows, so does the capacity of its people to organize, to advocate, and to demand their rights.
Fifth, the international community is watching. Human rights reporting, U.N. documentation, and global advocacy create pressure for accountability. The Oromo cause is no longer invisible.
CONCLUSION: THE LONG ARC
The Oromo freedom struggle has been long. It has been costly. It has been marked by betrayal, violence, and heartbreak. But it has also been marked by resilience, courage, and an unshakeable commitment to justice.
The dream can grow better because it has already survived the worst that history could throw at it. It has endured because it is rooted in truth—not propaganda, not false narratives, but the lived reality of a people who know what they have lost and what they deserve.
As the OLF has stated, the situation in Oromia and across Ethiopia cannot be resolved merely by declaring an election victory. It requires “an inclusive, genuine, and transparent dialogue”. It requires the courage to acknowledge historical realities, the wisdom to respect differing perspectives, and the commitment to uphold the principles of constitutional democracy and the rule of law.
The Oromo freedom struggle dream can grow better because the Oromo people have never stopped dreaming. And dreams, when nurtured by truth, justice, and unwavering commitment, have a way of becoming reality.
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This feature is based on reporting from Addis Standard, The Reporter Ethiopia, OROMIA TODAY, the Associated Press, the Oversight Board, and other sources documenting the Oromo freedom struggle, political developments, and cultural resurgence in Ethiopia.
The Sacred Gathering: Ya’a Gadaa of Arsii Sikkoo Mandoo at Baldhaa
Thousands of Oromo from Arsii converge at the ancient grounds of Dhaddacha Baldhaa to honour the Gadaa system and restore the sacred traditions of their forefathers
BALEE ZONE, OROMIYA — The ancient grounds of Dhaddacha Baldhaa are alive with purpose. From July 12th to 14th, tens of thousands of Oromo from Arsii have descended upon the sacred site in the Rayitu district of Bale Zone, responding to a call that echoes through generations. They have come not merely to gather, but to restore, to honour, and to preserve the sacred traditions of the Gadaa system.
“Ya’a Gadaa Arsii Sikkoo Mandoo Dhaddacha Baldhaa!”
The Ya’a Gadaa (Gadaa Assembly) of Arsii Sikkoo Mandoo at Dhaddacha Baldhaa has been called. This is a moment of profound significance for the Oromo people—a moment when the ancient traditions of governance, justice, and community are reaffirmed in the face of historical challenges.
The Call to Gather
“Dhaaddachoota sirna gadaa Oromoo Arsii Sikkoo Mandoo caffee gadaa Odaa Roobaa jala jiran keessaa Dhaddacha Baldhaa deebisani dhaabuu Oromoon Arsii July 12-14 walitti dhufee ya’a Gadaa kabajuuf gara godina Baalee Bahaa Aanaa Raayituu magaalaa Dhaddacha Baldhaatti imalaa jiru.”
The elders of the Gadaa system of Arsii Sikkoo Mandoo, who reside under the shade of the Odaa Roobaa Gadaa assembly, are journeying to the town of Dhaddacha Baldhaa in Rayitu district of East Bale Zone. They gather from Adoolessa 12th to 14th to restore the Ya’a Gadaa and honour its sacred traditions.
The Odaa Roobaa is a sacred site—a place where the Gadaa assembly has traditionally met under the shade of the sycamore tree. It is a symbol of justice, community, and continuity. The elders who gather there carry the wisdom of generations and the responsibility of preserving the Oromo way of life.
The Purpose of the Gathering
“Dhaddachi Bal’aan dhaaddachoota wiirtuu gadaa Sikkoo Mandoo Caffee Gadaa Odaa Roobaa jalatti argaman keessaa Dhaddacha Saddeetaa kan Abbaa duulaa ykn kan waraanaa ittisa daangaa waan taheef Ya’a gadaa kanaan dudhaa ganamaa bakkatti deebisuu fi dhaloota safuu fi safeeffanaa ijaaruu, ittiin bulmaata Oromoo kalleessaa calaqqee eenyummaa Oromoo tahe waan barattaniif akka irraatti argamtan waamicha Gumiin Abbootii gadaa Sikkoo Mandoo dabarsee hojirra oolchuun gaafa Adoolessa 12-14’tti Aanaa Raayituu Magaalaa Dhaddacha Baldhaatti akka argamtan jenna.”
The Baldhaa Assembly has issued a formal call to all Gadaa elders of the Sikkoo Mandoo council, who gather at the Odaa Roobaa Gadaa seat, to restore the sacred tradition of the “Dhaddacha Saddeetaa”—the eight-fold assembly. This assembly, which serves as a defence council (Abbaa duulaa) and border protection council, is being reconvened to restore morning prayers and establish a legacy of cultural preservation for future generations.
The elders have learned the importance of preserving Oromo identity from the past. They understand that without the Gadaa system, the Oromo people would lose their governance, their justice, and their identity. This gathering is a direct response to that understanding—a determination to pass on the cultural heritage to the next generation.
The Significance of the Gadaa System
The Gadaa system is one of the most sophisticated indigenous governance structures in the world. It is a system that has guided the Oromo people for centuries—organising their society, managing their resources, resolving their conflicts, and preserving their culture.
“Ya’iin kun kan hunda keenyyaa waan ta’eef ilmaan Oromoo hunduu keessattuu abbaan sirnichaa Ilmaan Arsii Sikkoo Mandoo, ya’a kanarratti argamuun dudhaa sirna gadaa isa ganamaa bakkatti akka deeffannu waamicha waliif dabarsina.”
This gathering belongs to all of us. Therefore, all Oromo people, especially the sons of Arsii Sikkoo Mandoo, are encouraged to attend this assembly to restore the ancient morning traditions of the Gadaa system. Let us spread the word to one another.
The Gadaa system is built on a foundation of values:
- Respect for Elders: The wisdom of the elders is recognized and honoured. They are the keepers of tradition, the guides for the community.
- Community Solidarity: The well-being of the individual is inseparable from the well-being of the community. Everyone has a role to play, and everyone is valued.
- Cultural Continuity: The traditions of the ancestors are preserved and passed on to the next generation. The past is not forgotten but honoured.
- Spiritual Connection: The relationship with the Creator is central to the Gadaa system. Rituals and ceremonies are expressions of gratitude and petitions for blessing.
- Justice and Equality: The Gadaa system is a democratic system that values fairness, justice, and the participation of all members of the community.
The Restoration of Tradition
The gathering at Dhaddacha Baldhaa is not merely a commemoration—it is an act of restoration. The Gadaa system has faced significant challenges over the years, from colonial suppression to modern pressures. Yet the Oromo people have refused to let their traditions die.
The restoration of the Gadaa system is a declaration of cultural survival. It is a statement that the Oromo people will not be erased, their culture will not be forgotten, and their identity will not be denied.
The “Dhaddacha Saddeetaa” (eight-fold assembly) is being reconvened to restore the sacred rituals of the Gadaa system—the morning prayers, the governance structures, the justice systems, and the traditions that have guided the Oromo people for centuries.
A Call to All Oromo
“Odaa Robaa, Odduun Roobaaf Nagaya!”
Odaa Roobaa, Oduu Roobaaf Nagaya! (May the Odaa Roobaa be blessed! May the news of Roobaa bring peace!)
The message is clear: all Oromo are invited to participate in this historic gathering. It is not limited to the elders of Sikkoo Mandoo; it is open to all who wish to honour and preserve the Gadaa traditions.
The preservation of Oromo culture is the responsibility of all Oromo people. It is not the task of a few elders or a single community—it is the duty of every Oromo, wherever they may be.
The Way Forward
As the sun sets over the ancient grounds of Dhaddacha Baldhaa and the fires of the Gadaa assembly burn bright, the Oromo people are reaffirming their commitment to their traditions. They are declaring that the Gadaa system is not a relic of the past but a living, breathing system of governance that continues to guide them.
“Odaa Robaa, Odduun Roobaaf Nagaya!”
The gathering at Dhaddacha Baldhaa is a testament to the resilience of the Oromo people. It is a reminder that cultures do not die when they are actively practised, when they are passed on to the next generation, and when they are honoured in the face of all challenges.
May the Gadaa system continue to guide the Oromo people for generations to come. May the Odaa Roobaa continue to provide shade for the elders who gather beneath it. And may the Oromo people never forget the traditions that make them who they are.
The Gadaa Calendar: Understanding the Time
The gathering at Dhaddacha Baldhaa follows the traditional Oromo calendar, which is a lunar calendar based on the cycles of the moon. Adoolessa is one of the months in this ancient calendar system, and the 12th to 14th days of Adoolessa hold particular significance for the Gadaa assembly.
The traditional Oromo calendar is a living link to the ancestors, a reminder that time itself is cyclical and sacred.
A Gathering of Unity
The Ya’a Gadaa at Dhaddacha Baldhaa is not just a political gathering—it is a spiritual and cultural gathering. It is a time for prayer, for community, for celebration, and for the transmission of wisdom from one generation to the next.
“Ya’iin kun kan hunda keenyyaa waan ta’eef ilmaan Oromoo hunduu keessattuu abbaan sirnichaa Ilmaan Arsii Sikkoo Mandoo, ya’a kanarratti argamuun dudhaa sirna gadaa isa ganamaa bakkatti akka deeffannu waamicha waliif dabarsina.”
This gathering belongs to all of us. Therefore, all Oromo people, especially the sons of Arsii Sikkoo Mandoo, are encouraged to attend this assembly to restore the ancient morning traditions of the Gadaa system. Let us spread the word to one another.
Conclusion
“Odaa Robaa, Odduun Roobaaf Nagaya!”
May the Odaa Roobaa be blessed! May the news of Roobaa bring peace!
The Ya’a Gadaa of Arsii Sikkoo Mandoo at Dhaddacha Baldhaa is a historic gathering—a reaffirmation of Oromo identity, a restoration of sacred traditions, and a declaration of cultural survival. Thousands have gathered, and the message is clear: the Gadaa system lives, the Oromo people endure, and the traditions of the ancestors will never be forgotten.
As the elders gather under the sacred sycamore tree, they are not just remembering the past—they are building the future.
“Odaa Robaa, Odduun Roobaaf Nagaya!”
May the Odaa Roobaa be blessed! May the news of Roobaa bring peace!
BEYOND THE BANNER: KOSTE ABDIISAA’S BLEAK PROGNOSIS FOR TSIMDO AND THE PERILS OF RECYCLED STRATEGIES
A feature analysis of a blunt political intervention that exposes the fault lines in Oromo political strategy
In the fractious arena of Ethiopian and Oromo politics, where alliances shift like desert sands and rhetoric often outpaces reality, few voices cut through the noise with the surgical precision of Koste Abdiisaa. In a recent, characteristically unvarnished reflection, Abdiisaa has delivered a damning indictment of TSIMDO—an indictment that warrants serious analysis not merely as a partisan jab, but as a profound commentary on the trajectory of political struggle itself.
Abdiisaa’s core thesis is stark: “Milka’ina TSIMDOf jecha olollii ABO irratti ta’u hin milka’u!” — TSIMDO’s success cannot be built upon a struggle against ABO (a reference to the Oromo Liberation Front). He doubles down with the declarative English postscript: “TSIMDO will never succeed! A new alliance, but with the same old and failed strategy.”
To understand the gravity of this critique, one must dissect its layered components.
The Strategic Miscalculation: Misplacing the Target
Abdiisaa’s primary contention is that TSIMDO has fundamentally misdiagnosed the battlefield. By framing its struggle primarily as an adversarial contest against the federal seat of power in Addis Ababa/Finfinne, the movement traps itself in a zero-sum paradigm.
Historically, Oromo political movements have oscillated between integrationist and confrontational postures. Abdiisaa suggests that TSIMDO, despite its new branding, has fallen into the latter trap—defining itself more by what it opposes than by what it offers. To orient a struggle for Oromo rights purely against the administrative mechanisms of the capital is to confuse the symptom with the structure. The federal system, with all its constitutional complexities, cannot be stormed through oppositional posturing alone. True leverage, he implies, lies in constitutional fidelity, not rhetorical siege warfare.
The Moral Calculus: Truth Over Propaganda
Perhaps the most philosophically resonant line in Abdiisaa’s reflection is: “Sobni dhugaa/haqa mo’ee hin beeku!” — Deception does not know how to defeat truth and justice.
This is a pointed accusation that TSIMDO may be relying on distorted historical narratives, emotional sloganeering, or selective outrage to galvanize support. In an era where propaganda proliferates on digital platforms, Abdiisaa issues a warning: mobilizing a people through manipulated grievances is a short-term anesthetic, not a long-term cure.
Justice (haqa) possesses an inherent, almost gravitational, historical momentum. When a movement builds its foundation on factual instability, it risks catastrophic collapse when reality reasserts itself. Abdiisaa insists that TSIMDO’s leadership must confront historical and constitutional truths—particularly regarding the complexities of Finfinne’s status—rather than simplifying them into digestible but deceptive soundbites.
The Resilience of Righteous Struggle
Counter-intuitively, Abdiisaa does not dismiss struggle itself. He validates the necessity of resistance: “Ololli qabsoo haqaa irratti ta’us qabsichi fi qabsa’ota daran ni jabeesssa, ni xiiqessa malee of duubatti hin deebisu!” — A struggle grounded in justice, even if it faces intense pressure, strengthens the fighters and never retreats.
This is a critical nuance often lost in political polemics. Abdiisaa is not a pacifist; he is a strategist. He argues that when the cause is just, adversity functions as a crucible—it hardens resolve and clarifies purpose. However, he implies that TSIMDO’s current methodology lacks this foundational justice. If their cause were truly righteous, state pressure would only fortify them. Instead, he observes a tendency toward capitulation, hypocrisy, or confusion. The problem, therefore, is not external opposition but internal moral bankruptcy and tactical incoherence.
The Sharp Irony of Hypocrisy
Abdiisaa’s most scathing critique is reserved for the conduct of TSIMDO’s protagonists: “Namoonni dharaan maqaa nama xureessuf yoo akkas xaaran, namoonni maqaan xura’u ammo hagam akka hojjetan tilmaamuun salphaa dha!” — If those known for having a clean reputation engage in such dirty tactics to defame others, one can easily imagine how those with historically tarnished reputations will operate.
This is a devastating rhetorical thrust. It accuses TSIMDO’s leadership—or their allies—of engaging in character assassination, smear campaigns, and divisive intra-communal attacks. The irony is palpable: if the “righteous” are acting immorally, what restraint can be expected from the unprincipled?
Abdiisaa exposes a dangerous trend in Oromo political activism: the weaponization of identity politics to silence dissent within the community. By attacking other Oromo figures or factions rather than building ideological consensus, TSIMDO risks cannibalizing its own base. This reflects a broader crisis of leadership where personal ego and factional loyalty supersede collective emancipation.
The New Alliance, The Old Failure
Ultimately, Abdiisaa’s verdict is delivered in plain English for universal clarity: “A new alliance, but with the same old and failed strategy.”
This is the crux of the analysis. TSIMDO may present itself as a fresh vanguard, a revitalized coalition, or a break from the past. But Abdiisaa argues that beneath the veneer of novelty lies the fossilized remains of past political failures—an over-reliance on populist agitation, a neglect of constitutional legalism, and an inability to forge durable alliances beyond narrow ethnic or geographic confines.
The “old strategy” is one of perpetual confrontation without governance, of protest without program, of demands without democratic legitimacy. It is a strategy that has historically left the Oromo people politically empowered but structurally disenfranchised—winning the rhetoric but losing the constitutional reality.
Conclusion: A Call for Strategic Sobriety
Koste Abdiisaa’s reflection is more than a critique of a single movement; it is a mirror held up to the Oromo political project at large. He challenges activists to move beyond performative opposition and engage with the arduous labor of constitutional implementation, cross-community dialogue, and principled truth-telling.
For TSIMDO to prove its critic wrong, it must demonstrate a departure from the old playbook. It must anchor its struggle not in the negation of Addis Ababa’s federal role, but in the affirmative realization of Oromia’s constitutional rights within that framework. It must replace smear campaigns with substantive policy proposals.
As Ethiopia’s national dialogue looms, Abdiisaa’s words serve as a stark warning: political movements that refuse to evolve, that cling to outdated antagonisms and inflated rhetoric, are destined for the dustbin of history—regardless of how shiny their new banners appear.
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This analysis is based on the public reflections of Koste Abdiisaa and aims to provide a strategic and ideological interpretation of his critique of TSIMDO and contemporary Oromo political strategy.
The Oromian Story: Preserving Voices, Empowering Communities, and Celebrating Culture
Through the voices of elders and the vitality of community, the Oromian Story program ensures that Oromo culture remains a living, breathing force for generations to come
FINFINNE, OROMIA — In the heart of every culture lies a story—a narrative passed down through generations, carried in the voices of elders, and woven into the fabric of daily life. For the Oromo people, this story is not merely a record of the past; it is a dynamic, living force that shapes identity, builds community, and points toward the future.
The Oromian Story program stands as a testament to this truth. By centering the voices of Oromo elders and engaging communities at the grassroots level, the program ensures that Oromo culture remains vibrant, resilient, and relevant in a rapidly changing world.
“The Oromian elders’ voices is a dynamic part of Oromian culture and identity.”
This recognition lies at the heart of the Oromian Story program. Elders are not simply repositories of ancient wisdom—they are active participants in the ongoing creation of culture. Their voices, their memories, and their insights are essential to understanding who the Oromo people are and who they are becoming.
The Power of Elders’ Voices
In Oromo society, elders occupy a position of profound respect and responsibility. They are the keepers of history, the guardians of tradition, and the guides for the younger generation. The Gadaa system, which has governed Oromo society for centuries, is built on a foundation of elder wisdom and intergenerational transmission.
The Oromian Story program recognizes that the preservation of culture depends on the active engagement of elders. When elders share their stories, they are not merely recounting the past—they are shaping the future. They are teaching younger generations about their identity, their values, and their responsibilities.
Maintaining Culture Through Community Involvement
“The Oromian story program presents the maintenance and continued development of Oromo culture at the community level.”
Culture is not something that can be preserved in museums or archives alone. It lives in the daily practices, rituals, and relationships of communities. The Oromian Story program understands this, focusing on community-level activities that keep culture alive and dynamic.
Through community gatherings, storytelling sessions, and cultural events, the program ensures that Oromo culture is not a relic of the past but a living presence in the present. It engages people of all ages in the ongoing work of cultural preservation and innovation.
Supporting New Forms of Cultural Expression
The program supports activities that support new forms of Oromo cultural expression.
Culture is not static—it evolves, adapts, and grows. The Oromian Story program recognizes this, supporting new forms of cultural expression that reflect the creativity and dynamism of the Oromo people.
This might include:
– Contemporary art and music that draws on traditional themes
– Digital storytelling that reaches new audiences
– Literary works that explore Oromo identity in new ways
– Cultural festivals that bring together diverse communities
– Intergenerational projects that bridge the gap between elders and youth
By supporting new forms of cultural expression, the program ensures that Oromo culture remains relevant and vibrant in the modern world.
Increasing Public Awareness of Oromo Culture
The program supports activities that increase public awareness of Oromo culture, including through the presentation and exchange of culture.
One of the greatest challenges facing Oromo culture is the lack of public awareness—both within Ethiopia and internationally. The Oromian Story program addresses this challenge by promoting the presentation and exchange of culture.
Through public events, cultural exchanges, and educational initiatives, the program helps to:
– Educate the broader public about Oromo culture and history
– Foster cross-cultural understanding and dialogue
– Challenge stereotypes and misconceptions
– Celebrate the richness and diversity of Oromo traditions
– Build bridges between Oromo communities and others
Sustainable Development of Community Organisations
The program supports the sustainable development of community organisations involved in cultural activities.
Cultural preservation cannot be achieved without strong, sustainable community organisations. The Oromian Story program invests in the capacity of these organisations, helping them to:
– Develop effective governance and management structures
– Build financial sustainability
– Train staff and volunteers
– Expand their reach and impact
– Collaborate with other organisations and institutions
The Broader Impact
“The program promotes activities that encourage culturally vibrant communities and contribute to the cultural wellbeing of Oromia.”
The impact of the Oromian Story program extends far beyond the preservation of culture. By strengthening cultural identity and community cohesion, the program contributes to:
Social Cohesion: When communities share a strong cultural identity, they are more resilient, more united, and better able to address common challenges.
Youth Engagement: By involving young people in cultural activities, the program helps to build their sense of identity and purpose.
Community Pride: Cultural activities foster a sense of pride and belonging, strengthening communities from within.
Economic Development: Cultural tourism, arts, and crafts can contribute to local economic development.
Peacebuilding: Cultural exchange and dialogue can help to build trust and understanding between communities.
A Vision for the Future
“The Oromian Story program presents the maintenance and continued development of Oromo culture at the community level.”
The vision of the Oromian Story program is a future in which Oromo culture is not merely preserved but is a vibrant, dynamic force in the lives of Oromo people. It is a future in which elders are honored and their wisdom is valued; in which young people are engaged and empowered; in which communities are united and resilient; and in which Oromo culture is celebrated and shared with the world.
Conclusion
The Oromian Story program is a vital initiative for the preservation and development of Oromo culture. By centering the voices of elders, engaging communities, supporting new forms of cultural expression, and investing in community organisations, the program ensures that Oromo culture remains a living, breathing force for generations to come.
“The Oromian elders’ voices is a dynamic part of Oromian culture and identity.”
As the Oromo people continue their journey of cultural revival and self-determination, programs like the Oromian Story will play an essential role in ensuring that the voices of elders are heard, the stories of the past are remembered, and the culture of the Oromo people continues to thrive.
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In the voices of Oromo elders lies the story of a people—a story of resilience, resistance, and hope. Through the Oromian Story program, that story will continue to be told.
Advocacy for Oromia 