The Question of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa: Toward a Balanced and Sustainable Solution
Navigating History, Constitutional Rights, and the Complex Realities of Governance
By Jafer Ali
The question of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—and its surrounding areas, including Dirree Dhawaa, has long been one of the most contentious and emotionally charged issues in Ethiopian political discourse. For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not merely a city; it is the heart of their ancestral homeland, a symbol of their historical presence, and a constitutional matter that has yet to be resolved. For others, it is the capital of Ethiopia, the seat of the federal government, and a city that belongs to all Ethiopians.
The debate has intensified as the national dialogue process unfolds, and the question of how to resolve the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has become central to discussions about the future of Ethiopia’s federal system, ethnic relations, and governance structure.
This article seeks to explore the key questions surrounding Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa, examining the constitutional, historical, political, and practical dimensions of the issue. It argues that a sustainable solution must move beyond simplistic claims of ownership and instead focus on a framework of mutual consent, shared benefit, and constitutional fidelity.
The Key Questions
The debate over Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa can be distilled into two fundamental questions:
1. What does the Constitution say?
The Ethiopian Constitution, adopted in 1995, establishes the federal structure of the country and recognizes the rights of nations, nationalities, and peoples. Article 49(5) specifically recognizes Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne regarding social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters arising from the city’s location within the State of Oromia.
This constitutional provision has been the subject of intense debate. For Oromo advocates, it represents a legal acknowledgment of the city’s historical and geographical connection to Oromia—a connection that has never been fully implemented. For others, the provision is a compromise that balances the city’s role as the federal capital with the rights of the surrounding region.
2. What does the people demand?
The Oromo people’s demand regarding Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is clear and consistent: the city is Oromo land, and its rightful owners are the Oromo people. The demand is often framed as a call for the city to be placed under the administrative jurisdiction of the Oromia Regional Government or for the Oromo people to have greater control over the city’s governance and resources.
This demand is rooted in a historical narrative that the city was established on Oromo land through conquest and dispossession, and that the Oromo people have never consented to the city’s status as a separately administered entity.
The Need for a Balanced Approach
The challenge of resolving the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa lies in reconciling these two perspectives. On one hand, the Oromo people’s historical and constitutional claims cannot be ignored. On the other hand, the city’s role as the federal capital, its international significance, and the presence of diverse communities cannot be dismissed.
A balanced approach must consider the following dimensions:
1. The Constitutional Dimension
The Constitution provides a starting point for resolving the issue. Article 49(5) recognizes Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne, but the provision has never been fully implemented. A sustainable solution must begin by implementing this constitutional provision through joint administrative mechanisms, resource-sharing agreements, and coordinated governance frameworks.
However, any implementation must respect the city’s role as the federal capital and the rights of all its residents. The Constitution does not provide for the city to be placed under Oromia’s exclusive administrative control. Rather, it envisions a framework of cooperation and shared responsibility.
2. The Historical Dimension
The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne is a fact that must be acknowledged. The area known as Finfinnee was inhabited by Oromo people before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire, and the city’s name itself is Oromo, meaning “place of hot springs.”
But historical claims alone cannot determine the city’s future. The city has evolved over the past century into a multi-ethnic metropolis that is home to people from across Ethiopia. The current residents—Oromo, Amhara, Gurage, Tigrayan, and others—have legitimate claims to the city as their home. A just solution must respect both the historical rights of the Oromo people and the contemporary rights of all residents.
3. The Political Dimension
The status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is a political question that requires political solutions. It cannot be resolved through unilateral declarations or zero-sum demands. It requires negotiation, compromise, and good-faith dialogue between the federal government, the Oromia regional government, and other stakeholders.
The political dimension also includes considerations of power, representation, and resource allocation. Any solution must ensure that the Oromo people have a meaningful voice in the governance of the city while also ensuring that all residents are treated equally and fairly.
4. The Practical Dimension
Finfinne is not just a symbol; it is a functioning city with millions of residents, extensive infrastructure, and a critical role in Ethiopia’s economy and international relations. The city is home to the African Union headquarters, numerous diplomatic missions, and major economic enterprises.
Any change in the city’s governance must consider the practical implications for its residents, businesses, and international partners. Disruption to the city’s administration could have far-reaching consequences that extend beyond Oromia.
The Complexities of the Dirree Dhawaa Question
While the focus has often been on Finfinne, the question of Dirree Dhawaa is equally significant. Dirree Dhawaa is a symbol of Oromo resistance—a site where the Oromo people have gathered to demand their rights and have faced repression from state forces.
The status of Dirree Dhawaa is closely linked to the broader question of Oromo land rights and the expansion of the capital. The area is located within Oromia and has been the focus of protests and resistance. A sustainable solution for Finfinne must also address the concerns of communities in Dirree Dhawaa and other surrounding areas.
The Risk of Unilateral Decisions
The debate over Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is not without risk. Unilateral decisions—whether by the federal government or the Oromia regional government—could have serious consequences. As history has shown, when the boundaries of the capital were previously redrawn, it led to widespread protests, conflict, and political instability.
The controversy over the 2014 Finfinne Integrated Development Master Plan highlighted these risks. The proposed expansion of the capital into surrounding Oromia districts led to widespread protests that spread throughout Oromia and eventually led to the cancellation of the plan. The experience demonstrated that decisions made in the capital directly affect neighboring Oromo communities, and that meaningful consultation and participation are essential.
The Need for Comprehensive Analysis
Before any decision is made on the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa, a comprehensive analysis is needed. This analysis should consider:
- The interests of all residents: The rights and needs of all residents of the city must be respected.
- The interests of the Oromo people: The historical and constitutional claims of the Oromo people must be acknowledged.
- The interests of the federal government: The city’s role as the federal capital must be protected.
- The interests of the Oromia regional government: The region’s constitutional rights and interests must be respected.
- The interests of the broader Ethiopian people: The solution must serve the long-term stability and unity of the country.
A Possible Framework for Resolution
A sustainable resolution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa must be based on mutual consent, shared benefit, and constitutional fidelity. A possible framework could include:
1. Implementation of Constitutional Provisions
Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne, as recognized in Article 49(5), should be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms that ensure meaningful Oromo participation in decisions affecting the city and surrounding communities. This could include joint committees, shared decision-making structures, and resource-sharing agreements.
2. Recognition of Historical Rights
The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa should be recognized through cultural institutions, public acknowledgment, and educational programs that celebrate the city’s diverse history.
3. Fair Development and Consultation
Urban expansion and development should be planned with meaningful consultation with affected communities, ensuring fair compensation, environmental protection, and shared benefits.
4. Inclusive Governance
All residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—should have equal rights to participation, public services, and legal protection. The city’s governance should reflect its diversity and ensure that all voices are heard.
5. Shared Prosperity
The economic benefits of the capital’s growth should be shared with surrounding communities, creating a virtuous cycle of development rather than a pattern of exploitation.
The Role of Dialogue and Mutual Consent
Ultimately, the solution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa must be based on dialogue and mutual consent. The federal government and the Oromia regional government must engage in good-faith negotiations to find a mutually acceptable governance framework.
The national dialogue process provides an opportunity to address this issue in a comprehensive and inclusive manner. However, the dialogue must be genuine, transparent, and committed to finding a solution that serves the interests of all parties.
Conclusion: Toward a Just and Sustainable Future
The question of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is one of the most complex and consequential issues facing Ethiopia today. It touches on history, identity, constitutional rights, governance, and the future of the nation.
A sustainable solution cannot be based on unilateral declarations, zero-sum demands, or the denial of legitimate rights. It requires a commitment to dialogue, constitutional fidelity, and the recognition that the interests of all parties—the Oromo people, the residents of the city, the federal government, and the broader Ethiopian people—must be balanced.
The status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is not just a question of ownership—it is a question of justice, governance, and the future of Ethiopia itself.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Nagaan haa bulaa!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and sustainable solution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa.
Irreechaa: The Oromo Thanksgiving — A Celebration of Creation, Renewal, and Gratitude
Honouring Waaqa Through Ancient Rituals of Rain, Peace, and Fertility
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the heart of the Oromo nation, a sacred tradition unfolds each year—a celebration that connects the living to their creator, their ancestors, and the natural world that sustains them. Irreechaa is more than a cultural festival; it is the spiritual heartbeat of the Oromo people, a profound expression of thanksgiving to Waaqa (God) for the gift of life, the renewal of the seasons, and the promise of abundance.
As the Oromo people gather at sacred sites—atop mountains, along riverbanks, and around the shores of lakes—they carry bunches of fresh grass and flowers, symbols of creation and gratitude. They sing, they pray, and they reaffirm their faith in the one universal creator. This is Irreechaa: the Oromo Thanksgiving Day.
The Oromo Belief in One God: Waaqa Tokko
The Oromo people are one of the indigenous peoples of East Africa, with a rich cultural heritage that stretches back millennia. Central to their worldview is a profound and unwavering belief in monotheism—the belief in one God, whom they call Waaqa.
The Oromo are not fetishists. They do not worship the forces of nature; rather, they see in them the manifestations of Waaqa’s power and wisdom. The Oromo people hold this faith so deeply that any expression of doubt regarding the unity of God is met with strong protest. For the Oromo, there is and will always be but one God—Waaqa Tokko—the unique, universal creator and master of all existence.
This belief is the foundation upon which the Irreechaa ceremony is built. It is a celebration not of nature itself, but of the creator whose wisdom and power are revealed through nature’s beauty, fertility, and renewal.
The Gadaa System and Qaalluu Institution: The Framework of Irreechaa
To fully understand Irreechaa, one must understand the broader cultural and political systems of the Oromo people, particularly the Gadaa system and the Qaalluu institution.
The Gadaa system is a millennia-old democratic governance structure based on generational age sets, egalitarian principles, and rotating leadership. It has been recognized by UNESCO as part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. The Qaalluu institution, on the other hand, is the spiritual authority that maintains harmony between society, nature, and the spiritual realm.
Irreechaa is intimately connected to both. The Qaalluus (spiritual leaders) and the Abbaa Malkaas (lineal chiefs of the areas) are at the top hierarchies of the ritual. The Qaalluus give instructions and directives regarding the location and timing of the ritual, ensuring that it is conducted in accordance with ancient traditions.
The Philosophy of Irreechaa: Life, Death, and Resurrection
Irreechaa is not merely a ritual; it is a comprehensive philosophical worldview that reflects the Oromo people’s understanding of existence.
The ceremony embodies a profound admiration for the miraculous spiritual powers of Waaqa and the living secret of generation. The ever-greenness and productivity of plants, the regeneration of life, the replacement of the old by the new, and the death and resurrection of fruits are seen as manifestations of Waaqa’s wisdom.
According to this belief, all is accomplished by the will of Waaqa.
The cycle of seasons—the death of vegetation in the dry season and its resurrection with the rains—is likened to the cycle of life itself. It reflects a philosophy of life after death, of renewal, and of hope.
Historically, this worldview is believed to have originated from the ancient Cushitic people living along the Nile Valley. While the Oromo Waaqeffannaa is not identical to the religious practices of these ancient peoples, it shares a common origin in the Nile Valley Cushitic civilization.
The Two Major Irreechaa Celebrations
The Irreechaa ritual ceremony is conducted at different places and times, governed by its own system and portrayed by its own ritual practices. By and large, it takes place at two major areas:
1. Irreechaa Tulluu — The Mountain Celebration
Irreechaa Tulluu is the ritual ceremony conducted at the top of mountains. It is performed at the beginning of the spring season, usually in the month of March.
For three months prior, the land has endured the harshness of the dry season (bona) . Both people and cattle suffer from drought, shortage of water, and scarcity of grasses. It is during this time of hardship that the Oromo people gather on the mountain tops to pray to Waaqa to send rain, to bring relief, and to restore life to the land.
The mountain tops are solitary places characterized by moisture conducive for praying. This ritual ceremonial practice is said to have closely related to the worship practiced by ancient settlers of peoples of the Nile Valley.
2. Irreechaa Malkaa — The Riverbank Celebration
Irreechaa Malkaa is celebrated immediately after the end of the rainy season, in the middle of September (Fulbaana). It is a time of transition—when the darkness and fog of the rainy season give way to the brightness of spring (Birraa) .
This ritual ceremony is accomplished not only along the banks of rivers but also around lakes and their vicinities. The most famous of these celebrations takes place at Hora Arsadi, near Bishoftu town, a site of profound historical and cultural significance.
This Irreechaa holiday is sometimes known as Ayyaana Birraa (the Birraa holiday). It is the time when relatives, families, and clans, separated by rivers and floods during the rainy season, are able to meet and reconnect.
The Significance of Hora Arsadi
Hora Arsadi, the iconic site of Irreechaa Malkaa, is located adjacent to Bishoftu town, not far from Oda Nabe—one of the Oromo religious, political, and historical centers of ancient times.
The name “Hora Arsadi” is derived from a man named Arsadi, who is said to have belonged to the Liban lineage. The site is a sacred space, where the Oromo people gather annually to give thanks, to pray, and to renew their connection to Waaqa and to each other.
At this site, the Abbaa Malkaas and the Abbaa Gadaas have vital participatory roles. Communities carrying bunches of lovely grasses and flowers in their hands—symbols of creation and abundance—praise, bless, and pray to Waaqa.
The Rituals of Irreechaa
The Irreechaa ceremony is a rich tapestry of song, dance, prayer, and community fellowship.
Carrying the Bunch of Grasses and Flowers
Participants hold in their hands fresh grass and flowers—symbols of the creation they are praising. This act embodies the essence of Irreechaa: “Uumamaan uumaa raajjeeffanna” —we pray and admire the creator having creations in hands.
After the thanksgiving songs are sung, the bunches of flowers and grasses are laid over, symbolizing the offering of gratitude to Waaqa.
The Songs of Irreechaa
The songs of Irreechaa are deeply moving and spiritually charged. The women, decorated in Caaccuu (beads) cultural suits and holding Siiqqee (cultural slender sticks), sing the melody:
“Maareyoo! Maareyoo…!”
The men, holding Harooressa (male sticks), respond with:
“Irrechoo yaa irrecha malkaa roobaafi nagaa…”
This call and response is a prayer for rain, peace, and fertility—for the well-being of the community and the promise of abundance.
The Return Home
After the prayers, all participants return to their villages, accompanying the Abbaa Malkaa and their clan leaders. The journey back is marked by joy, fellowship, and the reaffirmation of community bonds.
Children and Youth Celebrations
Children with peer groups sing seasonal and love songs. This is the season when young people select their partners, give and receive gifts, and express their best wishes to one another through cultural songs. It is a time of hope, renewal, and the celebration of life.
The Cultural and Spiritual Meaning of Irreechaa
Irreechaa embodies the core values of Oromo culture and spirituality:
1. Gratitude to the Creator
The ceremony is an act of thanksgiving, acknowledging that all life and abundance come from Waaqa.
2. Renewal and Hope
Irreechaa marks the transition from hardship to hope, from the scarcity of the dry season to the abundance of spring.
3. Community and Unity
The celebration brings together families, clans, and communities, reinforcing the bonds of kinship and solidarity.
4. Connection to Nature
The use of fresh grass and flowers symbolizes the Oromo people’s deep connection to the natural world and their role as stewards of creation.
5. Peace and Reconciliation
Irreechaa is also a time for reconciliation—for mending relationships, resolving conflicts, and fostering peace within the community.
Irreechaa in the Modern Era
Today, Irreechaa has grown beyond its traditional boundaries. The annual celebration at Hora Arsadi now draws hundreds of thousands of Oromo people from across Ethiopia and the diaspora. It has become a powerful expression of Oromo identity, unity, and cultural pride.
The ceremony has also garnered international recognition. It serves as a reminder of the Oromo people’s rich cultural heritage and their enduring connection to their land, their faith, and their traditions.
In the diaspora, Oromo communities in cities like Minneapolis, Seattle, Melbourne, and Toronto have also begun to celebrate Irreechaa, ensuring that the tradition continues across borders. These celebrations preserve cultural identity, connect younger generations to their heritage, and create spaces for community bonding.
A Call to Preserve and Celebrate
As the Oromo people continue to navigate the challenges of the modern world, Irreechaa remains a source of strength, hope, and identity. It is a reminder of who they are, where they come from, and the values that unite them as a people.
Irreechaa is more than a holiday—it is a way of life. It is a philosophy of gratitude, a celebration of creation, and a reaffirmation of faith in the one universal creator.
As the participants gather at Hora Arsadi and other sacred sites, they carry not just bunches of grass and flowers, but the hopes, prayers, and dreams of an entire nation.
Irreechoo yaa irrecha malkaa roobaafi nagaa!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Irreechaa haa jabaattu!
Waaqa haa galatannu!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo people—past, present, and future—who carry the spirit of Irreechaa in their hearts, and to the generations yet to come who will continue this sacred tradition.
Finfinne: A Question of Law, Governance, and Political Will
Moving Beyond History to Constitutional and Administrative Solutions
By Birhanu Lenjiso (PhD)
The debate surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—has long been entangled in competing historical narratives, emotional appeals, and identity politics. But at its core, the question of Finfinne’s status is not primarily historical or geographical. It is a question of law, governance, and political will.
Finfinne is the capital of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. It serves as the seat of the federal government. But it is also a city located within the boundaries of Oromia, and this geographical reality carries constitutional implications that cannot be ignored. The distinction between the city’s role as a federal capital and its regional location must be clearly understood if we are to find a sustainable solution.
The Constitutional Framework: A City Within Oromia
Finfinne did not become the capital of Ethiopia because it lacked an owner. It became the capital because the Oromo people—the rightful owners of the land—consented to its role as the seat of the federal government. This consent was formalized in the Ethiopian Constitution, which recognized Oromia’s “special interest” in the city concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters.
This constitutional recognition is not a declaration of Oromo ownership in the exclusive sense. Rather, it acknowledges a practical reality: the city is located within Oromia, and its daily functioning and development depend on resources, infrastructure, and cooperation from surrounding Oromo communities.
Two distinct dimensions must be clearly distinguished:
- The city’s regional status — its location within Oromia and its relationship with the surrounding communities.
- The city’s federal status — its role as the capital of Ethiopia and the seat of the federal government.
Both dimensions are legitimate and must be respected. The challenge is to find a governance framework that honours both.
The Oromo Position: A Clear and Legitimate Demand
The Oromo people’s demand regarding Finfinne is clear and straightforward: Finfinne should remain the capital of Ethiopia, but its administration should be placed under the jurisdiction of Oromia.
This demand is rooted in the following considerations:
- Geographical Reality: Finfinne is surrounded by Oromia and is an integral part of the Oromo homeland.
- Historical Connection: The area known as Finfinnee has been inhabited by Oromo people for generations and holds deep cultural significance.
- Constitutional Recognition: The Constitution recognizes Oromia’s special interest in the city, a provision that has never been fully implemented.
- Practical Necessity: The city’s development and the well-being of surrounding communities are interconnected and require coordinated governance.
The Oromo position is not a rejection of Finfinne’s role as the federal capital. It is a demand for constitutional implementation, administrative justice, and practical cooperation.
The Importance of Legal and Administrative Clarity
The debate over Finfinne should not be reduced to competing historical claims or identity-based appeals. While history and geography provide important context, the core question is one of law and governance.
What is the legal status of Finfinne?
How should its relationship with Oromia be governed?
How can the constitutional provisions regarding Oromia’s special interest be implemented?
These are the questions that demand answers. Repeatedly invoking historical grievances or geographical arguments without addressing the legal and administrative dimensions does not move the debate forward. It only complicates the process and deepens divisions.
Separating History, Law, Politics, and Identity
To make progress on the Finfinne question, we must develop the discipline of separating different dimensions of the issue:
- History: The historical connection between the Oromo people and the land on which Finfinne was built is a fact. It is not a question—it is a reality that must be acknowledged.
- Geography: The city is located within Oromia. This is a geographical fact, not a political claim. It has implications for governance, resource sharing, and administrative cooperation.
- Constitutional Law: The Constitution recognizes Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne. This is a legal provision that requires implementation. How this implementation should occur is a matter of legal interpretation and political negotiation.
- Politics: The demand for administrative control over Finfinne is a political question. It is subject to debate, negotiation, and compromise. It is not a historical or geographical inevitability—it is a matter of political will and constitutional interpretation.
- Identity: Finfinne holds deep cultural and symbolic meaning for the Oromo people. This identity dimension must be respected, but it should not dominate the legal and administrative discussions.
By separating these dimensions, we can engage in a more productive and less emotionally charged debate.
The Need for a Framework Agreement
The Finfinne question will not be resolved through unilateral declarations or zero-sum demands. It requires a framework agreement that addresses the following key issues:
- Constitutional Implementation: How can Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne be implemented in practice? What joint administrative mechanisms are needed?
- Administrative Relations: How should the federal government, the Oromia regional government, and the city administration coordinate their activities?
- Resource Sharing: How should the city’s resources—including land, water, and infrastructure—be managed in a way that benefits both the city and surrounding communities?
- Development Planning: How can urban expansion and development be planned in a way that respects the rights and interests of affected communities?
- Citizen Participation: How can all residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—participate in the governance of the city?
Such an agreement must be based on mutual respect, constitutional fidelity, and a commitment to justice.
The Danger of Historical Simplification
One of the greatest obstacles to resolving the Finfinne question is the tendency to reduce complex issues to simplistic historical claims.
Those who argue that Finfinne is simply “Oromo land” or that it is simply “Ethiopian capital” are missing the point. The city is both. It is the capital of Ethiopia and the historical heart of Oromia. These two truths are not contradictory—they are complementary.
The challenge is to create governance arrangements that honour both truths. This requires moving beyond historical claims and engaging in practical, constitutional discussions.
A Call for Pragmatism and Cooperation
The Finfinne question has been debated for decades. It has been the source of conflict, protest, and political tension. It has divided communities and strained relationships. But it does not have to be a source of endless conflict.
A sustainable solution requires:
- Acknowledgment of Historical Facts: The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne must be acknowledged. This is not a concession—it is an acknowledgment of reality.
- Respect for Constitutional Provisions: Oromia’s special interest in the city, as recognized in the Constitution, must be implemented. The Constitution is not a suggestion—it is the supreme law of the land.
- Political Will: The federal government and the Oromia regional government must engage in good-faith negotiations to find a mutually acceptable governance framework.
- Focus on Practical Solutions: The debate should focus on practical questions of governance, resource sharing, and administrative coordination—not on abstract claims of ownership or identity.
Conclusion: A Path Forward
The Finfinne question is ultimately a question of law and governance. It is about how the city should be administered, how resources should be shared, and how the relationship between the city and surrounding communities should be governed.
The Oromo people’s demand—that Finfinne remain the capital of Ethiopia while its administration is placed under Oromia—is a legitimate political claim. It is rooted in constitutional provisions, historical realities, and practical considerations. It deserves to be taken seriously.
But the resolution of this question will not come from historical debates or identity-based appeals. It will come from good-faith negotiations, constitutional implementation, and a commitment to justice.
Let us focus on the law.
Let us focus on governance.
Let us focus on practical solutions.
Let us build a future where Finfinne serves as a city for all Ethiopians while honouring its historical and constitutional relationship with Oromia.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Oromia fi Finfinne walitti haa qabatan!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dr. Birhanu Lenjiso and is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and lasting solution to the question of Finfinne.
A Historical Reflection on the Betrayal of Abiishee Garbaa: Lessons for the Oromo Struggle Today
How Deception, Diplomacy, and Divide-and-Rule Tactics Defeated a Leader—and What the Oromo Liberation Army Must Learn
By Dinknesh Dheeressaa
As I observe the events unfolding in our midst today, I am reminded of a painful chapter in Oromo history—the story of Abiishee Garbaa, a leader whose fate was sealed not by the strength of his enemies on the battlefield, but by their cunning, deception, and manipulation of Oromo unity.
This is not merely a tale of the past. It is a mirror held up to the present. The same tactics that brought down Abiishee Garbaa are being employed today against the Oromo people and their liberation struggle. The question we must ask ourselves is: Have we learned the lessons of history?
The Historical Context: Abiishee Garbaa and the Gojjam Invasion
According to the authoritative book “Seenaa Abiishee Garbaa fi Gootota Oromoo Biroo” by Ginbaar Nagaraa Kumsaa (2013), the story of Abiishee Garbaa is one of betrayal, deception, and the tragic fragmentation of Oromo unity .
In the years 1854/55, following the death of Garbaa Huruubaa—the ruler of Horro and Abiishee’s father—the region fell into political turmoil. No new leader had been appointed to rule Horro, and this power vacuum was exploited by the Gojjam forces. They crossed the Mormor River through Amuru and launched a devastating campaign against the Horro people .
Abiishee, compelled to defend his people and claim his father’s legacy, mobilized his forces. He gathered the Qondaaltota (warriors) of Horro and successfully repelled the Gojjam invaders. Despite multiple attempts, the Gojjam forces could not defeat Abiishee in direct military confrontation .
But they did not need to.
The Tactics of Deception: Divide, Bribe, and Betray
Unable to defeat Abiishee through conventional warfare, the Gojjam forces turned to a different strategy: division and deception.
They exploited internal rifts within the Horro leadership. One of Abiishee’s own commanders, Soorii Galaa, who had opposed Abiishee’s leadership, defected to the enemy. Soorii Galaa fled to Gojjam, where he was received and employed. He then conspired to betray his people, using his insider knowledge to undermine Oromo resistance .
This pattern is all too familiar. As the Oromo proverb says: “Soogiddaan soogidda cabsu” —”Salt breaks salt.” The enemy does not always need to destroy you from the outside. Often, they find someone from within to do the work for them.
The Gojjam forces used a combination of modern weaponry, espionage, bribery, and deception. They pitted Oromo leaders against each other, spreading rumours, creating alliances based on false promises, and exploiting personal ambitions and grievances to shatter the unity of the Oromo people .
The Role of Qadiidaa Wannabee: False Diplomacy and Betrayal
The most infamous act of deception was the role of Qadiidaa Wannabee. Unable to defeat Abiishee through force, the Gojjam forces enlisted Qadiidaa to lure Abiishee into a trap through the promise of peace. Qadiidaa went to Abiishee, swore oaths of friendship, and assured him that the Gojjam forces were sincere in their desire for reconciliation .
Abiishee, believing in the promise of peace, agreed to meet the Gojjam forces at a location they had prepared. He set out without his weapons—unarmed, trusting in the word of Qadiidaa.
But it was a trap.
As Abiishee entered the camp of the Gojjam forces, the Amhara forces, who had been lying in wait, surrounded him. Soorii Galaa—the defector—served as the translator. Abiishee was disarmed and taken captive .
The Humiliation and Tragic End
Abiishee was not given a warrior’s death. Instead, he was subjected to unspeakable humiliation. He was bound with heavy wooden yokes—the same yokes used to bind oxen. He was paraded and forced to walk to Gojjam. Stripped of his dignity, his clothing, and his freedom, he was led like an animal before his enemies.
According to the account, when Abiishee realized the depth of the deception and the humiliation he had been forced to endure, his grief and rage were so overwhelming that he chewed off his own fingers in despair .
This tragic ending is a searing reminder: when unity is broken, when trust is misplaced, when the enemy’s diplomacy is a mask for violence, the price is catastrophic.
The Relevance of History: The Oromo Liberation Army Today
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is not just a historical curiosity. It is a lesson for the Oromo Liberation Army (WBO) today. As the armed wing of the Oromo struggle, the WBO faces challenges that echo the past:
1. The Danger of Deception and False Diplomacy
Today, the Ethiopian government and its allies are skilled in the same tactics that defeated Abiishee. They offer peace, dialogue, and reconciliation—but often, these are merely tools for disarmament and control. The legacy of Qadiidaa Wannabee lives on. Abiishee’s mistake was trusting the word of an enemy who offered peace while preparing to destroy him.
The WBO must remain vigilant. Not every hand extended in peace is sincere. Some are reaching for a weapon.
2. The Need for Unity
Abiishee’s downfall was accelerated by division within his own leadership. The defection of Soorii Galaa and the internal conflicts among the Horro commanders fractured their resistance. The enemy exploited these divisions masterfully.
The WBO must guard against internal fragmentation. The Oromo struggle is a collective effort, and unity is its greatest strength. As the Oromo saying goes: “Tokkummaan jabina” —”Unity is strength.”
3. The Power of Knowledge and Preparation
Abiishee’s defeat was also a failure of intelligence and preparation. He underestimated his enemies, overestimated their sincerity, and failed to anticipate the trap they had set.
The WBO must prioritize intelligence, strategy, and preparation. The enemy is often more cunning than they appear. Knowledge of history, awareness of tactics, and readiness for deception are essential weapons in the struggle.
The Broader Lesson: History Must Not Be Forgotten
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is part of the larger history of Oromo resistance—a history that has been systematically suppressed and erased. As one historian notes, studies focusing on the history of Oromo heroes like Abiishee Garbaa are relatively scarce, and the historical narratives have often been shaped by external perspectives .
Recovering and teaching Oromo history is therefore a political act. It is an act of resistance against the erasure of Oromo identity and memory. It is a way of ensuring that the mistakes of the past are not repeated.
The book “Seenaa Abiishee Garbaa fi Gootota Oromoo Biroo” is one such effort to reclaim that history. By telling the stories of Oromo heroes, it provides the younger generation with the knowledge they need to continue the struggle with wisdom and determination.
A Call to Action: Learn from the Past, Build for the Future
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is a cautionary tale. It reminds us that the struggle for Oromo liberation is not only a battle against external enemies but also against internal divisions and naivety.
Today, the Oromo Liberation Army and the broader Oromo movement face challenges that require wisdom, unity, and vigilance. The Ethiopian government continues to use the same tactics of divide-and-rule that were employed against Abiishee. False diplomacy, offers of peace, and political manipulation are still weapons in their arsenal.
The lesson is clear: the enemy does not always come with guns. Sometimes they come with promises.
The WBO and all Oromo people must learn from the mistakes of the past. They must:
- Study history to understand the tactics of their enemies.
- Remain united and guard against internal division.
- Be vigilant in the face of false diplomacy.
- Prepare strategically for both political and military challenges.
Conclusion: Honouring the Memory of Abiishee Garbaa
Abiishee Garbaa was a leader who fought bravely to defend his people and his land. He was defeated not by a stronger enemy on the battlefield, but by betrayal, division, and deception. His story is a tragedy—but it is also a lesson.
As Dinknesh Dheeressaa reminds us: “The wounds of history are not just memories; they are warnings. They tell us what we must not do again.”
The Oromo struggle has been marked by many such tragedies. But each tragedy has also produced heroes, martyrs, and lessons. If we honour the memory of Abiishee Garbaa, we must do so by learning from his story—by ensuring that the same mistakes are not repeated.
Let us learn from the past so that the future may be free.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Seenaa haa barannu!
WBO haa jabaattu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dinknesh Dheeressaa and is dedicated to all those who continue to struggle for Oromo liberation and who seek wisdom from the lessons of history.
The Unrelenting Reactionary Force: A Reflection on Ethiopia’s National Dialogue and the Battle for Constitutional Integrity
Confronting the Forces That Seek to Undermine Ethiopia’s Federal Foundation
By Dereje Gerefa Tullu
For over three decades, the Ethiopian Constitution has served as the foundational document upon which the country’s federal system was built. It enshrined the rights of nations, nationalities, and peoples—including the right to self-determination, cultural recognition, and political participation. It was a historic compromise, an attempt to address the historical grievances of marginalized communities and build a new Ethiopia based on equality and justice.
Yet, from the moment it was adopted, there have been forces that have sought to undermine it. These forces—reactionary in their orientation—have never accepted the constitutional order. They have never reconciled themselves to the reality that Ethiopia is a country of diverse nations and nationalities with equal rights. And now, as the national dialogue unfolds, they have emerged once again, more vocal and more aggressive than ever.
This is a reflection on the reactionary forces that have dominated Ethiopia’s political discourse for decades—forces that, under the guise of unity, seek to reimpose a centralized, assimilationist order that has been rejected by the Ethiopian people.
The Assault on the Constitution: Erasing Nations and Nationalities
The reactionary forces have made their agenda clear. They have targeted the very language of the Constitution, particularly the phrase “nations and nationalities” that appears in its preamble. They argue that this language is divisive, that it undermines national unity, that it must be replaced with something more “inclusive”—a term that, in practice, means something far more sinister.
“The phrase ‘nations and nationalities’ bothers me,” they declare. “It should be removed.”
When the ruling Prosperity Party proposed replacing it with “Ethiopian nationalities” —a gesture toward the reactionaries—it was not enough. They demanded more. They insisted that the very recognition of distinct nationalities be erased entirely, replaced by a homogenized “Ethiopian” identity that denies the reality of the country’s diversity.
No one outside the reactionary camp has asked for this. No one has demanded that the Constitution’s recognition of nations and nationalities be removed. This is not a popular demand—it is the agenda of a minority that refuses to accept the constitutional order.
The Attack on Self-Determination: Article 39 Under Fire
If the preamble was the first target, Article 39 of the Constitution—which enshrines the right to self-determination, up to and including secession—has been the primary focus of the reactionary assault.
“Remove the right to secession,” they demand. “Why should the Constitution include such a dangerous provision?”
Despite the fact that the right to self-determination is a fundamental principle of international law, despite the fact that it is recognized in constitutions around the world, the reactionaries have never accepted it. They see it as a threat to their vision of a centralized Ethiopian state.
“We Ethiopians are not interested in secession,” they insist. “We are interested in unity, equality, and brotherhood/sisterhood.”
But if the right to self-determination is not a threat, if it is simply a constitutional safeguard, then why do they want it removed? The answer is clear: because they do not trust the Ethiopian people. They do not believe in democracy. They do not believe that the people, if given the choice, would choose to remain united. They want to deny the people that choice—not because they believe in unity, but because they believe in control.
The Land Question: Undermining Oromo’s Constitutional Rights
The reactionary forces have also targeted Article 49(5) of the Constitution, which recognizes Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters.
“Remove Oromia’s special interest,” they demand. “Why should Oromia have a special interest in the capital?”
They argue that because Finfinne is surrounded by Oromia, and because the city’s daily activities and development depend on resources from Oromia, this constitutional provision is somehow unfair. They have called for the complete removal of any reference to Oromia in the Constitution’s treatment of the capital.
“The national dialogue is completely under the control of Oromia’s Prosperity Party,” they have claimed on social media. “It is rigged.”
Despite the fact that Finfinne has historically been the capital of Ethiopia and the seat of the federal government, the reactionary forces have framed Oromia’s constitutional interests as a threat. They have campaigned relentlessly to delegitimize these provisions and to marginalize the Oromo people in their own capital.
The Land Question: Property, Access, and Control
The reactionary forces have also weighed in on the land question, challenging the constitutional principle that land is the common property of the state and the people. They have demanded that private property rights be expanded to include land—a demand that would fundamentally alter the socio-economic order of Ethiopia.
“Land should be private,” they declare.
When it was suggested that some form of private land ownership could be introduced, the reactionary forces were not satisfied. They insisted that the only reason private land ownership was not already enshrined in the Constitution was the treachery of the previous regime, the EPRDF. They dismissed any attempt at compromise and insisted on the full privatization of land—a demand that would disproportionately benefit the wealthy at the expense of farmers and rural communities.
The Historical Revisionism: A Convenient Amnesia
The reactionary forces have also engaged in historical revisionism. They have argued that Finfinne has always been the capital of Ethiopia, that it has always been the capital of the Shoa region, and that there is nothing exceptional about this arrangement.
“Under the Emperor, Finfinne was the capital of Ethiopia and Shoa. Under the Derg, it was the capital of Ethiopia, the Shoa Province, and the Administrative Region. Under the EPRDF and Prosperity Party, it has been the capital of Ethiopia and Oromia. Nothing has changed.”
But this is a convenient amnesia. The fact that Finfinne has served as the capital is not in dispute. What is in dispute is whether the Oromo people have a constitutional and historical stake in the city. Article 49(5) was not invented by the current regime—it was a product of the EPRDF era, adopted with the consent of all parties.
The reactionary forces have conveniently forgotten that the EPRDF itself faced a crisis when it attempted to revise the capital’s status. The Oromo people protested, and the attempt failed. The current regime itself is a product of that crisis—a crisis that was caused precisely by the refusal to respect Oromo rights.
“If the Prosperity Party does not change Oromia’s capital from Finfinne to something else,” the reactionaries now declare, “then Prosperity Party itself is OLF.”
The Flag: A Symbol of Unity or Division?
The reactionary forces have even gone after the Ethiopian flag, arguing that the star represents nations and nationalities and that this is somehow divisive.
“If the star is meant to represent the equality and unity of the nationalities, then it must be removed,” they insist. “Otherwise, I am willing to go to death.”
When it was suggested that the flag could be discussed as part of the national dialogue, the reactionary forces attacked the dialogue commission and its members for even raising the issue. They accused the Prosperity Party of being willing to “sell out” by even considering changes to the flag.
“The flag is sacred,” they claimed. “Why should it be changed?”
But the flag has been changed before—under the Derg, under the EPRDF, and under the current regime. The Ethiopian flag has always reflected the political order of the time. The reactionaries’ demand that the flag be frozen in amber, that it never change, is not a demand for tradition—it is a demand for control.
The Deception of the Reactionary Forces
The reactionary forces have attempted to frame themselves as defenders of Ethiopian unity. They have attacked the Prosperity Party for being too “soft” on Oromo rights. They have attacked the national dialogue commission for being too “Oromo-dominated.” They have attempted to claim the mantle of Ethiopian nationalism for themselves.
But their actions betray them.
- They refuse to accept the constitutional recognition of nations and nationalities.
- They refuse to accept the right to self-determination.
- They refuse to accept Oromia’s special interest in the capital.
- They refuse to accept the principle of land as common property.
- They have delegitimized the national dialogue before it even began.
They are not defending Ethiopian unity—they are defending their own power. They fear that any recognition of Oromo rights, any acknowledgment of the constitutional order, will diminish their influence. And so they fight tooth and nail to preserve a system that has already been rejected by history.
The Failure of the National Dialogue
The reactionary forces are now attempting to sabotage the national dialogue. They have engaged in a social media campaign to discredit the dialogue commission, to attack its members, and to delegitimize its proceedings.
“The dialogue is a sham,” they have claimed. “It is entirely controlled by Oromia’s Prosperity Party.”
But the reality is different. The national dialogue has brought together a wide range of voices from across Ethiopia. The Oromo representatives, including Qajeelaa Mardaasaa, Sanyii Nagaasaa, and Dr. Saamuel Kiflee, have presented their views. The issues of Finfinne, the capital status, and the constitutional rights of the Oromo people have been discussed.
But the reactionary forces have not accepted the dialogue—they have sought to undermine it. They have attacked the dialogue commission, they have attacked the participants, and they have demanded that the agenda be changed to suit their preferences.
They are not interested in dialogue. They are interested in dictation.
The Need to Confront the Reactionary Forces
The reactionary forces have been allowed to dominate the political discourse for too long. They have been allowed to attack the Constitution, to deny Oromo rights, and to undermine the national dialogue—all in the name of “unity.”
But silence is not a strategy. It is a surrender.
If the reactionary forces are not challenged, they will continue to dominate. They will continue to attack the constitutional order. They will continue to undermine the national dialogue. And they will continue to marginalize the Oromo people and other communities that seek justice and equality.
“If you don’t say ‘enough,’ the reactionary forces will not retreat. They will only grow bolder.”
The time for confrontation is now.
Conclusion: A Choice Between Two Futures
The reactionary forces have made their agenda clear. They want to roll back the constitutional gains of the past thirty years. They want to deny the Oromo people their rights. They want to centralize power and impose a homogenized Ethiopian identity.
But that is not the only future available.
The Oromo people have made their voice heard. They have insisted on the recognition of their rights, the acknowledgment of their history, and the respect of their constitutional position. They have demonstrated that they will not accept a system that denies them justice.
“Finfinne is Oromo. Oromia’s rightful capital must be recognized. The struggle for justice continues.”
The choice is now before the Ethiopian people: Will they allow the reactionary forces to dominate? Will they accept the denial of Oromo rights? Will they embrace a future of equality and justice—or a return to the past?
The time to say “enough” is now.
The time to confront the reactionary forces is now.
The time to build a future of justice and equality is now.
Finfinne is Oromo.
The Constitution must be respected.
The national dialogue must serve the people, not the reactionaries.
The struggle for justice continues.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dereje Gerefa Tullu and is dedicated to all those who continue to struggle for justice, equality, and constitutional integrity in Ethiopia.
Finfinne and Oromia: A Shared Future Rooted in History, Culture, and Constitutional Reality
Moving Beyond Ownership Toward Partnership, Justice, and Lasting Coexistence
By Iyasu Enoro
The debate surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—has long been characterized by competing narratives, political posturing, and historical grievances. Too often, the discussion has been reduced to a simplistic and divisive question: Who owns the city?
But a modern capital city is not private property. It is not a piece of land to be claimed, contested, or parceled out among competing groups. Finfinne belongs to all its residents and serves as the political, economic, and cultural heart of Ethiopia. At the same time, recognizing this reality should not require ignoring the city’s historical, cultural, geographical, and constitutional relationship with Oromia.
The path forward requires moving beyond the zero-sum logic of ownership toward a framework of partnership, recognition, and shared responsibility. This is not only possible—it is essential for the long-term stability, justice, and prosperity of both the capital and the surrounding Oromo communities.
The Historical and Constitutional Foundation
Finfinne, known historically as Finfinnee, is surrounded by Oromia and remains deeply connected to the Oromo people who have lived in the area for generations. The city’s very name, Finfinnee—meaning “place of hot springs”—is Oromo, a testament to its indigenous roots.
The Ethiopian Constitution recognizes this unique relationship. Article 49(5) affirms Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters arising from the city’s location within the State of Oromia.
This constitutional recognition is not a declaration of exclusive ownership. Rather, it acknowledges a practical and historical reality: the future of Finfinne and the future of surrounding Oromo communities are inseparable.
The clause, repeatedly violated according to Oromo advocates, represents a constitutional acknowledgment that the relationship between the capital and Oromia is not merely symbolic—it has direct implications for governance, resource sharing, and the well-being of communities on both sides of the city’s borders.
Oromia’s Cultural Contribution to Finfinne
The story of Finfinne cannot be separated from the story of Oromo culture and heritage. Long before modern political debates emerged, the area known as Finfinnee was part of the social and cultural landscape of the Tulama Oromo. It was a place of springs, grazing lands, and cultural significance.
Today, Oromo culture continues to shape the identity of the capital:
- Afaan Oromoo has become increasingly visible in public life, media, education, business, and cultural institutions.
- Oromo artists, musicians, writers, academics, entrepreneurs, athletes, and public servants continue to contribute significantly to the cultural and economic life of Finfinne.
- Major Oromo cultural celebrations such as Irreecha have strengthened cultural connections between the capital and the broader Oromia region.
- The growing recognition of the name Finfinnee alongside Finfinne represents an effort to acknowledge the city’s historical roots while preserving its role as a national capital.
Recognizing Oromo heritage does not diminish the contributions of Amharas, Gurages, Siltes, Somalis, Tigreans, Afars, or any other community. Finfinne has been built by the collective efforts of many peoples. A truly inclusive city should celebrate all of these contributions, including those of the Oromo people whose historical connection to the area remains undeniable.
Development and Its Impact on Oromo Communities
The relationship between Finfinne and Oromia is not merely symbolic. It has direct consequences for people living in the surrounding areas.
The controversy over the 2014 Finfinne Integrated Development Master Plan highlighted these concerns. Many Oromo communities feared that the proposed expansion of the capital into surrounding Oromia districts would lead to displacement, loss of farmland, and reduced local control over resources. The resulting protests spread throughout Oromia and eventually led to the cancellation of the plan.
The experience demonstrated an important reality: decisions made in Finfinne often directly affect neighboring Oromo communities.
Rapid urbanization continues to create challenges, including:
- Conversion of agricultural land into residential and commercial developments
- Pressure on water sources, environmental resources, and public infrastructure shared by both the city and surrounding communities
- Economic disruption for farming families whose livelihoods depend on land affected by urban expansion
- Concerns regarding fair compensation, consultation, and participation in development projects
- Cultural and linguistic pressures that can emerge when traditional communities are absorbed into rapidly expanding urban areas
These are not theoretical concerns. They are everyday realities for many communities living around Finfinne, making consultation and cooperation essential for sustainable development.
The Economic Impact of Finfinne’s Growth on Oromia
The relationship between Finfinne and Oromia is also economic. As Ethiopia’s capital has expanded, both the benefits and burdens of that growth have increasingly been felt in surrounding Oromo communities.
Recent research has documented the scale of this impact:
- A 2024 study examining land-use change in Finfinne reported that the city’s built-up area increased by 25.28 percent between 2000 and 2020. During the same period, agricultural land decreased by 15.92 percent and vegetation cover declined by 9.35 percent as urban development expanded outward.
- Much of this expansion was linked to housing projects, infrastructure construction, industrial development, and investment activities that transformed peri-urban landscapes.
- Research on communities affected by urban expansion found significant economic consequences for many farmers whose land was expropriated. Many displaced farmers experienced declines in income, while others were pushed into temporary or lower-paid employment after losing access to agricultural land.
- Another study found that urban expansion negatively affected multiple aspects of the lives of affected Oromo farming communities, including their economic and social wellbeing.
At the same time, Finfinne’s growth has also created opportunities for Oromo residents through:
- Employment in the city’s expanding economy
- Transportation links connecting Oromia to the capital
- Education and access to urban institutions
- Business expansion and market access
- Industrial investment creating new economic opportunities
The challenge is ensuring that the benefits of development are fairly shared and that the communities most directly affected by urban growth are not excluded from decision-making processes.
This reality helps explain why Oromia’s constitutional special interest in Finfinne remains relevant today. The issue is not ownership of the capital but ensuring that decisions regarding land use, infrastructure, natural resources, public services, and urban expansion are made with meaningful participation from the communities most affected by them.
Beyond Ownership: Toward Partnership
The real question is not who owns Finfinne. The city cannot and should not belong exclusively to any single ethnic group. At the same time, denying Oromia’s historical presence, cultural contribution, economic stake, and constitutionally recognized interests does not promote justice or long-term stability.
A sustainable future requires acknowledging several truths simultaneously:
- Finfinne is Ethiopia’s capital and belongs to all its residents. It is a city for all Ethiopians, regardless of their ethnic background.
- Finfinnee has deep historical and cultural ties to the Oromo people. This heritage must be acknowledged and respected.
- Oromo culture continues to enrich the city’s identity and development. The city is stronger for its diversity.
- Finfinne’s expansion directly affects neighboring Oromo communities. Their voices must be heard in decisions that affect their lives.
- Oromia possesses constitutionally recognized interests in matters concerning the city and its relationship with surrounding communities.
- Development should benefit affected communities rather than marginalize them. Fair compensation, consultation, and participation are essential.
A Vision for the Future
The path forward is therefore not ownership, exclusion, or historical denial. It is partnership built on constitutional respect, cultural recognition, economic fairness, and genuine cooperation.
This vision includes:
1. Constitutional Implementation
Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne, as recognized in Article 49(5) of the Constitution, should be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms that ensure meaningful Oromo participation in decisions affecting the capital and surrounding communities.
2. Cultural Recognition
The Oromo heritage of Finfinnee should be acknowledged through cultural institutions, public recognition, and educational programs that celebrate the city’s diverse history.
3. Fair Development
Urban expansion should be planned with meaningful consultation with affected communities, ensuring fair compensation, environmental protection, and shared benefits.
4. Inclusive Governance
All residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—should have equal rights to participation, public services, and legal protection.
5. Shared Prosperity
The economic benefits of the capital’s growth should be shared with surrounding communities, creating a virtuous cycle of development rather than a pattern of exploitation.
Conclusion: A Foundation for Lasting Coexistence
Finfinne can remain a city for all Ethiopians while also recognizing the heritage of Finfinnee, protecting the interests of surrounding Oromo communities, and respecting the constitutional principles designed to govern the relationship between the capital and Oromia.
Such an approach offers the strongest foundation for justice, stability, inclusion, and lasting coexistence.
The debate over Finfinne will not be resolved through confrontation or denial. It will be resolved through honest acknowledgment of history, respect for constitutional principles, and a shared commitment to building a future where all Ethiopians—Oromo and non-Oromo alike—can live with dignity, security, and hope.
Finfinne is for all Ethiopians.
Finfinnee is Oromo heritage.
The future is shared.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Oromia fi Finfinne walitti haa qabatan!
This feature article is dedicated to all residents of Finfinne and all Oromo communities whose lives are connected to the capital—past, present, and future.
Our Land, Our Legacy: The Oromo Youth’s Sacred Vow to Protect Their Homeland
“As Long As We Live, Our Land Will Never Be Conquered by Outsiders” — A Promise Passed Down Through Generations
By Dhabessa Wakjira
There are promises that transcend generations. There are vows that are sealed not with ink, but with blood and bone. There are commitments that are not spoken but lived—passed down from fathers to sons, from mothers to daughters, from elders to youth, through the very fabric of cultural memory.
“Nuti otuu jirruu, biyyi keenya alagaan hin dhaalamtu.”
“As long as we live, our land will never be conquered by outsiders.”
This is not a slogan. It is not a political statement. It is a sacred vow—a pledge that the Oromo people have carried in their hearts for generations. It is a promise that was sealed by the blood of ancestors who gave their lives to protect their homeland, and it is a commitment that the current generation has sworn to uphold.
The Oromia Youth Association stands at the forefront of this sacred duty, committed to preserving this legacy and passing it on to future generations.
The Weight of History: A Legacy of Resistance
The history of the Oromo people is a history of resistance. For over a century, the Oromo people have faced systematic attempts to dispossess them of their land, erase their identity, and deny their humanity. From the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire under Menelik II to the brutal repression of the Derg regime to the ongoing marginalization under the current system, the Oromo people have endured wave after wave of oppression.
Yet they have never surrendered. They have never abandoned their land. They have never forgotten who they are.
This resilience is not accidental. It is the result of a deep and abiding commitment to the land that sustains them. The Oromo people’s connection to their homeland is not merely economic or political—it is spiritual. It is rooted in the belief that the land is sacred, that it is entrusted to them by their ancestors, and that they have a duty to protect it for future generations.
The Oromo proverb says: “Biyya abbaa keessaa hin ba’inu” —”One does not abandon the land of one’s father.” This is not merely a saying; it is a guiding principle of Oromo life.
A Promise Passed Through Blood and Bone
The vow to protect the land is not something that was written in a book or declared in a speech. It was passed down through the generations—through the stories told around the fire, through the songs sung at celebrations, through the rituals performed at sacred sites, and through the sacrifices made by those who came before.
This is the promise that the Oromo people have carried in their hearts:
- The promise of the warriors who fought against the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire
- The promise of the farmers who refused to abandon their fields, even when threatened with death
- The promise of the mothers who taught their children to speak Afaan Oromoo, even when it was banned
- The promise of the activists who risked their lives to speak the truth
- The promise of the Qeerroo youth who took to the streets to demand justice
“Kun waadaa abbootiin keenya dhiigaa fi lafeen eeganii nutti dabarsanii dha.”
“This is the promise that our fathers, with their blood and bones, defended and passed down to us.”
This is not a metaphor. The Oromo people have literally shed their blood to defend their land. They have literally sacrificed their bones—their bodies—to ensure that their children would inherit a homeland. The promise is etched in the landscape of Oromia, in the names of its rivers and mountains, in the songs of its people, and in the memories of those who have fallen.
The Role of the Oromia Youth Association
The Oromia Youth Association understands the weight of this legacy. It recognizes that the promise of the ancestors is not just a historical artifact—it is a living commitment that must be renewed by each generation.
The association’s vision is clear: to ensure that the Oromo youth are prepared to carry this promise forward and pass it on to future generations.
Protecting the Land
The association is committed to defending Oromo land from any attempts at dispossession. This includes:
- Advocating for the recognition of Oromo land rights
- Opposing any attempts to illegally separate Oromo land
- Raising awareness about the historical and legal basis of Oromo claims to their land
- Building solidarity with other communities who face similar struggles
Preserving Oromo Identity
The association recognizes that protecting the land is inseparable from preserving Oromo identity. This includes:
- Promoting Oromo culture, language, and traditions
- Ensuring that Oromo history is taught to the younger generation
- Celebrating Oromo achievements and resilience
- Building a sense of pride and belonging among Oromo youth
Building a Future of Justice
The association believes that true protection of the land requires justice. This includes:
- Advocating for an end to the oppression of Oromo people
- Supporting efforts to address historical injustices
- Building a future where Oromo people can live in dignity, peace, and prosperity
- Ensuring that the voice of the Oromo people is heard in national and international forums
The Challenge of Our Time
The promise of the ancestors is under threat. Today, as the Ethiopian government conducts a national dialogue that some view as a tool to further marginalize the Oromo people, the question of Finfinne and other Oromo territories remains unresolved. There are ongoing attempts to separate Oromo land, to undermine Oromo rights, and to deny the Oromo people their rightful place in their own homeland.
Yet the Oromo people have not wavered. The youth, in particular, have shown remarkable resilience and determination. From the Qeerroo movement to the cultural revival in the diaspora, young Oromo people are demonstrating their commitment to the promise of their ancestors.
As one Oromo youth leader declared: “Waldaan Dargaggoota Oromiyaa imaanaa kana eeguu fi dhalootatti dabarsuuf qophiitti jira.”
“The Oromia Youth Association is prepared to protect this promise and pass it on to the next generation.”
International Solidarity and the Oromo Cause
The Oromo struggle for land and identity is not just a local issue—it has international dimensions. The international community has a responsibility to recognize and support the rights of indigenous peoples, including the Oromo people.
The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) recognizes the right of indigenous peoples to their lands, territories, and resources. It affirms the importance of preserving indigenous peoples’ cultural identity, heritage, and historical connection to their ancestral territories.
The Oromo people are entitled to the same rights as other indigenous peoples around the world. They are entitled to live on their land, to speak their language, to practice their culture, and to determine their own future.
As the international community has shown in countries like New Zealand, Canada, Australia, and the United States, it is possible to recognize indigenous rights while ensuring equal citizenship rights for all residents. The Oromo people are not asking for special privileges—they are asking for justice.
A Call to Action: Honouring the Promise
The promise of the ancestors is not just something to be remembered—it is something to be lived. It requires action, commitment, and sacrifice.
For the Oromo Youth:
- Learn your history. Know the struggles and sacrifices of those who came before you. Understand what you are fighting for and why it matters.
- Protect your culture. Speak your language, practice your traditions, and celebrate your heritage. Your culture is your strength.
- Be vigilant. Stay informed about what is happening in your community and your homeland. Speak out against injustice and oppression.
- Build solidarity. Work with other communities and organizations that share your commitment to justice. Your struggle is connected to the struggles of others.
- Prepare the next generation. Teach your children, your siblings, and your peers about the promise of the ancestors. Ensure that they are ready to carry it forward.
For the Wider Community:
- Support the Oromo struggle for justice. Recognize the rights of the Oromo people to their land, their identity, and their future.
- Hold the Ethiopian government accountable. Demand that it respects the rights of the Oromo people and adheres to international human rights standards.
- Amplify Oromo voices. Listen to what the Oromo people are saying, and help their voices be heard in national and international forums.
Conclusion: The Promise Lives On
“Nuti otuu jirruu, biyyi keenya alagaan hin dhaalamtu.”
“As long as we live, our land will never be conquered by outsiders.”
This promise has been carried by the Oromo people for generations. It has been tested by fire, blood, and tears. It has survived attempts at genocide, cultural erasure, and political marginalization. And it endures today—carried in the hearts of the Oromo youth who are determined to protect their homeland and pass it on to future generations.
The Oromia Youth Association is proud to be part of this legacy. It is committed to protecting the promise of the ancestors, to defending Oromo land, and to building a future of justice, peace, and prosperity for all Oromo people.
The struggle is not over. The promise is not yet fulfilled. But the Oromo people have not wavered, and they will not surrender. As long as they live, their land will be free.
Nuti otuu jirruu, biyyi keenya alagaan hin dhaalamtu!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Biyyi Oromoo haa jabaattu!
Dhaloonni itti aanu imaanaa kana eeguu qophi’aa jira!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who have sacrificed to defend Oromo land, to the youth who carry the promise forward, and to the generations yet to come who will inherit this sacred duty.
Celebrating Qaammee: A Sacred Oromo Tradition of Womanhood, Unity, and Cultural Pride
The Rituals of Buqqisaa and Daddarbaa — A Timeless Celebration of Young Women
By Daandii Ragabaa
The Oromo people are blessed with a rich tapestry of cultural traditions that have been passed down through generations. Among these, the Ayyaana Qaammee stands as one of the most beautiful and significant celebrations—a sacred festival honouring young unmarried women, their transition into adulthood, and their vital role in the continuity of Oromo society.
The word Qaammee refers to a young unmarried woman who participates in this sacred festival. The celebration embodies the essence of youthful femininity, purity, and the promise of a bright future. It is a rite of passage, a communal blessing, and a moment of profound cultural significance.
This year, as the community gathers to celebrate Qaammee, we extend our warmest greetings: “Baga Nagaan Ayyaana Qaammee geessan!” —Happy Qaammee Festival!
Understanding Qaammee: More Than a Celebration
The Qaammee festival is more than just a cultural event—it is a sacred tradition that connects the Oromo people to their ancestors, their community, and the natural world around them. It is a celebration of womanhood, a blessing for the future, and a reaffirmation of Oromo identity.
The festival takes place annually, beginning in the month of Hagayya (roughly July-August) and continuing through the month of Fulbaana (September-October). The timing coincides with the end of the rainy season—a time of renewal, abundance, and new beginnings. This year’s celebration is a continuation of this sacred tradition, bringing communities together in joy, song, and blessing.
Central to the Qaammee celebration are two key rituals:
- Buqqisaa — The “Breaking” or preparation ceremony
- Daddarbaa — The “Passing” or blessing ceremony
The Buqqisaa Ceremony: Preparation and Unity
The Qaammee celebration begins with the Buqqisaa ceremony, a vibrant evening of preparation and community bonding.
Gathering by the Water
On the evening of Buqqisaa, young unmarried women (Qaammeen) gather in groups and make their way to a nearby river or stream (laga or caffee). This is a time of sisterhood, joy, and anticipation. The women come together in large numbers, united by their shared identity and purpose.
The Breaking of Qunnii
At the water’s edge, the women perform the ritual of Buqqisaa—the breaking or preparation of Qunnii, a special plant similar to grass that has a fragrant fruit (gumaa/firii) at its base. When the Qunnii blooms, it becomes Dhallaadduu, ready for use.
The Qunnii plant is significant for several reasons:
- It produces a natural fragrance that is pleasing to the senses
- It has medicinal properties that are beneficial for women’s health
- It is used as a natural perfume (Qayya) by the young women
Songs, Dance, and Celebration
The Buqqisaa ceremony is accompanied by traditional songs, dances, and celebrations that continue well into the night. The women sing Faaruu Qaammee (Abaabilee)—special songs composed for the occasion—as they prepare the Qunnii together.
The women break and prepare the Qunnii, sharing in the work and the joy of the occasion. The atmosphere is filled with laughter, song, and the spirit of unity.
Returning Home with Blessings
After the preparation is complete, each woman returns to her home with the Qunnii she has prepared. She places it on the doorstep (balbala irra kaawwatanii) as she enters, symbolizing the blessings she brings into her home.
The Ashaashullaa Tradition
On this same evening, young girls (ijoolleen dubaraa) participate in a special tradition involving Ashaashullaa—a plant similar to moss or creeping vine. The Ashaashullaa is tied to their hands and feet (harkaa fi quba miilatti hidhatanii bulu), and they sleep with it overnight.
In the morning, the plant has turned their hands and feet red—a beautiful decoration that adds to their adornment. The plant is considered a traditional ornament for girls, enhancing their beauty and connection to nature.
The Daddarbaa Ceremony: Blessings and Passing Forward
The following day is the Daddarbaa ceremony—the Passing or Blessing ceremony. This is the main day of the Qaammee celebration, when the young women receive the community’s blessings and are honoured for their transition.
Gathering at the Meeting Place
In the morning, the young women take the Qunnii they prepared the previous evening and gather at a designated meeting place, known as the Mootii Durbaa (the place of the chosen leader). The Mootii Durbaa is the eldest or most respected among the young women, chosen by the group.
The Journey Through the Community
From the Mootii Durbaa, the women begin their journey through the community. Walking in groups, they sing the Abaabilee songs as they go from house to house. They start with the Warra Angafaa (the elders/leaders of the clan) and then visit every household in their community.
The Ritual of Daddarbaa
At each household, the women perform the Daddarbaa ritual. They pass the Qunnii from the previous day to the household, receiving blessings in return. They eat and drink a little at each home, and the elders offer prayers and blessings for their future.
The women continue this journey until they have visited all the households in their community, spreading joy, receiving blessings, and reinforcing the bonds of community.
The Role of Young Men in Qaammee
While Qaammee is primarily a celebration of young women, young men also play an important role—though it is very different from that of the women.
Young unmarried men (who are not yet married) do not participate in the Buqqisaa or Daddarbaa ceremonies in the same way as the women. However, they accompany the women during the celebrations, walking alongside the groups and participating in the songs and dances.
The Wadaajii Tradition
The most notable tradition involving young men is the Wadaajii Dhungachuu—a ritual that is eagerly awaited, especially by the men. This tradition is unique to the Oromo culture and reflects the playful and respectful nature of the Qaammee celebration.
During the procession, when the women leave one household to go to the next, the young men position themselves along the route. As the women pass, the men suddenly fall to the ground in front of them and attempt to “drink” (dhungachuu) from them. The women, in turn, push the men away using their hands and the Dhallaadduu they are carrying.
This is a playful ritual, not a violation. The men approach with respect, and the women respond with good-natured resistance. The location for this ritual is often a boqoo/maddii—a designated area along the route.
After the ritual, the women continue on their way, laughing and continuing their songs. The men, having participated in the tradition, rejoin the procession. This tradition is an important part of Oromo youth culture, reinforcing bonds between young men and women while maintaining cultural protocols.
Important note: Men who participate in the Wadaajii ritual are not allowed to marry the women they “drink” from—it is a matter of cultural respect and propriety.
The Spiritual Significance of Qaammee
At its heart, the Qaammee celebration is a spiritual experience. The rituals are conducted with reverence and respect, invoking the blessings of Waaqa (God) and the ancestors.
The young women receive the prayers of the elders, the admiration of the community, and the hope of their families. The celebration is an act of thanksgiving—giving thanks for the rain, the harvest, and the continuity of Oromo culture.
The songs of Qaammee, known as Abaabilee, carry deep meaning and are an essential part of the celebration:
“Aababilee haa doolee” — Let the Abaabilee songs be sung
“Haayee yaa shoroorootoo” — Oh, the beautiful songs
“Shoororoo haati deechee” — The mother has sung the Shoororoo
“Yaa qal’oo qaammen geechee” — The Qaammee women have come
A Celebration of Promise and Renewal
As the Qaammee festival concludes, the participants and their families are filled with a sense of pride, joy, and hope. The young women who have been blessed and celebrated carry with them the strength and support of their community as they embark on their journeys into adulthood.
The festival is also a reminder of the beauty and resilience of Oromo culture—a culture that has survived centuries of oppression and continues to thrive in the hearts of its people.
The Challenge of Cultural Erosion
It is important to note that the Qaammee festival is in danger of being forgotten in many areas. In some places, it is no longer celebrated at all. In others, a modified version called “Qaammee Sidaamaa” is celebrated on October 1st (Fulbaana 1, ALH), but even this is not the same as the traditional celebration.
This erosion of cultural traditions is a loss for the Oromo people. These traditions are not just customs—they are expressions of Oromo identity, resilience, and continuity. They connect the present generation to their ancestors and provide a foundation for the future.
The responsibility of reviving and preserving these traditions falls on the current generation. As the saying goes, “Duudhaaleen Oromoo hedduun isaanii bakka hin jiran. Bakkatti deebisuun dirqama dhaloota ammaa ti” —Many Oromo traditions are no longer practiced. It is the duty of the current generation to bring them back.
Conclusion: The Eternal Light of Qaammee
Qaammee is more than a celebration—it is a sacred tradition that connects the Oromo people to their past, their present, and their future. It is a moment to honour young women, to bless their journey, and to affirm the enduring strength of Oromo culture.
As the community gathers to celebrate, let us remember the beauty, grace, and resilience of the Oromo people. Let us honour the young women who carry the hopes of their community. And let us commit ourselves to preserving and reviving these sacred traditions for future generations.
“Kan Baranaa kan egeree nuun haa jedhu!” —May this year’s celebration be one of abundance and joy!
Baga Nagaan Ayyaana Qaammee geessan!
This feature article is dedicated to all the young Oromo women—past, present, and future—who carry the spirit of Qaammee in their hearts, and to the communities who are working to preserve this beautiful tradition.
Finfinne at the Heart of National Dialogue: Oromo Representatives Speak with One Voice
Unified Stance on the Capital’s Status Marks a Defining Moment in Ethiopia’s National Conversation
By Daandii Ragabaa
As Ethiopia’s first-ever national dialogue approaches its conclusion, the representatives of the Oromo people have delivered a clear and resounding message: Finfinne is Oromo, and its status is non-negotiable.
The national dialogue, convened as a historic attempt to heal the deep wounds of Ethiopia’s past and forge a path toward lasting peace, has become a critical arena for addressing long-standing grievances. For the Oromo people, the question of Finfinne—known internationally as Addis Ababa—stands at the centre of these deliberations.
A Unified Oromo Position
At the dialogue table, Oromo representatives—including Obbo Qajeelaa Mardaasaa, Obbo Sanyii Nagaasaa, and Dr. Saamuel Kiflee, President of Finfinne University—have presented a unified position on the status of the capital city.
Their message is unequivocal: Finfinne is Oromo, and the issue concerns the Oromo people alone. The representatives have been vocal in expressing that the historical, constitutional, and cultural connections between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital cannot be dismissed or negotiated away by any political actors.
Dr. Saamuel Kiflee has reportedly emphasized the importance of making the Oromo voice heard within the dialogue. The very presence of this unified stance is said to have caused significant unease among those who have long claimed Finfinne as their own.
The Foundation of the Oromo Claim
The Oromo position is rooted in history and law. As the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association recently declared, “Menelik committed a great crime against the Oromo people when he separated Finfinne from its Oromo owners.” The association has detailed the atrocities of that era, where Oromo people were systematically dispossessed of their land, their dignity, and their lives.
The suffering has now spanned three generations. From the initial dispossession under Menelik, to the brutal repression under the Derg regime, and now to the present day, the Oromo people have paid a heavy price. During the Derg era, many Oromo gave their lives for Finfinne.
Today, the wound remains unhealed.
The Oromo representatives at the national dialogue have argued that Finfinne is an integral part of Oromia, situated on Oromo land. The city’s very name, Finfinne—meaning “place of hot springs”—is Oromo, a testament to its indigenous roots.
The Question of Constitutional Interpretation
Central to the debate is the interpretation of the Ethiopian constitution. Article 49 of the FDRE Constitution does far more to support the Oromo claim than the “city of all nations” narrative often invoked by the ruling party.
Article 49(5) specifically states that Oromia has a “special interest” in Addis Abeba regarding the provision of social services, the utilisation of natural resources, and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Abeba within the State of Oromia.
This clause, repeatedly violated according to Oromo advocates, represents a constitutional recognition of Oromia’s claim over the city.
The National Dialogue: A Tool of Deception?
However, the Oromo representatives have expressed profound concern that the national dialogue is not being used as a genuine mechanism for reconciliation and justice.
According to the Macha-Tulama Association, “The agenda of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought to the national dialogue to weaken the Oromo people.” The association further declared that “the old politics of the Abyssinian elite continues, refusing to step back from the land that rightfully belongs to Oromo.”
Critics argue that the dialogue commission has been hijacked by the familiar machinery of political manipulation. Instead of acknowledging historical grievances, it has become a shield for the perpetrators of genocide and a tool to legitimise the ongoing dispossession of Oromo land.
A City Built on Bones
For the Oromo people, the call for justice regarding Finfinne is not a political slogan but a demand rooted in historical truth.
“The city we now know as Finfinne was not established upon empty land,” one Oromo commentator has written. “It was built through genocide. When the army of Emperor Menelik settled upon this land, they did not find a vacant wilderness waiting for civilisation. They found the Oromo people—indigenous, thriving, rooted in the soil for generations. And they systematically removed them.”
The Oromo Position: Unwavering and Clear
The representatives at the national dialogue have articulated a position that reflects the will of the Oromo people:
- Finfinne is Oromo, by history and by law. It must be recognised as an integral part of Oromia.
- The national dialogue must not be a platform to undermine Oromo rights. The process should be used to address historical grievances, not to further marginalise the Oromo people.
- There is no need for negotiations or agreements regarding Finfinne. The question of securing Finfinne as part of Oromia is part of Oromia’s liberation from a system of domination.
- Finfinne should be placed under the administrative jurisdiction of Oromia, as an integral part of the Oromo homeland.
Looking Forward
As the national dialogue approaches its conclusion, the Oromo representatives have made it clear that they will not accept any outcome that denies the Oromo people’s legitimate claim to their ancestral capital.
The Oromo people’s voice has been heard—loud and clear. The challenge now lies in whether the national dialogue will genuinely address the historical injustices that have defined the relationship between the Oromo people and the Ethiopian state for over a century.
Finfinne is Oromo.
Oromia’s rightful capital must be recognised.
The struggle for justice continues.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo representatives at the national dialogue and all those who continue to speak truth to power in the pursuit of justice for the Oromo people.
Finfinne, Indigenous Rights, and Equal Citizenship: A Vision for Justice and Coexistence
Reconciling Historical Claims and Democratic Principles in the Heart of Oromia
By Iyasu Enoro
In the ongoing discourse surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—a fundamental question persists: How do we reconcile the historical and indigenous rights of the Oromo people with the equal citizenship rights of all residents who now call the city home?
For the Oromo people, the answer is clear. Finfinne was established on Oromo land, and it remains an integral part of their historical and ancestral homeland. From this perspective, the concern is profound: some political actors are negotiating over what Oromos consider their own ancestral property, as if the land were a commodity to be traded rather than a sacred inheritance passed down through generations.
At the same time, international human rights principles demand equality and non-discrimination for all residents. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and other international instruments affirm that every person has equal rights—regardless of ethnicity, language, religion, or origin. These rights include equality before the law, freedom of expression, freedom of association, participation in public affairs, and the right to vote and be elected.
The question, then, is not whether these two sets of rights can coexist—they can, and they must. The question is whether there is the political will to recognize both.
The Oromo Position: An Ancestral Homeland, Not a Negotiable Asset
From the Oromo perspective, there is no need for negotiations or agreements regarding Finfinne. The city was not established on empty land; it was built on Oromo territory, and the Oromo people view it as part of their historical and ancestral homeland.
This is not a claim rooted in political expediency—it is rooted in history. Before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire under Menelik II, the area now known as Finfinne was inhabited by the Oromo people. It was a place of springs, grazing lands, and cultural significance. The city’s very name, Finfinne, is Oromo—meaning “place of hot springs.”
The establishment of the city and the subsequent displacement of the Oromo people were acts of dispossession that have never been fully acknowledged or addressed. For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not a political bargaining chip—it is the heart of their homeland, the symbol of their historical connection to the land, and the future capital of a free Oromia.
The Principle of Equal Citizenship: Rights for All Residents
International human rights law is clear: all citizens are entitled to equal civil and political rights. No resident of Finfinne should be denied democratic participation, public services, employment opportunities, or legal protection on the basis of ethnic identity. All citizens living in Finfinne are entitled to equal treatment and equal participation in the city’s political and civic life.
This principle is non-negotiable. Whether a resident is Oromo, Amhara, Gurage, Tigrayan, or of any other background, they are entitled to the full protection of the law and the full rights of citizenship. Discrimination on the basis of ethnicity is a violation of the most fundamental human rights.
Applied to Finfinne, this means that every resident of the city—regardless of their origin—should enjoy equal rights. No resident should be made to feel like a second-class citizen. No resident should be denied access to public services, economic opportunities, or political participation.
Indigenous Rights: Acknowledging History and Ancestral Connection
While equal citizenship guarantees participation and protection under the law for everyone, it does not resolve questions concerning historical ownership, indigenous rights, or territorial status. These are distinct but equally important questions.
The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) affirms the importance of preserving indigenous peoples’ cultural identity, heritage, and historical connection to their ancestral territories. It recognizes that indigenous peoples have the right to maintain and strengthen their distinct political, legal, economic, social, and cultural institutions.
Supporters of the Oromo position argue that the historical relationship between the Oromo people and the land on which Finfinne was built should be acknowledged and respected. This is not a rejection of the rights of other residents—it is a demand for historical justice and recognition.
International Examples: Coexistence of Indigenous and Citizenship Rights
Around the world, there are numerous examples where indigenous rights have been recognized without denying equal citizenship rights to other residents. These examples demonstrate that both sets of rights can coexist and that recognizing indigenous claims does not diminish the rights of others.
New Zealand: The Treaty of Waitangi
The Māori people are recognized as the indigenous people of New Zealand. The Treaty of Waitangi provides a foundation for protecting Māori rights, culture, and claims to ancestral lands while ensuring equal citizenship for all New Zealanders. Māori political representation, cultural preservation, and land claims are recognized alongside the full democratic rights of all citizens.
Canada: First Nations, Inuit, and Métis
In Canada, First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples possess constitutionally recognized indigenous rights. Land claims agreements and self-government arrangements acknowledge historical connections to traditional territories while cities and communities remain open to residents of all backgrounds. Indigenous rights and citizenship rights coexist within a framework of mutual respect.
Australia: The Mabo Decision
The High Court of Australia’s landmark Mabo decision rejected the doctrine of terra nullius (empty land) and recognized Native Title rights. Indigenous Australians gained legal recognition of their ancestral connection to land without affecting the equal civil and political rights of other Australians. This decision acknowledged historical injustice while affirming the rights of all citizens.
Norway, Sweden, and Finland: The Sámi People
The Sámi people are recognized as indigenous peoples with cultural, linguistic, and political rights in Norway, Sweden, and Finland. Sámi representative institutions exist alongside the democratic rights enjoyed equally by all citizens. This recognition has not diminished the rights of non-Sámi residents.
United States: Native American Tribes
Native American tribes in the United States retain certain rights related to self-government, culture, and ancestral territories. These rights coexist with the citizenship rights of all residents within the United States. Tribal sovereignty and individual citizenship rights are recognized as complementary, not contradictory.
A Common International Principle
These examples demonstrate a common international principle: recognizing indigenous peoples’ historical and ancestral connections to land does not require denying democratic, civil, or human rights to other residents. Rather, both sets of rights can coexist.
The recognition of indigenous rights does not create a hierarchy of citizenship. It acknowledges that some communities have a distinct historical relationship to a particular territory—a relationship that predates the current political order. This recognition is not a threat to equal citizenship; it is a complement to it.
The Challenge of Equality
Those who place themselves above others often find it difficult to accept genuine equality. Throughout history, dominant groups have resisted the recognition of indigenous rights, viewing it as a threat to their privileged position. But lasting peace and coexistence cannot be built on domination and denial.
From the Oromo perspective, the path forward requires recognizing both the equal rights of all residents and the legitimate historical and indigenous claims of the Oromo people. This is not a zero-sum game—both sets of rights can be honoured.
A Vision for Finfinne
Finfinne remains an integral part of Oromia. It is situated on Oromo land, and the Oromo people’s historical connection to the city must be acknowledged and respected. This recognition does not require the exclusion of other residents—it requires a new framework of coexistence based on mutual respect and justice.
Such a framework would include:
- Recognition of Oromo Indigenous Rights: Formal acknowledgment of the Oromo people’s historical connection to the land on which Finfinne was established.
- Equal Citizenship for All Residents: Guaranteed democratic participation, public services, and legal protection for all residents, regardless of ethnicity.
- Shared Governance: Mechanisms for inclusive governance that ensure all residents have a voice in the city’s future.
- Historical Justice: Addressing the historical dispossession of the Oromo people through acknowledgment, apology, and appropriate remedies.
- Cultural Preservation: Support for the preservation and promotion of Oromo culture, language, and heritage within the city.
Conclusion: A Path to Lasting Peace
The recognition of indigenous rights and equal citizenship is not a contradiction—it is a foundation for lasting peace and coexistence. The international community has demonstrated that both sets of rights can be honoured, and the Oromo people are entitled to the same recognition.
Those who resist this recognition may see it as a threat to their position, but true peace cannot be built on denial and domination. Lasting peace requires acknowledging the truth of history, respecting the rights of all, and building a future based on justice.
From the Oromo perspective, Finfinne remains an integral part of Oromia—a sacred homeland that must be acknowledged, respected, and reclaimed. But this reclamation is not a rejection of others; it is an affirmation of the Oromo people’s right to their heritage, their identity, and their future.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo people and all those who believe in the principles of justice, equality, and coexistence.
A Giant of the Oromo Revolution: Honouring Jaal Fekadu Wakjira
A Tribute to a Veteran Who Carried the Weight of the Struggle Through Sacrifice, Courage, and Unwavering Commitment
By Giiftii Waaqoo
In every liberation movement, there are those who carry the heaviest burdens—the ones who walk through the darkest hours so that others may one day see the light. They are the pillars upon which the struggle is built, the voices that refuse to be silenced, and the hearts that continue to beat for the freedom of their people, even when all seems lost.
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira is one such figure. A true veteran of the Oromo Revolution, his name is etched in the annals of Oromo history as a testament to sacrifice, courage, resilience, and unwavering commitment. His journey is not merely his own—it is the journey of an entire generation that dared to dream of a free Oromia and refused to let that dream die.
The Weight of a Generation
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira belongs to a generation that carried the weight of the Oromo struggle on their shoulders. These were the men and women who, in the face of brutal repression, chose to stand up and say, “Enough is enough.” They were the ones who, when their language was banned, spoke it in whispers. When their culture was suppressed, they celebrated it in secret. When their rights were denied, they demanded them with their lives.
This generation understood that liberation would not come easily. They knew that the road to freedom was paved with sacrifice—that some would fall, some would be imprisoned, some would be exiled, and some would never see the Oromia they dreamed of. Yet they marched forward anyway. They refused to be silenced. They refused to be erased.
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira stood among them. His service to the Oromo cause is not a footnote in history—it is a chapter of profound significance, written in the ink of struggle and the blood of martyrs.
The Foundations of the Struggle
The Oromo struggle for self-determination did not begin yesterday. It has deep roots that stretch back over a century—from the resistance against Menelik’s expansion, to the armed struggle of the Oromo Liberation Front, to the peaceful protests of the Qeerroo movement. Each generation has contributed to the edifice of Oromo identity and national consciousness.
But it was the generation of Jaal Fekadu Wakjira that laid the foundation upon which the current struggle stands. They were the architects of the movement’s organizational structures, the guardians of its history, and the transmitters of its values to the next generation. They ensured that the flame of Oromo nationalism would not be extinguished, even when the forces of repression sought to snuff it out.
Their sacrifices were not in vain. The Oromo people continue to rise. The struggle continues to advance. And the dream of a free Oromia continues to burn brighter with each passing year.
A Legacy of Sacrifice
The legacy of Jaal Fekadu Wakjira is one of sacrifice—a word that carries profound weight in the Oromo liberation movement. Sacrifice means leaving your family behind to join the struggle. Sacrifice means enduring imprisonment and torture without betraying your comrades. Sacrifice means living in exile, far from your homeland, yet never forgetting the people you left behind.
It is this spirit of sacrifice that defines the generation of Oromo veterans. They gave not only their time and energy but, in many cases, their lives. They faced imprisonment, forced displacement, and the constant threat of death with a courage that inspires us still.
As the Oromo saying goes, “Qabsoo baatuu dhiigaatuu” —the struggle is won by those who shed their blood. Jaal Fekadu Wakjira and his generation shed their blood so that future generations might live in dignity and freedom. That is a debt we can never fully repay, but we can honour it by continuing the work they began.
Courage in the Face of Adversity
Courage is not the absence of fear—it is the determination to move forward despite it. Jaal Fekadu Wakjira embodied this courage. In the face of a state that sought to crush the Oromo identity, he stood firm. In the face of imprisonment, he refused to break. In the face of exile, he never forgot his homeland.
His courage was not a solitary flame. It was part of a collective fire that burned in the hearts of all those who joined the Oromo struggle. Together, they challenged an oppressive system that had denied the Oromo people their land, their language, and their dignity for generations. And though the struggle continues, their courage has inspired countless others to take up the mantle.
Resilience: The Spirit That Endures
Resilience is the ability to endure hardship and emerge stronger. The Oromo people are among the most resilient in the world. Despite centuries of oppression, they have maintained their language, their culture, and their identity. Despite repeated attempts at assimilation and erasure, they have remained steadfast in their commitment to freedom.
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira embodies this resilience. His life and work are a testament to the unbreakable spirit of the Oromo people. Through every setback, every defeat, and every moment of despair, he has remained committed to the cause. His resilience is a reminder that the Oromo struggle is not a fleeting moment of political unrest—it is a long and determined march toward justice.
Unwavering Commitment: The Call That Never Fades
What does it mean to have unwavering commitment? It means dedicating your life to a cause without expecting recognition or reward. It means continuing to fight, even when the odds are stacked against you. It means never losing sight of the goal, even when the path is shrouded in darkness.
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira’s commitment to the Oromo cause has never wavered. Through decades of struggle, through moments of triumph and moments of defeat, he has remained a steadfast advocate for Oromo liberation. His commitment is a beacon for all who continue to fight for justice, reminding us that the struggle is not a sprint but a marathon—one that requires patience, persistence, and unshakeable faith in the righteousness of the cause.
A History That Must Not Be Forgotten
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira is part of a history that must never be forgotten. It is a history of resistance, of resilience, and of hope. It is a history that belongs not only to the Oromo people but to all those who believe in the cause of justice and human dignity.
The story of the Oromo struggle is one of many chapters, each written by a generation of courageous individuals. Jaal Fekadu Wakjira’s generation laid the foundation, and it is our responsibility to build upon it. We must ensure that future generations know the sacrifices that were made on their behalf and that they understand the importance of continuing the fight.
As the Oromo proverb says, “Kan booda dhufuuf hundumaatu deebisa” —the future belongs to those who remember the past.
A Message of Gratitude
To Jaal Fekadu Wakjira, we say: Galatoomaa. Thank you for your service, your sacrifice, and your unwavering commitment to the Oromo cause. Thank you for the courage you showed in the darkest hours. Thank you for the resilience that inspired so many. Thank you for the foundation you built, upon which we continue to build.
Your generation carried the weight of the struggle so that ours could carry the torch. Your sacrifices became part of our history, and your legacy will live on in the hearts of the Oromo people for generations to come.
Ulfaadha! —You are honoured!
The Legacy Continues
The struggle for Oromo liberation is not yet complete. There is still work to be done, sacrifices to be made, and victories to be won. But the legacy of Jaal Fekadu Wakjira and his generation is a source of strength and inspiration. It reminds us that the fight for freedom is a journey—one that requires courage, resilience, and unwavering commitment.
We who carry the torch today owe it to the veterans of the Oromo struggle to continue the work they began. We must honour their sacrifices by building a future worthy of their dreams. We must ensure that the freedom they fought for is not only achieved but also preserved for future generations.
Conclusion: A Living Legacy
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira is a living legacy of the Oromo Revolution. His name will be remembered alongside the great heroes of the Oromo struggle—those who dared to dream of a free Oromia and refused to let that dream die.
As we honour Jaal Fekadu Wakjira, we honour an entire generation that carried the weight of the Oromo struggle through sacrifice, courage, resilience, and unwavering commitment. We remember their contributions. We celebrate their achievements. And we recommit ourselves to the cause for which they fought.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Galatoomaa, Jaal Fekadu Wakjira!
Ulfaadha!
This feature article is dedicated to Jaal Fekadu Wakjira and all the veterans of the Oromo Revolution—past, present, and future—who have given so much for the freedom and dignity of the Oromo people.
Qaammee: The Sacred Celebration of Oromo Womanhood
A Timeless Tradition of Blessing, Transition, and Cultural Pride
By Maatii Sabaa
In the rich tapestry of Oromo culture, few celebrations are as deeply revered and symbolically profound as Qaammee—the sacred festival honoring young Oromo women. This ancient tradition, which marks the transition of unmarried girls into womanhood, is a vibrant expression of cultural identity, community unity, and spiritual blessing.
The Qaammee festival is more than a ceremony; it is a living testament to the Oromo people’s deep respect for women and their central role in society. As the celebrations unfold across Oromia, the air fills with the fragrance of the rainy season, the rhythm of traditional songs, and the joyous laughter of young women adorned in their finest attire.
Understanding Qaammee: A Celebration of Womanhood
Qaammee refers to a young unmarried woman who participates in this sacred festival. The term embodies the essence of youthful femininity, purity, and the promise of a bright future. The celebration is a rite of passage, a communal blessing, and a moment of profound cultural significance.
According to tradition, young women who have not yet married participate in the Qaammee ceremony to receive blessings, share in communal joy, and affirm their identity as proud Oromo women. The festival is marked by two key rituals:
- Buqqisaa — The “Breaking” or initiation ceremony, where the young women are formally welcomed into the celebration.
- Daddarbaa — The “Passing” or blessing ceremony, where they receive the community’s blessings and are honored for their transition.
These rituals are not merely symbolic; they are deeply spiritual acts that connect the young women to their ancestors, their community, and the natural world around them.
When Does Qaammee Take Place?
The Qaammee festival follows a specific seasonal calendar, deeply attuned to the rhythms of Oromo life. Celebrations begin in the month of Hagayya (roughly July-August) and continue through the month of Fulbaana (September-October), culminating at the end of the rainy season.
The timing is significant. The rainy season, known as Birraa in Oromo, brings life to the land—replenishing rivers, greening pastures, and signaling a time of renewal and abundance. The Qaammee celebration coincides with this season of rebirth, reflecting the new beginnings that the young women are entering as they step into adulthood.
This year’s celebrations began with the Buqqisaa ceremony today, followed by the Daddarbaa blessing ceremony tomorrow.
The Rituals of Qaammee
The Buqqisaa Ceremony
The Qaammee celebration begins with the Buqqisaa ceremony, a vibrant and joyous event held at communal gathering places. On this day, young unmarried women come together to participate in traditional dances, songs, and celebrations. The atmosphere is electric—filled with the beating of drums, the clapping of hands, and the joyful ululations of the community.
The young women, known as Qaammeen, dress in their finest traditional attire, adorned with colorful beads, jewelry, and intricately braided hairstyles. Their beauty and grace are celebrated as they dance, symbolizing their vitality and the promise of future generations.
The Daddarbaa Ceremony
The following day, the Daddarbaa ceremony takes place. On this day, the young women are blessed by the elders of the community. They receive prayers and blessings for a prosperous life, healthy marriages, and a future filled with happiness and success.
The blessings are not only spiritual but also practical. The elders offer guidance and wisdom to the young women, preparing them for the responsibilities and joys of adult life. The community gathers to witness the ceremony, reinforcing the bonds of unity and collective care.
The Role of Men and Boys in Qaammee
While Qaammee is primarily a celebration of young women, men and boys also play important roles in the festivities. Boys who have not yet reached the second grade of the Gadaa system and who are not yet married participate in the celebrations through traditional songs and dances.
Their presence is a gesture of respect and support, acknowledging the central role of women in Oromo society and the importance of honoring their transition into womanhood. The participation of young men also serves as a reminder of the collective nature of Oromo culture—where the wellbeing of the community is built on the strength of all its members.
The Spiritual Significance of Qaammee
At its heart, the Qaammee celebration is a spiritual experience. The rituals are conducted with reverence and respect, invoking the blessings of Waaqa (God) and the ancestors. The young women receive the prayers of the elders, the admiration of the community, and the hope of their families.
The celebration is also an act of thanksgiving. The Oromo people give thanks for the rain, the harvest, and the continuity of their culture. The young women, as symbols of fertility and the future, represent the hope and promise of the Oromo nation.
Qaammee and Oromo Cultural Identity
The Qaammee festival is a powerful expression of Oromo cultural identity. In a world where many indigenous traditions are at risk of being lost, the Oromo people have maintained this celebration as a living practice of their heritage.
The festival reinforces important cultural values:
- Community Unity: The celebration brings together families, neighbors, and entire communities in shared joy and purpose.
- Respect for Women: Qaammee honors the role of women in Oromo society, celebrating their transition to adulthood and affirming their dignity and worth.
- Cultural Continuity: Through the rituals, songs, and dances, the younger generations learn about their heritage and their responsibilities to their community.
Qaammee in the Diaspora
In recent years, Oromo communities in the diaspora have also begun to celebrate Qaammee, ensuring that the tradition continues across borders. In cities like Minneapolis, Seattle, Melbourne, and Toronto, Oromo youth organizations host Qaammee celebrations, complete with traditional music, dance, and blessings.
These celebrations serve multiple purposes: they preserve cultural identity among the diaspora, connect younger generations to their heritage, and create spaces for community bonding in new and often challenging environments. As one community leader noted, “Qaammee is not just a celebration; it is a statement of who we are and who we will always be.”
A Celebration of Promise and Renewal
As the Qaammee festival concludes, the participants and their families are filled with a sense of pride, joy, and hope. The young women who have been blessed and celebrated carry with them the strength and support of their community as they embark on their journeys into adulthood.
The festival is also a reminder of the beauty and resilience of Oromo culture—a culture that has survived centuries of oppression and continues to thrive in the hearts of its people. As the Oromo proverb says, “Foolii Birraa nutti haa urgeechu” —may the fragrance of spring (the rainy season’s fresh, green scent) be upon us.
“Ayyaanni baranaa nuun haa jegu” —may this year’s celebration be one of abundance and joy!
Conclusion: The Eternal Light of Qaammee
Qaammee is more than a celebration; it is a sacred tradition that connects the Oromo people to their past, their present, and their future. It is a moment to honor young women, to bless their journey, and to affirm the enduring strength of Oromo culture.
As the community gathers at Dirree Warra Angaafaa, Jahan Galaan, to witness the Daddarbaa ceremony, let us celebrate the beauty, grace, and resilience of the Oromo people. Let us honor the young women who carry the hopes of their community. And let us remember that traditions like Qaammee are the threads that weave the fabric of Oromo identity.
Foolii Birraa nutti haa urgeechu!
Ayyaanni baranaa nuun haa jegu!
Dirree Warra Angaafaa, Jahan Galaan
Hagayya 08, 2026
This feature article is dedicated to all the young Oromo women—past, present, and future—who carry the spirit of Qaammee in their hearts, and to the communities who uphold this beautiful tradition.
Historic Milestone: The First Diaspora Structure Council of the ABO Concludes with Resolute Decisions
Minneapolis Hosts Landmark Gathering as Oromo Diaspora Leaders Forge a Unified Path Forward
By Dhabessa Wakjira
(Minneapolis, Minnesota — Hagayya 5, 2026) In a historic display of organizational unity and democratic resolve, the Kora 1ffaa Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Ambaa —the First Diaspora Structure Council of the Oromo Liberation Front (ABO)—successfully concluded its proceedings in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Convened over two days, Hagayya 4–5, 2026, the gathering brought together a broad cross-section of the Oromo diaspora community, including representatives from the ABO Diaspora Structure, transitional leaders, families of fallen fighters, elders, scholars, artists, youth, women, and community organizations. Dignitaries from the Caayaa Utubaa ABO and Caayaa Biiftuu Ganamaa were also in attendance, lending their wisdom and authority to the proceedings.
The participation was overwhelming—with over eighty-seven percent (87%) of invited representatives in attendance, ensuring that the gathering met the necessary quorum for legitimacy and decision-making. As the Preparatory Committee Chair, Jaal Yaddii Abdulshakuuri, had confirmed prior to the event, the conditions for a successful council were met, and the assembly proceeded with confidence and purpose.
A Ceremonial Opening: Tradition and Blessings
In keeping with Oromo cultural tradition, the council opened with the recitation of the Eebba Manguddoo—the Great Blessing—led by elders and religious figures, alongside the ceremonial contributions of the Haadholii Siiqqee (Siinqee women). The opening ceremony, which featured the singing of the Faaruu Alaabaa (national anthem), set a tone of reverence and unity, connecting the political work of the council to the cultural and spiritual foundations of the Oromo people.
Jaal Shuggux Galataa, the Coordinator of the Diaspora Structure Council, formally opened the proceedings. Following the opening, he presented a comprehensive report on the work accomplished over the past years. The report assessed the progress, achievements, and challenges encountered within the movement, offering a candid reflection on both victories and shortcomings. After extensive discussion and deliberation, the report was approved by the assembly.
Eighteen Resolute Decisions: A Blueprint for Action
Following thorough deliberations on various foundational issues, the First Diaspora Structure Council passed a series of 18 landmark decisions, establishing a clear path for the diaspora’s role in the Oromo liberation struggle. These decisions are as follows:
1. Approval of the By-Laws
The Council reviewed, debated in depth, and approved the By-Laws of the ABO Diaspora Structure, incorporating necessary amendments before ratification.
2. Election of the Leadership Council
The Council democratically elected a 39-member Leadership Council (Mana Marii Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Alaa) to lead the Diaspora Structure for the next three years, entrusting them with the mandate to guide the diaspora’s organizational work.
3. Commitment to the Struggle
The newly elected leadership members pledged their commitment, taking an oath to fulfill their responsibilities with integrity and dedication, ensuring that the ABO’s struggle achieves its objectives.
4. Institutional Strengthening
The Council resolved that the diaspora’s contribution to the Oromo liberation struggle is not to be seen as a supplementary effort. Recognizing institutional strengthening as a priority, it decided to fortify existing structures and establish new ones where absent, across all diaspora chapters and communities.
5. Engagement with Civic Organizations
The Council committed to engaging with and strengthening civic organizations and community groups, ensuring they contribute effectively to the struggle and amplify the Oromo voice.
6. International Advocacy and Diplomacy
The Council resolved to work with various governments and non-governmental institutions to establish international relations and alliances for the Oromo cause. This includes raising awareness of the oppression faced by Oromo people under the Ethiopian government and advocating for international support for the ABO’s struggle.
7. Support for Internal Struggles
The Council pledged to continue providing necessary support for the work of the ABO’s structures inside Oromia.
8. Supporting the ABO Inside Oromia
The Council committed to supporting the legal and political work of the ABO within Ethiopia, in accordance with national laws and electoral board regulations, ensuring the continuation of the struggle through all available means.
9. Confronting Atrocities
The Council resolved to expose and demand accountability for all atrocities committed by the Ethiopian government against the Oromo people, calling for an end to these acts and for those responsible to be held accountable.
10. Finfinne and the National Dialogue
The Council demanded that the ongoing “National Dialogue” process, which has been used to further divide Oromo land and undermine Oromo rights, be subjected to deep scrutiny. It called for a genuine, inclusive dialogue involving all parties, including opposition groups, that would serve the interest of all peoples of Ethiopia, not just narrow political agendas.
11. Opposition to the Extension of Term
The Council condemned the Ethiopian government’s actions to extend its term in office through military operations across Oromia under various pretexts, declaring its opposition to these maneuvers.
12. The Return of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa
Reaffirming that Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa were illegally separated from Oromia in the past and have not been returned, the Council demanded their immediate return to Oromia.
13. Opposing Excessive Taxation
The Council called for an end to the excessive taxes imposed on Oromo farmers, merchants, and pastoralists, which are impoverishing communities, and demanded that these taxes be revised and reduced.
14. Adherence to the By-Laws
The Council affirmed that all its members are bound by the By-Laws ratified at this gathering and that they will support and work within the structures established by this Council.
15. Call for Ceasefire and Peace
Expressing grave concern over the ongoing armed conflict between the Oromo Liberation Army (WBO) and the Ethiopian government, which is causing immense loss of life and property, the Council called for an immediate cessation of hostilities. It urged the government to lift restrictions and engage in dialogue with the WBO to reach a lasting and just resolution.
16. Addressing Generational Injustices
The Council declared that Oromia and the Oromo people have endured over a century and a half of oppression and denial of their rights. At this critical juncture, when Oromo leadership is expected to govern, the people are experiencing unprecedented hardship. The Council demanded that the current system provide justice, dignity, and a peaceful existence for Oromo people in their own land.
17. Protection of the ABO’s Rights
While affirming that the ABO operates legally within Ethiopia to pursue the rights of the Oromo people, the Council condemned the government’s actions against the party—including the imprisonment of its leaders, the closure of its offices, the seizure of its property, and the restriction of its political activities. The Council demanded that the government respect the legal and political rights of the ABO to operate freely within the country.
18. Release of Political Prisoners
The Council called for the immediate release of all political prisoners who have been detained without due process, held in prisons, police stations, military camps, and other detention facilities across the country, demanding that they either be brought to court or released without delay.
A New Chapter in the Diaspora Struggle
The successful conclusion of the First Diaspora Structure Council marks a watershed moment in the Oromo liberation movement. For the first time, the diaspora’s role in the struggle has been codified through a comprehensive structure and set of mandates, ensuring that the community’s resources, voices, and efforts are directed with cohesion and purpose.
The gathering brought together the full spectrum of Oromo society in the diaspora—from elders and scholars to youth and artists—united in their determination to see the liberation of Oromia achieved. The presence of the families of fallen fighters served as a powerful reminder of the sacrifices upon which the movement is built.
Conclusion: The Struggle Continues, In Unity
As the council concluded its historic session, the spirit of “Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo” —Victory to the Oromo People—resounded through the halls of Minneapolis. The decisions made, the leadership elected, and the commitments sealed represent a renewed pledge to the cause of freedom, justice, and self-determination.
The work of the diaspora is now more organized, more strategic, and more impactful than ever before. The First Diaspora Structure Council has laid the foundation for a new phase in the struggle—one that harnesses the full potential of the Oromo diaspora while remaining firmly connected to the aspirations of the people in the homeland.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
ABO haa waaru!
Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Alaa haa jabaattu!
Hagayya 5, 2026
Minneapolis, Minnesota, USA
This feature article is dedicated to all who participated in this historic council, to the leadership of the ABO, and to the Oromo people everywhere who continue to strive for freedom, justice, and dignity.
Honouring a Pillar of the Oromo Struggle: A Tribute to Obbo Dirribaa Aariqoo
The Former Governor of Illubabor Zone and Head of the Oromia Security Bureau, Celebrated for His Unwavering Commitment to the Liberation Movement
By Daandii Ragabaa
In the ongoing narrative of the Oromo people’s quest for self-determination, certain figures stand out not merely for their titles, but for the depth of their commitment and the sacrifices they have made. One such individual is Obbo Dirribaa Aariqoo, the former Governor of the Illubabor Zone and previous Head of the Oromia Security Bureau. His journey is a testament to the spirit of the Qabsoo—the struggle—and a powerful example of how dedicated leaders contribute their skills, knowledge, and personal resources to the advancement of their people.
This tribute celebrates Obbo Dirribaa Aariqoo, a leader who has consistently demonstrated that true commitment to the struggle is measured not by words, but by unwavering dedication and the continuous application of one’s talents to the cause of liberation.
A Life of Service: From Illubabor to the Oromia Security Bureau
Obbo Dirribaa Aariqoo’s career reflects a deep-seated commitment to public service and the development of Oromia. As the Governor of the Illubabor Zone, he held a position of significant responsibility, overseeing a region known for its rich agricultural potential and cultural heritage. His tenure was marked by a focus on the welfare of the Oromo people and the strengthening of the region’s institutions.
His subsequent appointment as the Head of the Oromia Security Bureau is a natural progression of his dedication to showcasing the security and potential of Oromia. Oromia is often called the “gifted land” due to its stunning landscapes, ranging from high mountain peaks to the Rift Valley lakes. It is home to the famous Sof Umar Cave and the Bale Mountains National Park, a paradise for bird watchers. The region is also the cradle of the Gadaa system, a democratic governance structure recognized by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. In this role, Obbo Dirribaa is not merely promoting Oromia security; he is working to reclaim and project the true peace and image of Oromia to the world, a land of rich history and immense natural beauty that has often been overlooked.
The Pillar of the Qabsoo: Beyond the Title
What truly distinguishes Obbo Dirribaa Aariqoo is the manner in which he has integrated his professional roles with the broader Oromo struggle. As the saying goes, “Qabsoon kan itti of kennaniin dandeettii, beekumsa, qabeenyaa fi humna ofii itti gumaachanii dha”—the struggle is one to which people contribute their abilities, knowledge, resources, and personal strength. Obbo Dirribaa is a living embodiment of this principle.
His active participation in the Qabsoo is not a symbolic gesture. He is recognized as one who has made significant personal sacrifices for the cause. The Oromo liberation movement, which has spanned over 50 years of organized resistance, has demanded immense personal cost from its leaders. Figures like Obbo Dirribaa stand alongside other pillars of the struggle—such as the late singer Cawwaaqaa Yaaddessaa, whose music served as a “pillar” of the struggle during the difficult years of the Derg regime, and leaders who endured imprisonment and exile to advance the Oromo cause.
These individuals, including Obbo Dirribaa, are the “Utubaa Qabsoo”—the pillars who have held the movement together through the darkest hours. Their contribution is a testament to the belief that liberation is a multi-generational project requiring each generation to do its part.
The Broader Context: The Oromo Struggle in 2026
As we honour Obbo Dirribaa Aariqoo in 2026, it is important to recognize the historical moment. This year marks not only the 40th anniversary of the Oromo Studies Association (OSA), which has tirelessly worked to reclaim Oromo history and knowledge, but also a significant point in the political journey of the Oromo people.
The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO) continues to face challenges, with the political arena having been “deliberately closed” in recent years, leading to the imprisonment of leaders and the shutdown of offices. Yet, the spirit of the Qabsoo endures. Leaders like Obbo Dirribaa Aariqoo are crucial in ensuring that the movement’s vision for a free and prosperous Oromia remains alive and that the next generation is prepared to carry the torch forward.
A Gratitude to the Pillars
The work of the Oromo liberation movement has always been fuelled by the dedication of its leaders and fighters. Many have paid the ultimate price, including the 17 commanders who were killed in 1981 at Shinnigaa, an event now commemorated annually as Oromo Martyrs’ Day. Others, like the family of Leencoo Lataa, endured immense suffering—including imprisonment and separation from their children—for the cause.
In this context, the contribution of Obbo Dirribaa Aariqoo stands as a proud chapter in the Oromo story. “Galata guddaa qaban” —he and others like him deserve our profound gratitude. Their service is a reminder that the struggle for justice is not abstract; it is built by the hands and hearts of leaders who are willing to sacrifice their own comfort for the collective future of their people.
Conclusion: A Legacy of Strength
Obbo Dirribaa Aariqoo’s journey from the Governor of Illubabor to the Head of the Oromia Security Bureau is a story of consistent, principled service. His active participation in the Qabsoo is a powerful example of how the development of Oromia’s institutions and the preservation of its culture are inseparable from the broader political struggle for liberation. As Oromia looks to the future, the example set by leaders like Obbo Dirribaa—who have contributed their “dandeettii, beekumsa, qabeenyaa fi humna” (ability, knowledge, resources, and strength) to the cause—will continue to inspire generations.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Galata Obbo Dirribaa Aariqoo!
This feature article is a tribute to the unwavering dedication of Obbo Dirribaa Aariqoo and all Oromo leaders who serve as pillars of the Qabsoo.
Thirty Years of Unity: OSFNA Celebrates a Legacy of Culture, Community, and Connection (1996–2026)
In the summer of 1996, a simple yet profound idea took root in Toronto, Canada. A group of visionary members of the Oromo diaspora, driven by a desire to foster community cohesion and celebrate their rich heritage, launched the inaugural soccer tournament of what would become the Oromo Sports Federation in North America (OSFNA). Thirty years later, as the organization celebrates its 30th anniversary in 2026, that initial gathering of six clubs has blossomed into a monumental week-long festival of sport, culture, and solidarity. OSFNA’s journey is a powerful testament to the enduring spirit of the Oromo people and their unwavering commitment to unity, awareness, and the celebration of Oromummaa.
From Humble Beginnings to a Continental Movement
What started on local park fields has grown into one of the most significant annual gatherings for the Oromo diaspora. The inaugural tournament in 1996 featured teams from across North America, including Rissa from Minnesota, Madaa Walabuu from Seattle, Oromia from Toronto, and others from Canada, Atlanta, and Ottawa. The immediate success of this event showcased not only the athletic talent within the community but also its deep-seated need for connection. The following year saw rapid expansion, leading to the democratic establishment of the OSFNA Board, a milestone that formalized the organization’s structure and solidified its future. Over three decades, OSFNA has evolved into a cornerstone of Oromo diaspora life, consistently captivating members year after year with a rich tapestry of cultural and sporting events.
More Than a Game: A Platform for Culture and Awareness
OSFNA’s impact extends far beyond the soccer field. While the annual tournament remains the centerpiece, the event has become a powerful platform for cultural exchange and community building. It serves as a vibrant space where Oromos can reconnect with their roots, celebrate their identity, and forge lasting bonds across borders. The organization’s dedication to promoting Oromo heritage and culture on a broader scale is evident as the tournament travels to various cities, fostering connections and solidarity among Oromo communities across the country and beyond. By bringing people together, OSFNA plays a vital role in beek sisuu—raising awareness of the Oromo people and Oromia—and in walitti fiduu—uniting a diaspora scattered across a vast continent.
A Legacy of Unity and Recognition
The unifying power of OSFNA has not gone unnoticed. The organization’s contributions have been formally recognized by the mayor’s offices of both Minneapolis and Saint Paul, which have designated a special “Oromo Week” to celebrate the community’s cultural contributions. This official acknowledgment underscores the significant role OSFNA plays in bridging cultural gaps and enriching the broader social fabric of its host communities. The spirit of unity fostered by the federation echoes the wider Oromo liberation movement’s calls for tokkummaa (unity) and speaking with one voice. In a diaspora where maintaining cultural identity can be challenging, OSFNA has become a beacon, ensuring that the language, traditions, and spirit of the Oromo people are preserved and passed on to future generations.
Celebrating 30 Years of Excellence in 2026
The year 2026 marks a momentous occasion: OSFNA’s 30th anniversary, a celebration of three decades of resilience, community, and cultural pride. The festivities, held from August 1st to 8th, have been nothing short of historic. This milestone year saw the tournament elevated to professional stages, with games played at Allianz Field and James Griffin Stadium in the Twin Cities of Minnesota. The week-long celebration of sports, culture, and community culminated in a grand closing concert at the historic Palace Theatre in St. Paul, drawing attendees from across North America and beyond. The 2026 anniversary was not just a look back at past achievements but a powerful affirmation of OSFNA’s ongoing mission and a promise for the future.
The Next Thirty Years
For thirty years, OSFNA has stood as a pillar of the Oromo diaspora, proving that sport can be a powerful vehicle for cultural preservation, political awareness, and communal unity. As it moves forward, the federation remains dedicated to its founding principles: bringing the Oromo community together, empowering its youth, and celebrating the beauty and resilience of Oromo culture. The journey from a small tournament in Toronto to a major continental event is a story of vision, determination, and the unbreakable bonds of a people. As OSFNA embarks on its next chapter, its legacy as a unifying force and a vibrant symbol of Oromo identity in North America is assured.
A Gathering of Purpose: Oromo Diaspora Unites in St. Paul for Historic Council Meetings
The Joint Session of the ABO Diaspora Structure Council and ABO North America Structure Council Commences with Blessings, Song, and a Memorial for the Fallen
By Daandii Ragabaa
(St. Paul, Minnesota — August 7, 2026)- In a powerful display of organizational unity and cultural resilience, the Walgayiin Hawaasaa —the community gathering—has commenced in St. Paul, Minnesota. This historic event unites the Kora Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Alaa (Diaspora Structure Council of the Oromo Liberation Front) and the Kora Gamtaa Caasaa ABO Amerikaa Kaabaa (Joint Structure Council of the ABO North America), marking a significant moment in the institutional consolidation of the Oromo liberation movement abroad.
The proceedings opened with the solemn recitation of Eebba Manguddoo —the Great Blessing—and the singing of Faaruu Alaabaa, the national anthem of the Oromo people. This was followed by a memorial ceremony honoring the Jaallan —the beloved fallen heroes of the struggle—whose sacrifices continue to inspire the movement.
The choice of St. Paul, Minnesota, as the host city is no accident. Over the past three decades, Minnesota has earned the affectionate title “Little Oromia” for hosting one of the largest Oromo populations outside of East Africa. In this space, the past meets the present—elders who witnessed the early days of the OLF sit alongside youth born in the West, forging an intergenerational bond that strengthens the movement’s resilience.
The Opening Ceremony: Blessings, Song, and Memory
The commencement of the joint session was marked by traditional Oromo cultural and spiritual practices that have sustained the community across generations. The Eebba Manguddoo, or Great Blessing, is a ritual invocation that calls upon Waaqa (God) for peace, prosperity, and the success of the Oromo people in their collective endeavors.
Oromo oral literature encompasses multiple forms of expression, including eebba (blessings) and faaruu (songs of praise), which are performed across generations in different social and cultural contexts. The recitation of the Great Blessing and the singing of the national anthem served as a spiritual and cultural foundation for the political work that followed.
The memorial ceremony for the Jaallan —the beloved pillars of the struggle—honored those who have given their lives for the liberation of Oromia. As one OLF leader declared: “If we are people of truth, our people will never abandon us under any circumstances. But if we are people of falsehood, even if we hold something, we will lose it”. This commitment to truth and integrity is central to the movement’s ethos.
Institutional Strength: The Core of the Council’s Work
The joint session of the two councils underscores a central theme in the Oromo movement’s recent history: the strength of the institution . This represents a mature evolution in diaspora political consciousness—the understanding that liberation requires not just passion or grievance, but organizational resilience, strategic continuity, and the mechanisms required to sustain a movement across decades and continents.
The meticulous preparation of these councils and their joint session is itself a direct, tangible contribution to the struggle, ensuring that support and sustenance for the freedom struggle continues to receive continuity.
The flyer circulating among community groups carries a powerful mantra: “As always, consistency and determination remain the foundation of lasting progress and success“. These words are not empty rhetoric. In the long and often brutal struggle for Oromo self-determination, fads and fleeting passions have no place. What sustains the movement is the dogged, day-in and day-out commitment of a people who refuse to be erased.
Why St. Paul? The Heart of the Oromo Diaspora
The choice of Minnesota for this historic gathering is deeply significant. Since the 1990s, Minnesota has become a sanctuary and a springboard for Oromo activism. From the bustling neighborhoods of Minneapolis to the suburban cities of St. Paul, Oromo culture thrives—through language, music, faith, and political organization.
The Oromo Community Centre in St. Paul has become a hub for diaspora organizing. Recent events include the Oromo Studies Association’s 40th Anniversary Celebration at the centre on July 31, 2026, and the “Mara: 40 Years of Oromo Knowledge Making” art exhibition, which opened on August 6, 2026, at the Soomaal House of Art. The week also featured the Oromo Sports Federation of North America’s 30th Anniversary celebration, concluding with a concert at the Palace Theatre in St. Paul on August 8.
Holding the joint session of the ABO councils here acknowledges the diaspora not as a distant bystander, but as a vital pillar of the liberation project.
The ABO’s Global Reach: Building Oromia Without Borders
The joint session brings together two critical components of the ABO’s diaspora structure: the global Diaspora Structure Council (Korri Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Alaa) and the North America regional structure (Kora Gamtaa Caasaa ABO Amerikaa Kaabaa). This integration reflects the ABO’s recognition that the work of building Oromia extends beyond Ethiopia’s borders.
The ABO has a significant diaspora presence, with offices in Washington, D.C., and Berlin, serving as hubs for organizing, advocacy, and communication. These offices also operate radio stations broadcasting in both Amharic and Oromo, ensuring the organization’s message reaches Oromo communities worldwide. This global reach allows the ABO to advocate for the Oromo cause on the world stage, build solidarity with other movements, and sustain the struggle even when political space is closed inside Ethiopia.
The joint session in St. Paul is a testament to this global network in action.
A Renewed Vow: “Ni Jirra!” – We Are Here
Throughout the proceedings, the community has echoed the rallying cry that unites Oromo people across continents: “IUOf!” —Victory to the Oromo people. This declaration resonates across generations, affirming the unshakable belief in the Oromo nation’s future.
The gatherings in St. Paul mirror the spirit of the Oromo diaspora’s New Year affirmation in Edmonton, where the simple, powerful declaration “Ni jirra!” —”We are here!”—served as an existential, geopolitical, and institutional affirmation. It declares that the Oromo people persist, that they are present and active in diaspora communities, and that the OLF/ABO, as the vehicle of their aspirations, is alive and organizing.
Conclusion: A Foundation for the Future
The commencement of the Walgayiin Hawaasaa in St. Paul marks a milestone in the organizational history of the Oromo liberation movement. The joint session of the ABO Diaspora Structure Council and the ABO North America Structure Council, opened with blessings, song, and memorial, represents the integration of global and regional diaspora structures under a unified vision.
As the flyer for the event declares, consistency and determination remain the foundation of lasting progress and success. The hundreds of Oromo community members gathering in St. Paul this week embody that spirit.
The work continues. The structure is in place. The foundation is strong.
ABO haa waaru!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
IUOf!
This feature article is dedicated to all the fallen heroes of the Oromo liberation struggle—the Jaallan—whose memory inspires the work of the diaspora. Their sacrifice is not forgotten, and their legacy lives on in the structures and institutions built in their honor.
A Milestone Achieved: The ABO Diaspora Structure Council Successfully Concludes
A Historic Gathering in Minneapolis Marks a New Chapter for the Oromo Liberation Front’s Global Organization
By Daandii Ragabaa
Minneapolis, MN — August 6, 2026
In a significant development for the Oromo liberation movement, the Korri Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Alaa —the Diaspora Structure Council of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO)—has successfully concluded its proceedings. The event, held in Minneapolis, Minnesota, marks a pivotal moment in the organizational consolidation of the Oromo struggle beyond the borders of Oromia.
The council’s conclusion, announced on August 6, 2026, represents more than a routine organizational meeting. It signals the maturation of the diaspora as a structured, institutional pillar of the liberation movement—a recognition that the struggle for Oromo self-determination is not confined to the homeland but spans continents, uniting Oromo people wherever they reside.
Why Minneapolis? The Heart of the Oromo Diaspora
The choice of Minneapolis as the host city for this historic gathering is no accident. Over the past three decades, Minnesota has become a sanctuary and a springboard for Oromo activism, earning the affectionate title “Little Oromia” for hosting one of the largest Oromo populations outside of East Africa .
From the bustling neighborhoods of Minneapolis to the suburban cities of St. Paul, Oromo culture thrives—through language, music, faith, and political organization. Holding the Diaspora Structure Council here acknowledges the diaspora not as a distant bystander but as a vital pillar of the liberation project .
In this space, the past meets the present. Elders who witnessed the early days of the OLF sit alongside youth born in the West, forging an intergenerational bond that strengthens the movement’s resilience. It is a living classroom where history is taught, grievances are voiced, and hope is rekindled .
The Significance of Institutional Strength
The successful conclusion of the Diaspora Structure Council underscores a central theme that has emerged in the Oromo movement’s recent history: the strength of the institution.
As emphasized at the Oromo New Year celebrations in Edmonton, the focus is increasingly on “jabeenya jaarmiyaa”—the strength of the institution . This represents a mature evolution in diaspora political consciousness: the understanding that liberation requires not just passion or grievance, but organizational resilience, strategic continuity, and the mechanisms required to sustain a movement across decades and continents .
The Diaspora Structure Council’s work, meticulously prepared and executed, was itself a direct, tangible contribution to the struggle. It ensured that “deeggarsii fi tumsi qabsoo bilisummaa akka itti fufiinsa argatu”—that “support and sustenance for the freedom struggle continues to receive continuity” .
The OLF/ABO’s Vision: Building Oromia Without Borders
The successful conclusion of this council aligns with the broader vision of the OLF/ABO leadership, who have consistently emphasized that the work of building Oromia extends beyond Ethiopia’s borders.
As senior OLF leader Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa stated at a February 2026 consultative meeting in Gullallee: “Our foundational organizing must begin at the grassroots level, starting from the village” . This principle applies equally to the diaspora. Wherever Oromos reside—in the villages of Oromia, the refugee camps of Kenya, the community centers of North America and Europe—the work of building Oromo consciousness, organization, and national identity continues .
The council’s successful conclusion demonstrates that the diaspora is not merely a source of financial support or cultural preservation. It is an active, organized, and strategic component of the liberation project.
A Foundation of Truth and Integrity
Throughout its proceedings, the Diaspora Structure Council was guided by the principles that have defined the OLF/ABO’s decades-long struggle. As Abdii Raggaasaa declared: “If we are people of truth, our people will never abandon us under any circumstances. But if we are people of falsehood, even if we hold something, we will lose it” .
This commitment to truth and integrity was central to the council’s work. The diaspora structure is not built on empty rhetoric or political opportunism. It is built on the sacrifice of generations—on the “struggle of blood and bone” that has defined the Oromo liberation movement .
The Cry That Echoes: IUOf!
As the Diaspora Structure Council concluded its work, the hall undoubtedly echoed with the rallying cry that unites Oromo people across continents: “IUOf!” —Victory to the Oromo people .
The abbreviation, derived from the Oromo phrase for victory, resonates across generations, declaring the unshakable belief in the Oromo nation’s future . It is a cry that has been heard in the hidden clearings of Oromia, in the community halls of the diaspora, and now, in the organized structures of the OLF/ABO abroad.
A New Chapter: Consistency and Determination
The flyer circulating for the conclusion of the Diaspora Structure Council carried a powerful mantra: “As always, consistency and determination remain the foundation of lasting progress and success” .
These words are not empty rhetoric. In the long and often brutal struggle for Oromo self-determination, fads and fleeting passions have no place. What sustains the movement is the dogged, day-in and day-out commitment of a people who refuse to be erased. The successful conclusion of the Diaspora Structure Council is the embodiment of this ethic—a ritual of endurance, a moment to recalibrate, to reaffirm, and to recommit .
Consistency means showing up, year after year, regardless of the political winds. Determination means turning setbacks into stepping stones. The OLF/ABO has weathered imprisonment, exile, and state-sponsored repression, yet here it stands, its diaspora structure organized and functioning in the heart of America. That is the quiet power of persistence .
Looking Forward: The Seventh Round and Beyond
The successful conclusion of the Diaspora Structure Council arrives at a crucial moment. As the OLF/ABO prepares for the upcoming 7th round elections, the diaspora structure will play a vital role in mobilization, advocacy, and organizational strengthening .
The council’s work ensures that the diaspora is not a passive observer of political developments in Oromia but an active participant. As one OLF official stated: “OLF is the center of Oromo peace” . The diaspora structure, now successfully organized and concluded, extends that center across the globe.
Conclusion: A Milestone, Not an End
The conclusion of the Korri Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Alaa is not an end but a beginning. It marks the formalization of a structure that will continue to serve the Oromo people’s aspirations for self-determination, dignity, and democratic rights.
As participants departed Minneapolis, the message was clear: the diaspora is organized, the structure is in place, and the work continues. The struggle for Oromo liberation is not confined to the homeland—it is a global movement, sustained by a global community, guided by a global organization.
ABO haa waaru!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Korri Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Alaa
Milkiin Xumurameera
Hag. 08/06/2026
Minneapolis, MN
This feature article is dedicated to all those who built the diaspora structures of the Oromo Liberation Front—from the founders to the newest members—and to the generations yet to come who will carry forward the torch of liberation.
The Architects of Tomorrow: The Role of Oromo Youth in Building Oromia
In the sweeping highlands of Oromia, beneath a sky that has witnessed centuries of both triumph and turmoil, a quiet but powerful transformation is taking root. It is not being driven by politicians in distant capitals, nor by the decrees of aging elders alone. Instead, it is being shaped by the hands, minds, and unyielding spirits of the young—the Qeerroo (young men) and Qarree (young women) of Oromia.
For generations, Oromo youth have been the backbone of their nation’s resistance. Today, however, they are stepping into a new role: not merely as protesters against oppression, but as architects of a new Oromia. They are builders of infrastructure, pioneers of technology, guardians of culture, and the driving force behind a national renaissance that is redefining what it means to be Oromo in the 21st century.
A Legacy of Resistance, A Future of Building
The term Qeerroo traditionally described an unmarried young man, but over the past decade, it has evolved into a powerful symbol of generational awakening. The Oromo youth political movement, which gained significant momentum between 2014 and 2018, was driven by deep-seated concerns: youth unemployment, the consequences of rapid urbanization, and a profound sense of marginalization. They were excluded from a rural future through land grabbing and population growth, and equally shut out from a modernist development that unequally distributed the fruits of economic growth.
Yet, frustration has given way to construction. As Minister Deetan, speaking at a youth forum in Bole Sub-City, recently affirmed, the role of young people in nation-building is paramount. The youth are no longer waiting for change to be handed to them; they are actively shaping it. “Dargaggoonni jijjiiramni siyaasaa biyya keenyatti akka dhufu taasisuu qofa osoo hin taanee, jijjiiraamichi qormaatawwan hedduu keessa darbee milkaa’inoota hedduu akka galmeessuuf gahee isaan irraa eegamu bahachaa jira” (The youth are not only bringing political change but are expected to register many successes through numerous challenges).
Pillars of Unity and National Cohesion
One of the most significant contributions of Oromo youth has been their role in fostering national unity and building a cohesive Ethiopian identity. For too long, young people were confined to their regional identities, but this is changing. Minister of Peace Binnaalif Andu’aleem has emphasized that young people have a duty to participate in building the country and fostering national consensus.
Through a new national volunteer service program, youth from various universities—armed with diverse skills—are being deployed across the country to serve communities beyond their own regions. This initiative is breaking down regional barriers and forging a sense of shared destiny. As Minister Andu’aleem noted, for the past 30 years, Ethiopia’s political landscape focused more on division than unity. Today’s youth are actively reversing that trend, stepping out of their regional silos to build a unified national identity through service and collaboration.
The Economic Engine: Creating Dignified Work
Perhaps nowhere is the youth’s impact more visible than in the economic sphere. The challenge of unemployment has been a primary driver of youth activism, but it has also sparked a wave of entrepreneurial and employment initiatives.
The Agricultural Dignified Employment for Youth (ADEY) Program, funded by the Mastercard Foundation and implemented in partnership with organizations like HUNDEE, aims to create 611,000 dignified jobs for youth—80% of them women—across eight Ethiopian regional states, including Oromia. This is not just about filling positions; it is about creating meaningful, dignified livelihoods that empower young people to build their futures with pride.
In addition, massive industrial projects, such as the Busa Gonofa Oromia Integrated Food Industry, are being launched with a clear focus on generating large-scale employment for the youth. These initiatives represent a fundamental shift: the recognition that the nation’s economic future rests squarely on the shoulders of its young population.
The Classroom and the Laboratory: Building Minds
Education is the cornerstone of any nation’s development, and Oromo youth are at the forefront of a revolution in learning. In a powerful act of giving back, world-renowned Oromo scientist Professor Gabbisaa Ejjetaa funded and built the “Mootuu Ayyaanoo Secondary School” in his hometown of Oolankomii, naming it after his late mother. “This is not just a building; it is a beacon of hope,” said one elder at the inauguration. The school is a testament to the idea that true development begins with education and that the youth must be empowered through rigorous academics grounded in cultural identity.
Furthermore, the establishment of the Shaggar Institute of Technology (SIT) in Oromia marks a monumental leap forward. This new institution is dedicated to training elite students in cutting-edge fields such as Space Science, Artificial Intelligence, Nuclear Science, Biotechnology, and various engineering disciplines. The institute, built with a multi-billion birr budget, is designed to produce a generation of Oromo and Ethiopian youth capable of competing on the global stage.
A Cultural Renaissance: Reclaiming Identity
Beyond politics and economics, Oromo youth are leading a profound cultural renaissance. Across Oromia, young people are reclaiming their names, their language, and their heritage with a pride that their parents could scarcely have imagined.
They are celebrating Irreechaa, the ancient Oromo thanksgiving festival, not just as a religious ritual but as a powerful assertion of national identity. The festival serves as a vital platform for youth engagement and community identity. Young people are also at the forefront of efforts to have Irreechaa recognized by UNESCO as a world heritage, ensuring its preservation for future generations.
This cultural awakening extends to the digital realm as well. Young Oromo innovators are developing learning platforms in Afaan Oromoo, and initiatives like the “Gadaa Eco Builder” game are using interactive play to teach the UNESCO-recognized Oromo Gadaa system while funding real-world reforestation in Oromia. The youth are ensuring that their culture is not a relic of the past but a living, breathing force for the future.
The Challenges Ahead
Despite these remarkable contributions, the path forward is not without obstacles. Many Oromo youth still face significant challenges: educated unemployment, landlessness, and the persistent pull of migration, both internal and international. Research shows that youth in Oromia often migrate to larger towns or even abroad in search of better opportunities.
The government and various organizations are actively working to address these issues through economic empowerment projects, skills development, and job creation programs. However, the scale of the challenge requires sustained effort and a continued commitment to placing youth at the center of the development agenda.
Conclusion: The Architects of Tomorrow
The Oromo youth of today are not waiting for a future to be given to them; they are building it with their own hands. They are engineers building infrastructure, entrepreneurs creating jobs, scientists pushing the boundaries of knowledge, and cultural guardians preserving their heritage.
As Minister of Culture and Sport Nafiisaa Almahaadii recently stated, “Dargaggoonni birmadummaa fi tokkummaa biyyaasaanii eegsisuuf ejjennoo waliinii qabachuu qaban” (Youth must have a unified stance to protect the freedom and unity of their country).
From the battlefields of political struggle to the classrooms of cutting-edge institutes, from the economic hubs of industry to the spiritual grounds of Irreechaa, the youth of Oromia are proving that they are not just the leaders of tomorrow—they are the architects of today.
The foundation they are laying now will determine the shape of Oromia for generations to come. And if their current trajectory is any indication, that future is bright, resilient, and undeniably Oromo.
S
Four Decades of Scholarship, One Enduring Legacy: The Oromo Studies Association at 40
From Exile to Global Recognition — How a Diaspora Institution Reclaimed a People’s History
By Dhabessa Wakjira
The year was 1986. In meeting rooms scattered across the diaspora, in the United States and Europe, a small group of Oromo and non-Oromo scholars gathered with a radical idea . They would build an independent academic home for the study of a people whose history, culture, and very existence had been systematically erased from mainstream scholarship. They would create a space where knowledge about the Oromo could be produced not by outsiders, but on its own terms.
They called it the Oromo Studies Association .
Four decades later, that audacious dream has become something far greater than its founders could have imagined. As the OSA marks its 40th anniversary in 2026, it stands as a global scholarly community spanning continents and disciplines—a testament to the power of knowledge as a form of justice.
The Birth of a Movement: Founding in Exile
The OSA was not born in a vacuum. It was founded in direct response to a crackdown that had led to those campaigning for greater recognition of the Oromo people being murdered, tortured, jailed, or driven out of the country. The founding was a response to a void—a void in which Oromo heritage was not merely absent from academia and state narratives but actively suppressed.
Under successive Ethiopian regimes, the Oromo—despite being the largest ethnolinguistic group in Ethiopia, numbering over 40 million people across the Horn of Africa—were systematically marginalized. They were deprived of their expropriated lands, their freedom through enslavement, their identity, and even the right to speak their own language. In Ethiopia, the history of the Oromo people was effectively written out of the national narrative.
Among the founders was Sisai Ibssa, a scholar-activist whose intellectual journey shaped the trajectory of Oromo studies for decades. Reflecting on the early days, one founding figure recalled attending an international Oromo conference in Berlin in 1984—”It was then that we started to think about organizing an Oromo studies association. A few years later, OSA was formally organized” .
Another towering figure was Professor Asmarom Legesse, whose landmark work Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society (1973) brought the Oromo democratic system to international scholarly attention. Legesse passed away on January 31, 2026, just weeks before OSA’s 40th anniversary year—a loss deeply felt by the community he helped build.
A Full Gadaa Cycle: 40 Years of Scholarship
In Oromo tradition, the Gadaa system operates on eight-year cycles, with a full generational transition spanning forty years. This year’s anniversary is therefore not merely a milestone—it is a symbolic completion of a full Gadaa cycle, representing generational renewal, continuity, and the orderly transfer of knowledge and responsibility.
The OSA’s work over these four decades has been nothing short of transformative:
Before OSA, Oromo heritage was systematically erased. The Oromo language, Afaan Oromoo—the third most widely spoken language in Africa—was banned in schools and public life until 1992, and students were punished for speaking it or using Oromo names. A state ideology of “Ethiopianism” promoted Orthodox Christianity, the Amharic language, and Abyssinian culture as the sole legitimate national identity.
After four decades of OSA scholarship, the Oromo Gadaa system—a millennia-old democratic governance structure based on generational age sets, egalitarian principles, and rotating leadership—has been recognized by UNESCO as part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity . Oromo studies is now a respected field in global academia. And the Journal of Oromo Studies, launched in 1993, has been indexed in Scopus—one of the world’s most prestigious academic databases.
The Journal of Oromo Studies: A Dream Come True
When the first issue of the Journal of Oromo Studies rolled off the presses in the summer of 1993, it was described as “a dream come true” . For scholars who had labored in obscurity, publishing in venues that often dismissed or distorted Oromo realities, the Journal offered something revolutionary: a platform where Oromo scholarship could stand on its own.
The first volume featured foundational essays by scholars like Asafa Jalata, whose work on “The Oromo, Change and Continuity in Ethiopian Politics” helped define the contours of a new field . Over the decades that followed, the Journal would publish research on everything from the Gadaa system to diaspora studies, from economic development to cultural preservation, from historical linguistics to contemporary politics.
Now fully open-access, the Journal publishes articles, research notes, and scholarly book reviews in both English and Afaan Oromoo, welcoming contributions from emerging and established scholars alike . The Journal’s entire archive—decades of scholarship—is now posted to the OSA website, making it available to anyone with an internet connection.
In June 2026, Scopus announced the addition of 242 new journals to its prestigious index. Among them was the Journal of Oromo Studies. For those unfamiliar with the world of academic publishing, Scopus indexing is the gold standard. It places JOS alongside publications from Springer, Elsevier, Wiley, and Cambridge University Press.
As Bonnie Holcomb, the Journal’s Editor-in-Chief, wrote to contributors and advisors: “This publication, and the indexing in Scopus, are notable achievements, all. We have come a long way together” .
Reclaiming Oromummaa: The Core of the Mission
Central to OSA’s four-decade effort is the concept of Oromummaa—a term embodying the collective values, institutions, and worldview of the Oromo people. Once dismissed, Oromummaa has been meticulously restored by OSA scholars through research that has redrawn the map of Horn of Africa studies.
The OSA’s scholarship has focused on three core institutions of Oromo indigenous democracy:
- The Gadaa System: A complex socio-political system featuring an eight-year leadership cycle, checks and balances, and principles of accountability and rule of law. Its global significance was recognized by UNESCO in 2016.
- Siinqee (Siiqee): A women’s institution that ensures gender balance and social justice .
- The Qaalluu: The spiritual authority maintaining harmony between society, nature, and the spiritual realm.
Together, these institutions embody values of democracy, peace (nagaa), and ecological stewardship that OSA argues offer lessons of “global relevance”.
Breaking the Silence: OSA in the Diaspora
For many years, the OSA could not hold its annual meetings on home ground. Meetings were held in the diaspora, usually in the United States. The Association promoted research and scholarship across the full range of Oromo studies, but the doors of Ethiopia remained closed.
Under successive regimes, protesting Oromo people were increasingly subject to widespread repression, arbitrary arrests, detention without charge, enforced disappearance, torture, and even death . Like all authoritarian regimes, the authorities sought to silence protesters, initially targeting intellectuals, journalists, and students. All exiles, international commentators, media representatives, and human rights movements were denied entry to the country—including the OSA.
The most significant change came in 2018 with the election of Dr. Abiy Ahmed, himself an Oromo, to the position of Prime Minister of Ethiopia. As one scholar observed: “He opened the doors of Ethiopia to the Oromo in exile, some of whom had not seen their homeland for 40 years or more, and whose children had never been allowed to set foot on Ethiopian soil“. Even the Oromo Liberation Front operatives were given the green light to fly back into the country.
The 2026 Conference: Honoring the Past, Investing in the Future
The OSA’s 40th Annual Conference, themed “Oromo on the Global Landscape: Honoring Asmarom Legesse as OSA Turns 40,” will be held July 31 – August 2, 2026, in Minneapolis, Minnesota .
The conference will bring together scholars, researchers, students, and community members from across the diaspora and the continent for three days of panels, roundtables, keynote addresses, and community dialogue . It will feature diaspora-connected parallel panels abroad, reflecting the conference’s commitment to centring Oromo communities wherever they are.
An opening night celebration will be held on Friday evening, July 31, at the Oromo Community Centre in Saint Paul—an evening of inspiration, culture, and community, featuring video greetings from former OSA presidents, cultural dance performances, live cultural music, and a delicious meal catered by Dilla Restaurant.
Challenges and the Road Ahead
This hard-won scholarly recognition is not without its challenges. The OSA has warned of “renewed attacks on Oromo scholars and scholarship” from actors seeking to “restore inequitable power relations” . These attacks have evolved from formal complaints accusing scholars of “hate speech” to coordinated social media campaigns that vilify Oromummaa itself as a dangerous ideology.
The OSA’s statement declares: “These attacks do not represent scholarly debate grounded in evidence. Rather, they reflect a politicized rejection of any scholarship that challenges centralized authoritarian narratives” . It draws a stark warning: “History demonstrates that vilification of a people’s identity is often a precursor to mass violence”.
Despite these challenges, the OSA remains committed to its mission. As the Association’s “Who We Are” page states: “We believe that knowledge is a form of justice“.
Conclusion: A Legacy Worth Celebrating
Forty years ago, a small group of exiled scholars dared to imagine a world in which Oromo knowledge was recognized as a contribution to the full breadth of human civilization. Today, that vision is reality .
The Journal of Oromo Studies, indexed in Scopus, stands as a monument to their courage and their persistence. The annual conference, now in its 40th year, brings together a global community of scholars and advocates. The website, with its full open-access archive, makes decades of scholarship available to anyone with an internet connection.
As Bonnie Holcomb wrote, with warmth that reflects decades of dedication: “Congratulations, one and all“.
The celebration is earned. The legacy is enduring. And the work continues.
The 40th Annual Conference of the Oromo Studies Association
July 31 – August 2, 2026
Augsburg University, Hagfors Center
Minneapolis, Minnesota
Details at www.oromostudies.org
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
OSA haa jabaattu!
Four decades of scholarship, community, and the enduring pursuit of justice for the Oromo people.
A Line Crossed: Ambassador Suleiman Dedefo Warns of Eritrea’s Grave Violation of Ethiopian Sovereignty
In the volatile landscape of the Horn of Africa, where alliances shift like desert sands and the embers of conflict never fully cool, a stark warning has been issued. Ambassador Suleiman Dedefo, Ethiopia’s top diplomat, has leveled a serious accusation against Eritrea: that it has committed a “grave violation” of Ethiopia’s sovereignty by sending an armed military delegation across their internationally recognized border into the Tigray region—without the consent of the Ethiopian government.
A Breach of Sovereign Borders
According to Ambassador Dedefo, Eritrea’s military delegation did not merely cross into Ethiopian territory; it was received by forces engaged in active military confrontation with the Ethiopian government—a “gang group” aligned with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). This, he argues, constitutes a direct and reckless act of alliance with a group waging war against Ethiopia.
“It is highly unusual and contrary to established principles of international law for an armed military delegation to cross the internationally recognized border of another sovereign state without the consent of its government,” Ambassador Dedefo stated, framing the incursion not as a diplomatic misstep but as a fundamental breach of the rules that govern relations between sovereign nations.
The Legal Framework: A Violation of the UN Charter
The Ambassador’s words carry the weight of international jurisprudence. Under the United Nations Charter and customary international law, the territorial integrity and political independence of sovereign states are inviolable. An armed incursion by one state into another, particularly to support an armed group hostile to the host government, is widely recognized as an act of aggression.
By receiving Eritrea’s military delegation in territory it does not control, the TPLF-aligned forces have, in Ambassador Dedefo’s view, effectively made Eritrea a party to the conflict. “This amounts to joining the war that TPLF is waging on Ethiopia,” he declared. Such an action erases any pretense of Eritrea acting as a neutral observer or a humanitarian partner—it positions Asmara as a belligerent.
A Reckless Alliance
The implications extend far beyond the battlefield. Ambassador Dedefo characterized Eritrea’s move as a “reckless act of alliance with a mercenary group” that jeopardizes not only Ethiopia’s sovereignty but also the stability of the entire region. In the Horn of Africa, where borders remain contested and historical grievances run deep, an act of this nature threatens to unravel the fragile peace.
By aligning with a group that the Ethiopian government has designated as hostile, Eritrea is gambling with regional security. The message sent to other nations in the region is deeply troubling: that borders can be crossed with impunity, and that external actors may choose sides in a neighbor’s internal conflict without consequence.
The Right to Self-Defense
Perhaps the most significant portion of Ambassador Dedefo’s statement is his assertion regarding Ethiopia’s legal recourse. “Such actions may give rise to Ethiopia’s rights under international law, including those recognized by the UN Charter,” he noted. He went further, stating unequivocally that “Eritrea becomes a legitimate target for any action that Ethiopia could take in self defense”.
This is not merely diplomatic rhetoric. Article 51 of the UN Charter enshrines the “inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs.” By framing Eritrea’s actions as an armed incursion in support of a hostile force, Ambassador Dedefo has laid the groundwork for a potential Ethiopian military response—one that would be legally justified under international law.
The Broader Context
Ambassador Suleiman Dedefo is no stranger to the complexities of Ethiopian diplomacy. Having served as Ethiopia’s ambassador to the United Arab Emirates and later as its top envoy to Somalia, he has been at the center of some of the region’s most sensitive negotiations. He has previously warned of external forces creating “political and strategic challenges” to Ethiopian interests and has been a vocal critic of those who threaten the nation’s sovereignty.
His latest warning comes at a time of heightened tensions in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has spoken of “correcting” the historic loss of Red Sea access, a statement that has drawn sharp criticism from Eritrea. Meanwhile, Egypt has deployed troops to Somalia, further complicating an already fraught regional dynamic. Into this cauldron of competing interests, Eritrea’s alleged military incursion adds a volatile new element.
A Line That Cannot Be Uncrosed
Ambassador Dedefo’s words are a clear signal: Ethiopia views Eritrea’s actions as an act of war. Whether this leads to direct military confrontation between the two neighbors remains to be seen. What is certain is that the diplomatic landscape of the Horn of Africa has shifted.
The international community now faces a critical test. Will it condemn Eritrea’s violation of Ethiopian sovereignty and call for de-escalation? Or will it remain silent, allowing the precedent of armed incursion to take root? Ambassador Dedefo has drawn a line in the sand—a line that, once crossed, may prove impossible to uncross.
As the region holds its breath, one thing is clear: the principle of sovereign borders, hard-won over centuries of international law and diplomacy, hangs in the balance. And Ethiopia, through the voice of its ambassador, has made it known that it will not stand idly by while that principle is trampled.
The Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association Speaks: Finfinne, Dirree Dhawaa, and the Unfinished Struggle for Oromo Justice
A Historic Statement on the National Dialogue, Colonial Atrocities, and the Demand for Recognition
By Daandii Ragabaa
In a powerful and historic statement, the Waldaan Walgargaarsa Misoomaa fi Hawaasummaa Maccaa Tuulamaa (Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association) has declared that the issue of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought before the national dialogue not as a genuine attempt at resolution, but as a deliberate effort to undermine and weaken the Oromo people.
The Association has asserted that the old wounds of the past—the wounds inflicted by the Menelik era—remain unhealed. And today, the same forces of dispossession and denial continue to operate, refusing to recognize Oromo rights and refusing to step back from the land that was stolen.
“The wound of Oromo is still not healed,” the Association declared. “Even today, we are witnessing the theft of our ancestral land.”
The Historical Atrocity: Menelik’s Genocide Against the Oromo
The Association’s statement took the Oromo people and the wider world back to a dark chapter in Ethiopian history—the era of Emperor Menelik, when the Oromo people were systematically dispossessed of their land, their dignity, and their lives.
“Menelik committed a great crime against the Oromo people when he separated Finfinne from its Oromo owners,” the Association stated.
The atrocities of that era are well-documented, but the Association has brought them into stark relief by naming specific victims and families who suffered under Menelik’s expansionist campaign:
- Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa was executed by hanging.
- His father, mother, and three children were killed in a brutal and inhumane manner.
- Qajeelaa Dooyyoo and Guraaraa Dooyyoo were also executed, along with their mother, in a similarly horrific fashion.
- Shubbuu Ejersoo had his hands and feet severed before being killed.
- Aaxalee Jaatanii was starved to death in detention—denied food until life was extinguished.
These were not random acts of violence. They were part of a systematic campaign to break the spirit of the Oromo people, to erase their presence from Finfinne, and to establish a new political order built on Oromo suffering.
The Association’s statement serves as a reminder that these crimes were not isolated incidents—they were part of a broader pattern of atrocity committed against the Oromo people who lived on the land now known as Finfinne.
The Legacy of Suffering: Three Generations of Pain
The Association declared that the suffering of the Oromo people over Finfinne has now spanned three generations. From the initial dispossession under Menelik, to the brutal repression under the Derg regime, and now to the present day—the Oromo people have paid a heavy price.
“During the Derg era, many Oromo paid a great price for Finfinne,” the Association stated. “Even today, the wound is still not healed.”
The Association raised a pointed and urgent question:
“As long as this truth exists on this earth, the question of ‘Whose Finfinne is it?’ will always be asked. What has brought us to this point?”
The answer, according to the Association, lies in the persistent refusal of successive Ethiopian regimes to acknowledge Oromo rights. The Association posed a direct challenge to the architects of this injustice:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land and their rights. How can you govern on someone else’s land? What right do you have to claim authority over people who do not belong to you? It would have been better for you to struggle for your own land rather than occupy ours.”
The National Dialogue: A Tool of Deception?
The Association expressed deep concern about the ongoing national dialogue and how the issues of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are being treated within it.
According to the Association, the dialogue is not being used as a genuine mechanism for reconciliation and justice. Instead, it is being manipulated to further marginalize the Oromo people and to legitimize the ongoing dispossession of Oromo land.
“The agenda of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought to the national dialogue to weaken the Oromo people,” the Association declared. “The old politics of the Abyssinian elite continues, refusing to step back from the land that rightfully belongs to Oromo.”
The Association emphasized that the ongoing process is not just disrespectful—it is a violation of basic rights and dignity. The Association described the current situation as “an insult that crosses all boundaries” and declared that “something that did not exist before has now arrived” —a reference to the unprecedented nature of the current assault on Oromo rights.
A Call to Resistance and Unity
In the face of these challenges, the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association issued a clear and urgent call to the Oromo people:
“The Oromo people have not yet paid the price that is required. We must fight.”
The Association’s call to action is not a call to violence—it is a call to resistance, to unity, and to the defense of Oromo rights through every legitimate means available. It is a call to refuse subjugation, to refuse silence, and to refuse to accept the theft of Oromo land as a settled fact.
The Association also addressed the issue of Dirree Dhawaa—the area that has become a symbol of Oromo resistance and a flashpoint of conflict. The Association’s declaration that Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are inseparable from the broader Oromo struggle serves as a reminder that these are not isolated issues—they are part of a continuous thread of resistance that stretches back over a century.
The Symbolism of Dirree Dhawaa
Dirree Dhawaa is more than just a piece of land—it is a symbol of Oromo resilience and a monument to the struggle for justice. It is the site where Oromo people have gathered to demand their rights, where they have faced brutal repression, and where they have continued to return in defiance of all efforts to silence them.
The Association’s statement linking Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa in the same breath is significant. It sends a clear message: the Oromo people will not accept piecemeal solutions. They will not accept partial recognition. They will not accept the suggestion that one part of their historical homeland can be compromised while another is defended.
Both Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are Oromo.
A Historical Challenge to the Ethiopian State
The Association’s statement is not just a declaration of grievance—it is a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Ethiopian state as it currently exists.
By raising the question “Whose Finfinne is it?” —and by insisting that Oromo people have the right to live on their own land with dignity, self-respect, and self-determination—the Association is questioning the foundational narrative upon which the Ethiopian state was built.
The Association’s demand is not for charity or concessions. It is for recognition of historical truth, for justice for past crimes, and for a future in which Oromo people are treated as equals in their own homeland.
The Path Forward: Recognition, Justice, and Peace
The Association’s statement concludes with a clear vision for what must happen:
The wounds of the past must be acknowledged. The atrocities committed against the Oromo people—from the Menelik era to the present—cannot be ignored or forgotten. They must be named, documented, and taught.
Justice must be pursued. Those who committed crimes against the Oromo people must be held accountable. This is not revenge—it is the foundation of lasting peace.
Oromo rights must be recognized. The Oromo people have the right to their land, their language, their culture, and their self-determination. This is not negotiable.
The national dialogue must be genuine. If the dialogue is to be meaningful, it must include a full and honest discussion of Finfinne, Dirree Dhawaa, and all the historical injustices suffered by the Oromo people.
Conclusion: The Struggle Continues
The statement of the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association is a powerful reminder that the struggle for Oromo justice is far from over. The wounds of the past remain open. The injustices of the present continue. And the future remains uncertain.
But one thing is clear: the Oromo people will not give up their land, their rights, or their dignity. They will continue to resist. They will continue to demand justice. And they will continue to remember the sacrifices of those who came before—from Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa to the thousands of unnamed Oromo who have given their lives for Finfinne and for Oromia.
As the Association stated:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land. This struggle has not ended—it continues. And it will continue until justice is done.”
Finfinne is Oromo.
Dirree Dhawaa is Oromo.
Oromia is Oromo.
The struggle continues.
For the memory of Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa, Qajeelaa Dooyyoo, Guraaraa Dooyyoo, Shubbuu Ejersoo, Aaxalee Jaatanii, and all the Oromo martyrs who gave their lives for the land.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Dirree Dhawaa haa jabaattu!
End.
The Unbroken Backbone: The Role of Oromo Women in the Struggle for Liberation
For decades, the story of the Oromo liberation struggle has been told as a chronicle of resistance against a sprawling empire. But within that narrative, there is a deeper, more powerful current—one that has flowed quietly yet inexorably beneath the surface. This is the story of Oromo women, who have not merely supported the movement, but have stood as its very backbone: its fighters, its strategists, its memory keepers, and its soul.
A Struggle on Three Fronts
The Oromo people have been engaged in a struggle for liberation since their colonization by the Abyssinian Empire, which evolved into modern-day Ethiopia. However, Oromo women face a unique and intersecting burden. They are not only fighting against what scholar Madeline Bass describes as the “settler colonial state rulers of Ethiopia” and “global anti-Blackness,” but they must also contend with “cisheteropatriarchy”—a struggle against patriarchal oppression that is uniquely Oromo in its application.
This triple oppression means that Oromo women have always had to fight for the liberation of their nation while simultaneously battling for their own dignity and rights within their own communities. As one source notes, “the Abyssinian system oppresses Oromo people, and women in particular.” The state of oppression is deep in general, but Oromo women face even greater difficulty.
Pillars of the Movement: From the Battlefield to the Ballot
Within the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO), Oromo women have served as “utubaa cimaa”—strong pillars—whose contributions have shaped every facet of the liberation movement. Their involvement has been both visible and behind-the-scenes.
· On the Battlefield: Many Oromo women have joined the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), the armed wing of the OLF, taking up arms to defend their people and land. Women like Aradoolaa Abdalla, who joined the OLA in 1985 and participated in ten major battles in western Oromia, rose through the ranks to become a platoon commander because of her bravery. Women have participated in every sector—military, medical, and communication—as combatants and supporters.
· In Political Organizing: Beyond the battlefield, Oromo women have been active in political movements for decades, serving as leaders, organizers, and advocates within the OLF and other nationalist groups. They have organized protests and worked tirelessly to inform other women of their rights.
The Unbreakable Spirit of Siinqee
One cannot speak of Oromo women’s resistance without understanding Siinqee. It is not merely a wooden stick; it is a profound cultural and spiritual institution. A Siinqee is a ritual stick given to an Oromo woman by her mother on her wedding day. Once a woman holds this stick, she commands respect from everyone in the community.
More than a symbol, Siinqee is a lived practice of mutual protection, a “covenant of resistance against all forms of oppression.” Women use the power of Siinqee to exercise their rights, control their own economy, and participate in solidarity activities. This tradition, which predates Western feminist thought, represents an Oromo philosophy of womanhood and solidarity that has been passed down through generations.
Martyrs and Heroes: The Price of Freedom
The contribution of Oromo women has come at a devastating cost. The liberation struggle has demanded sacrifices that extend far beyond the battlefield, imposing a heavy burden on the families left behind.
One of the most iconic figures in this struggle is Martha Kuwee Kumsa, an Oromo journalist and scholar whose story embodies the spirit of resistance. In 1980, during the Ethiopian Red Terror, she was arrested and detained without charges for nine years after writing an article that called for Oromo women to defy power structures and reclaim their cultural heritage. She was tortured and held until 1989, after which she escaped to Kenya and later Canada. Her activism is deeply rooted in Siinqee feminism—an Oromo philosophy that predates Western feminist thought and is a lived practice of mutual protection and solidarity. Today, she is a professor in Canada and continues to write and advocate on feminist and political issues.
Countless other women have paid the ultimate price—some were killed in battle, others were publicly executed. The story of Agarii Tulluu, who was hanged alongside her two brothers in a market, is just one of many tragic tales. The mothers, wives, and sisters of fallen fighters carry a grief that “does not fade from their minds,” enduring a wound that cannot be measured.
The Hiriira: A Modern Cry for Recognition
The struggle of Oromo women is not confined to the hills of Oromia; it has gone global. In September 2020, Oromo women marched through the streets of Berlin, Germany, in a protest march called a Hiriira—an Oromo word for a parade, demonstration, or queue. They were demanding recognition for their struggle.
This march was more than a protest; it was a powerful act of spatial and historical reckoning. It served as a case study into the entanglements between settler colonial Ethiopia, Germany’s post-empire, and the forces of oppression that link them. By marching through Berlin, Oromo women were mapping their liberation across borders, using a “Black and Blackened way of knowing space with a particularly Oromo perspective” known as geography guraacha. The women wore Oromo cultural garb, distinct to different regions of Oromia, turning the streets of a European capital into a living map of their homeland and their resistance.
Architects of a New Nation
The role of Oromo women extends beyond the struggle for liberation into the vision for what comes after. There is a growing consensus within the movement that the liberation of Oromia cannot be separated from the liberation of Oromo women. Any future Oromo state must be built with women’s full and equal participation from the ground up.
As one advocate powerfully stated, the aim is to ensure that Oromo women are “not just participants but architects of the next chapter.” From the battlefield to the political arena, from the cultural institution of Siinqee to the global stage of the Hiriira, Oromo women have proven that they are not waiting for liberation to be given to them—they are building it with their own hands, one courageous step at a time.
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This feature article draws on academic research, historical accounts, and journalistic reports to highlight the indispensable role of Oromo women in their people’s long struggle for freedom and dignity.
Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo: The Pillars of Oromo Liberation and Their Global Reach
Honouring the Builders and Champions of the Oromo Struggle, and the Global Structure of the ABO
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In every liberation movement, there are those who carry the torch not for personal glory, but for the collective destiny of their people. They are the architects of consciousness, the builders of institutions, and the guardians of memory. They are Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo—the beloved pillars of the struggle—and Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions who have emerged from every corner of Oromia and the diaspora to advance the cause of Oromo liberation.
This is a tribute to them. And this is an exploration of the structure that unites them: the Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) —the Oromo Liberation Front—and its global reach across nations.
The Pillars: Who Are the Utubaa Qabsoo?
The term Utubaa Qabsoo—pillars of the struggle—is not a title given lightly. It is earned through sacrifice, through decades of commitment, and through an unwavering dedication to the Oromo people’s right to self-determination . These are the individuals who, in the darkest hours, refused to let the flame of liberation die.
One such pillar was Cawwaaqaa Yaaddessaa, a renowned Oromo singer and artist whose music became the soundtrack of the resistance. Through his songs, he chronicled the pain and the hope of the Oromo people, composing works that stirred the hearts of a generation . His compositions—such as “Eemmoo yaa guraale hoo dangashe”—became anthems of defiance, performed even when political gatherings were banned . He served as a pillar of the struggle through his art, demonstrating that cultural expression is a weapon of resistance as powerful as any gun .
Another pillar is Ustaaz Raayyaa Abbaa Maccaa, who transitioned from the armed struggle within the ABO to become a teacher of Islamic faith and a composer of spiritual songs (manzuumaa) that reinforced Oromo identity and resilience . He was part of the ABO in its early years, receiving military training at the 24th training camp in Harawaacaa, and fought in numerous battles . Even after being captured and imprisoned for a long time, he never abandoned the struggle; he continued to strengthen the Oromo people through his teachings and songs . His story is a testament to the fact that the pillars of the struggle exist not only on the battlefield but also in the realms of faith, culture, and education .
Baaroo Tumsaa stands as another foundational pillar. He is remembered as a key figure in building the Oromo movement in the 1970s, working to organize youth and establish the infrastructure that would eventually lead to the formal founding of the ABO . He played a crucial role in the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association and was instrumental in consolidating Oromo nationalism into a political force . His legacy is one of organization and vision, reminding us that liberation is built not just on passion but on structure.
The Champions: Jaallan Qabsoo and the Spirit of Resistance
Beyond the foundational pillars, there are the Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions of the struggle. These are the fighters, the activists, the community organizers, and the everyday people who have taken up the mantle of resistance in their own ways .
The Qeerroo youth movement is perhaps the most powerful contemporary embodiment of this spirit. In traditional Oromo culture, the term means “bachelor” or “youth,” but within the political movement, it symbolizes the Oromo struggle for increased political freedom and greater ethnic representation . The Qeerroo have emerged as a dynamic and fearless force, challenging the state and demanding justice .
The champions are also found in the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) —known in Oromo as Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBO) —the armed wing of the struggle . The OLA was formed in 1974 and has continued its armed resistance against successive Ethiopian regimes . Under the leadership of figures like Jaal Marroo (Kumsa Diriba), the OLA remains active in the Oromia Region, representing those who refused to disarm following the 2018 peace deal, skeptical of the government’s intentions .
The champions are also found in the diaspora—in Washington, D.C., Berlin, and other cities around the world, where the ABO maintains offices and radio stations that broadcast in Oromo and Amharic, keeping the spirit of resistance alive far from the homeland .
The ABO: Structure and Global Reach
The Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) —or the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)—is the political organization that unites these pillars and champions. It was founded in 1973 with the goal of promoting self-determination and independence for the Oromo people . Its structure has evolved over the decades, but its core mission remains unchanged: the total liberation of Oromia from what it characterizes as Ethiopian colonialism .
The ABO’s structure extends far beyond the borders of Oromia and Ethiopia. It has a significant diaspora presence, with offices in Washington, D.C., and Berlin . These offices serve as hubs for organizing, advocacy, and communication . They also operate radio stations that broadcast in both Amharic and Oromo, ensuring that the organization’s message reaches Oromo communities worldwide .
This global reach is critical. The ABO’s international structure allows it to advocate for the Oromo cause on the world stage, to build solidarity with other movements, and to sustain the struggle even when political space is closed inside Ethiopia . In a November 2025 position statement, the OLF declared that “the current regime has deliberately closed the political arena and obstructed the lawful activities of the Oromo Liberation Front” . In the face of such obstacles, the diaspora structure becomes even more vital as a space for organizing and resistance.
The Legacy of the Western Front: A Day of Sacrifice
The pillars and champions of the ABO are not abstract figures. They are real people who have paid the ultimate price for their commitment. The Western Front of the armed struggle serves as a powerful reminder of this sacrifice.
On April 15, 1980, the ABO appointed a new chairman in Shinnigga, marking a strategic decision to expand the armed struggle into the Western Front . The organization sent 17 commanders to ignite the resistance in the West. Their names—Daawud Ibsaa, Abbaa Caalaa Lataa, Jaal Tottoobaa Waaqwayyaa, and others—are etched in Oromo memory .
Tragically, these commanders were betrayed and poisoned by collaborators of the Derg regime in December 1981. Their deaths were a devastating blow to the movement . But their memory did not die. In 1985, the ABO leadership formally designated April 15 as Oromo Martyrs’ Day—a day to commemorate all those who have fallen in the struggle for Oromo liberation .
Today, April 15 is observed in the forests of Oromia and in diaspora communities around the world. It is a day of remembrance, of reflection, and of renewed commitment to the cause for which these pillars and champions gave their lives .
Unity, Truth, and the Path Forward
The struggle of the ABO has always been a struggle of self-reliance and truth. As senior ABO leader Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa emphasized in a recent consultative meeting with members: “If we are people of truth, our people will never abandon us under any circumstances. But if we are people of falsehood, even if we hold something, we will lose it” .
The leadership has also stressed that the work of building Oromia extends beyond Ethiopia’s borders . It is a task that belongs to Oromo people everywhere—in the villages of Oromia, in the refugee camps of Kenya, in the community centers of Europe and North America, and in the offices of the ABO in Washington and Berlin .
The unity of these diverse actors—the pillars, the champions, the diaspora, and the grassroots organizers—is the foundation of the Oromo liberation struggle. As another official, Jaal Yaasoo Kabbabaa Hordofa, declared: “OLF is the center of Oromo peace” . The organization calls on all Oromos to strengthen their resolve, to seize the opportunities that arise—such as the upcoming 7th round elections—and to never retreat into silence .
Conclusion: A Living Legacy
The story of the Oromo liberation struggle is not a history lesson; it is a living, breathing movement. It is embodied in the songs of Cawwaaqaa Yaaddessaa, the teachings of Ustaaz Raayyaa Abbaa Maccaa, the organizing of Baaroo Tumsaa, the sacrifice of the 17 commanders of the Western Front, and the tireless work of the ABO’s global network .
Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo—the beloved pillars—have built the foundation. Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions—continue to build upon it. And the ABO—in its structure, its global reach, and its unwavering commitment to the Oromo people—remains the vessel through which this struggle will achieve its destiny.
ABO haa waaru!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
This feature article is dedicated to all the pillars and champions of the Oromo liberation struggle—past, present, and future.
The Tenth Anniversary of the Grand Oromo Rally: A Defining Moment in the Struggle for Justice
Remembering August 6, 2016, and Its Enduring Legacy for Unity, Identity, and Transformation
By Daandii Ragabaa
When a people understand their history correctly, they are able to learn from past mistakes, draw strength from previous achievements, and chart a clearer course for the future. History is not merely a record of what has passed—it is a compass for what lies ahead. It is a teacher, a witness, and a foundation upon which the dreams of generations are built.
For this reason, the commemoration of the Grand Oromo Rally of August 6, 2016, occupies a significant and sacred place in the history of the Oromo struggle. It is not simply a date on a calendar. It is a milestone, a turning point, and a testament to the power of collective action. As the tenth anniversary approaches, it is time to reflect deeply on what that day meant, what it achieved, and what it continues to teach us today.
A Day That Shook the Nation
The Grand Oromo Rally of August 2016 was not a spontaneous outburst of anger. It was the culmination of years of sustained public mobilization—a peaceful yet powerful resistance against decades of systemic oppression, marginalization, and denial of basic rights. It was one of the largest and most widely recognized demonstrations ever organized across Oromia, drawing participation from every corner of the region.
What made this rally extraordinary was its sheer scale and simultaneity. On that day, Oromo people from all walks of life—young and old, men and women, urban and rural, educated and uneducated—rose together as one. They filled the streets not with weapons, but with voices. They carried not arms, but banners of justice. They demanded not revenge, but recognition.
The world watched. International media covered the events. Global human rights organizations took notice. The Oromo people, long silenced and ignored, had made their voices heard in a way that could no longer be dismissed. The rally became one of the most significant events to attract international attention to the Oromo cause.
More Than a Protest: A Turning Point in History
Although different perspectives exist regarding its causes, results, processes, and consequences, the Grand Oromo Rally is widely regarded as a defining event in both the political history of the Oromo movement and the modern political history of Ethiopia.
It was a moment when the Oromo people declared, with unmistakable clarity, that they would no longer accept invisibility. They would no longer accept the theft of their land. They would no longer accept the denial of their language, culture, and identity. They would no longer accept a political system that treated them as second-class citizens in their own homeland.
The events of that day laid an important foundation for the political changes that unfolded in 2018. The rally was a catalyst—a spark that ignited a broader movement for reform across the country. It demonstrated that when a people are united and determined, even the most entrenched systems of power can be challenged. It showed that peaceful resistance, when organized and sustained, can produce real change.
The Tenth Anniversary: More Than Remembrance
The tenth anniversary of the Grand Oromo Rally is more than a remembrance of a historical event. It is an opportunity—a vital and necessary opportunity—to learn from history, to recognize that today’s achievements were not attained easily, and to appreciate the value of unity and collective strength.
This commemoration serves multiple purposes:
First, it reinforces social cohesion. When a people gather to remember a shared struggle, they affirm their bonds to one another. They recognize that they are part of something larger than themselves.
Second, it educates younger generations. Many of those who will mark this anniversary were too young to participate in the events of 2016—or were not yet born. They must learn what happened, why it happened, and what it means for their future. The history of the Oromo struggle must not be forgotten, distorted, or erased.
Third, it creates space for constructive dialogue. Commemorations should not be occasions for division or recrimination. They should be opportunities for thoughtful discussion about addressing present and future challenges, for examining both achievements and shortcomings, and for building a peaceful, inclusive, and prosperous future.
The Power of Collective Participation
One of the defining characteristics of the Grand Oromo Rally was the remarkable level of collective public participation in confronting oppression. Regardless of age, gender, social status, or place of residence, Oromo people united at the same moment and participated in the historic protest with determination, shared purpose, and a strong sense of solidarity.
The enduring lesson from that experience is clear: unity is our greatest strength.
Standing together around common goals and shared interests, strengthening collective unity, building public trust, and fostering strong social bonds are essential for overcoming complex challenges. The rally taught us that dialogue and coordination play indispensable roles in achieving change.
However, sustaining unity requires effort. It requires respecting differences of opinion. It requires listening to one another. It requires maintaining continuous dialogue. Unity does not mean everyone must hold identical views. True unity means respecting differing opinions while working together toward common objectives. It means recognizing that agreement on common goals can coexist with different views regarding the methods of achieving them.
Lessons for the Present and Future
Political and social circumstances inevitably change over time. What worked yesterday may not work tomorrow. The challenges of today are not identical to those of 2016. Yet the lessons of that historic rally remain as relevant as ever.
Remembering our history helps us to avoid repeating past mistakes while preserving and building upon our strengths. It reminds us that:
- Difficult challenges are most effectively resolved through dialogue and mutual understanding.
- Agreement on common objectives can coexist with different views on methods.
- Differences of opinion should never be mistaken for hostility.
- Current generations must study the past through evidence-based research and objective historical inquiry.
The tenth anniversary is not an invitation to dwell in the past but to draw wisdom from it. It is a chance to critically examine both achievements and shortcomings, and to engage in thoughtful discussions about building a peaceful, inclusive, politically stable, and socially prosperous future.
Strengthening Identity and Social Solidarity
By remembering historic events such as the Grand Oromo Rally, the Oromo people strengthen both their collective identity and their social solidarity. Such remembrance plays a vital role in:
- Learning from history
- Honouring those who made sacrifices
- Preventing the repetition of past mistakes
- Passing historical knowledge to future generations
These commemorations should be inclusive of people with diverse viewpoints. They should promote mutual respect, reconciliation, and lasting peace within society. Although we may hold different political perspectives, sharing a common historical experience reminds us that unity remains essential both today and in addressing our common challenges in the future.
To sustain this spirit, it is important to continue commemorating collective events such as the Grand Rally every year. Annual commemoration ensures that the memory remains alive, that the lessons remain fresh, and that the unity forged in struggle remains strong.
A Call to Remember, Reflect, and Renew
As we approach the tenth anniversary of August 6, 2016, let us remember what that day meant. Let us honour those who stood firm in the face of oppression. Let us recognize the sacrifices that were made—the lives lost, the freedoms curtailed, the dreams deferred. Let us also celebrate what was achieved: a renewed sense of identity, a strengthened movement for justice, and a foundation for the political transformation that followed.
The commemoration of the Grand Oromo Rally should not merely be an occasion to remember the event. It should be an opportunity to draw lessons that strengthen unity, mutual trust, respect, and dialogue in order to address today’s and tomorrow’s challenges through peaceful means.
Above all, the greatest lesson it offers is the importance of working together toward shared goals and common interests, respecting differences of opinion, and learning from history to build a better future for all.
Conclusion: A Legacy for Generations
The Grand Oromo Rally of August 6, 2016, stands as one of the most remarkable demonstrations of broad-based Oromo public participation in history. It is remembered as an important foundation for the political transformation that followed in 2018. Its tenth anniversary is not just a date to mark on the calendar—it is a moment to reflect, to renew, and to recommit.
Therefore, commemorating the Grand Oromo Rally annually plays a vital role in strengthening Oromo identity, social cohesion, and unity while ensuring that an accurate understanding of history is passed on to future generations. It is through such remembrance that we honour the past, navigate the present, and build a future worthy of the sacrifices made.
The memory of August 6, 2016, lives on.
The spirit of unity endures.
The struggle for justice continues.
Oromo Qeerroo Union—forever united!
Gamtaa Qeerroo Oromoo—the strength of the people!
#Silencing_the_Gun_Among_Brothers
#Oromo_Qeerroo_Union
#Gamtaa_Qeerroo_Oromoo
August 6, 2026
ፊንፊኔ፦ የህልውና ጉዳይ እንጂ ተራ ጥያቄ አይደለም
የ150 ዓመት ቁስል፣ የ7ሺ ህይወት መስዋዕትነት፣ እና ዛሬው ወሳኝ ጊዜ
ጸሐፊ፦ ዳንዲ ረገባ
ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ፊንፊኔ ተራ የፖለቲካ ጉዳይ አይደለም። የከተማ ድንበር ጉዳይ አይደለም። የበጀት ድርሻ ወይም የአስተዳደር ክልል ጉዳይ አይደለም።
የህልውና ጉዳይ ነው።
ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ መታወቂያ፣ ክብር እና የወደፊት ተስፋ የተጠቃለለባት ከተማ ናት። እሷ ልብ ናት። እሷ ነፍስ ናት። እሷ መሠረት ናት። እናም ይህችን ልብ ለማውጣት የሚደረግ ማንኛውም ሙከራ፣ የህዝቡን ህልውና ራሱን ለማጥፋት የሚደረግ ጥረት ነው።
የታሪክ ጠባሳው፦ ከ150 ዓመት በላይ የፈወስ ቁስል
ዛሬ ፊንፊኔ ላይ የምናየው ቀውስ አዲስ አይደለም። የ150 ዓመት ዕድሜ ያለው የታሪክ ጠባሳ አካል ነው።
የአፄ ሚኒሊክ ሰራዊት ወደ ደቡብ ሲዘምት፣ ኦሮሞን ከመሬቱ አስወግዶ፣ መሬቱን በግዳጅ በመያዝ፣ እና የኦሮሞን ባህላዊ፣ ፖለቲካዊ እና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ስርዓት በማፈራረስ ላይ ነበር። ያ የመጀመሪያው ስብራት ነበር—በህዝብ፣ በመሬት እና በማንነት መካከል የተፈጠረ ጥልቅ ስብራት።
ይህ ስብራት አልተፈወሰም። ተሸፍኗል፣ ችላ ተብሏል፣ የተካደ ነው—ነገር ግን አልተፈወሰም። እና በየትውልዱ፣ ቁስሉ እንደገና ይከፈታል።
ቄሮ፦ ስብራቱን ለመጠገን የተነሳ ትውልድ
ከ150 ዓመታት በኋላ፣ አዲስ የኦሮሞ ትውልድ—የቄሮ ትውልድ—ጮክ ብሎ እና በማይሻር መልኩ ተነሳ።
ይህ ትውልድ ታሪኩን አውቆ ነበር። ስብራቱን ተሰምቶት ነበር። እና ህመሙን የበለጠ ለመሸከም ፈቃደኛ አልሆነም።
በዚያም ቄሮ ተነሳ—ለፍትህ፣ ለእውቅና፣ እና የተሰበረውን ለመጠገን። ለዚህ ትግል ከ7,000 በላይ ወጣቶች ህይወታቸውን ሰጥተዋል። 7,000 ህልሞች። 7,000 የወደፊት ጊዜዎች። 7,000 ነፍሳት በፍትህ መሠዊያ ላይ።
የቄሮ ንቅናቄ ለውጥ ብቻ አልነበረም—ትንሳኤ ነበር። ኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከእንግዲህ ዝም እንደማይል፣ ከእንግዲህ እንደማይጠብቅ፣ እና ከእንግዲህ እንደማይሸነፍ ለዓለም ያሳወቀ ትንሳኤ ነበር።
የተሰጠው ቃል እና የተሰበረው እምነት
የቄሮን ድል ተንተርሶ፣ የኢህአዴግ ክንፍ የሆነው ብልጽግና ፓርቲ ስልጣን ያዘ። ወደ ስልጣን ሲመጣ፣ ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ቃል ገባ፦ ጥያቄዎቹን አንድ በአንድ ቆጥሮ እመልሳለሁ።
ከእነዚህ ጥያቄዎች ዋናው ምን ነበር? የመሬት ባለቤትነት ማረጋገጥ። ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ አካል መሆኗን ማረጋገጥ። የተዘረፈው መመለሱን ማረጋገጥ። የተሰበረው መጠገኑን ማረጋገጥ።
ለስምንት ዓመታት፣ ኦሮሞ ህዝብ ጠበቀ። በቃሉ አመነ። ፍትህ በመጨረሻ እንደሚደርስ ተስፋ አደረገ።
ነገር ግን በስምንት ዓመታት ውስጥ፣ ያ ቃል ክህደት ሆነ።
ዛሬው ክህደት፦ ፊንፊኔን ለመንጠቅ የሚደረግ ሙከራ
ብልጽግና ፓርቲ አሁን “ምክክር” በሚባል ሂደት ፊንፊኔን ከኦሮሚያ ለመንጠቅ የመጨረሻ ውሳኔ ላይ ደርሷል።
የዚህ “ምክክር” መደምደሚያ ግልጽ ነው፦ ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ አይደለችም።
ይህ የአስተዳደር ለውጥ አይደለም። ይህ የፖሊሲ ማስተካከያ አይደለም። ይህ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ የሚደርስ ቀጥተኛ ጥቃት ነው።
ብልጽግና ፓርቲ የቄሮን ንቅናቄ ድል ተንተርሶ ስልጣን የያዘ ፓርቲ፣ አሁን ኦሮሞን ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ ለመስበር እየሞከረ ነው።
የመጀመሪያው ስብራት በሚኒሊክ ሰራዊት ነበር።
ሁለተኛው ስብራት በብልጽግና ፓርቲ እየተሞከረ ነው።
ዓላማው አንድ ነው፦ ኦሮሞን መሬቱን ማጥፋት፣ ማንነቱን መሰረዝ፣ እና ድምጹን ማፈን።
የመቋቋም ተፈጥሮአዊ መብት
ግን እዚህ ላይ ብልጽግና እና አጋሮቹ ሊረዱት ያቃታቸው እውነት አለ።
የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ራሱን የመከላከል ተፈጥሮአዊ መብት አለው።
ይህ መብት በሕግ የተሰጠ አይደለም—በሰብአዊነት የተሰጠ ነው። ይህ መብት በሰነድ የተረጋገጠ አይደለም—በህልውና የተረጋገጠ ነው።
ማንኛውም ህዝብ፣ ህልውናው ሲጠቃ፣ ራሱን የመከላከል መብት አለው። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከምንም ህዝብ ያነሰ አይደለም።
የፊንፊኔ ጉዳይ የመተዋወቅ ጉዳይ አይደለም—የህልውና ጉዳይ ነው። እና ህልውና የማይደራደር ነው።
የሚበራው ይበራል
ብልጽግና ፓርቲ የውሳኔ ሰነዶችን ሊያዘጋጅ ይችላል። ምክክር ሊጠራ ይችላል። ህጎችን ሊያወጣ ይችላል። ድንበሮችን እንደገና መሳል ይችላል።
ነገር ግን ወረቀት ላይ የሚጻፈው ነገር በህዝብ ልብ ውስጥ ያለውን እውነት ሊለውጥ አይችልም።
እና እውነቱ ይህ ነው፦ ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ዋና ከተማ ናት። ዘላለም የኦሮሚያ አካል ትሆናለች።
እንደ ጠዋት ፀሀይ ከምስራቅ እንደምትወጣ፣ እንደ ወንዝ ወደ ባህር እንደሚፈስ፣ እንደ ተራራ ሥሩን እንደማይተው—ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ አካል ናት። ይህ በሰነድ የሚሰጥ አይደለም፤ በታሪክ የተረጋገጠ ነው። በህግ የሚሰጥ አይደለም፤ በደም የተረጋገጠ ነው።
የሚበራው ይበራል እንጂ።
ጊዜያዊ ስልጣን ሊደበቅ ይችላል፣ ነገር ግን ፀሀይ ሁልጊዜ ታበራለች። የውሸት ድሎች ሊኖሩ ይችላሉ፣ ነገር ግን እውነት ሁልጊዜ ትወጣለች። ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ዋና ከተማ ሆና ትቀጥላለች—ምክንያቱም ህዝቡ እንደዚያ ስለሚያውቀው፣ ምክንያቱም ታሪክ እንደዚያ ስለሚመሰክር፣ እና ምክንያቱም ፍትህ እንደዚያ ስለሚጠይቅ።
ለህዝቡ የመጨረሻ መልዕክት
ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ በሙሉ፦
ታሪካችሁ ይታወቃል። ህመማችሁ ይታወቃል። ትግላችሁ ይታወቃል። የቄሮ ጀግኖች ህይወታቸው በከንቱ አልሞተም። መስዋዕትነታቸው እንደ ተስፋ ዘር በመሬት ላይ ተተክሏል። እና ያ ዘር አሁን እያበቀለ ነው።
ለአምባገነኖች አሳሳቢ ቃል፦
የኦሮሞን ህዝብ መንፈስ ሊያፈርሱ አይችሉም። የኦሮሞን ህልም ሊያጠፉ አይችሉም። የኦሮሞን ፍትህ ጥማት ሊያረኩ አይችሉም። ያህል ጊዜ ሞክራችሁ፣ ያህል ጊዜ ተሸንፋችኋል። እናም ዛሬም እንደገና ትሸነፋላችሁ።
ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ናት። ዘላለም የኦሮሚያ ትሆናለች። ይህ የማይለወጥ እውነት ነው—በደም የተጻፈ፣ በታሪክ የታተመ፣ እና በህዝቡ ፈቃድ የታሸገ።
የሚበራው ይበራል እንጂ። ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ዋና ከተማ ሆኖ ይቀጥላል!
ኦሮሚያ ትነግር!
ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ናት!
ዘላለም የኦሮሚያ ትሆናለች!
Finfinne: A City Built on Bones
The Unfinished Business of Justice and the Betrayal of Reconciliation
By Israel Soboka
There are some truths that cannot be buried, no matter how much time passes, no matter how many official narratives are crafted, no matter how loudly the powerful insist that we move on. One such truth lies beneath the bustling streets, the government buildings, and the ambitious infrastructure of Finfinne—a city whose very foundations are steeped in blood.
The city we now know as Finfinne was not established upon empty land, descending from the heavens like a divine gift. It was built through genocide. When the army of Emperor Menelik settled upon this land, they did not find a vacant wilderness waiting for civilisation. They found the Oromo people—indigenous, thriving, rooted in the soil for generations. And they systematically removed them.
This is the uncomfortable, unavoidable reality: Finfinne is a city built on the bones of the Oromo people.
The Promise of Reconciliation
For a brief moment, there was hope. Across Ethiopia, a national dialogue was convened—a conversation intended to heal the deep, festering wounds of centuries. The expectation was clear: this commission would acknowledge the genocide committed against the southern peoples of the country, including the atrocities carried out across Oromia. It would offer recognition, pave the way for apology, and lay the foundation for lasting peace through mutual understanding.
Hope flickered in the hearts of many. Perhaps, at long last, history would be confronted rather than concealed. Perhaps the victims and their descendants would receive the dignity of acknowledgment. Perhaps Ethiopia could finally begin the arduous work of genuine reconciliation.
But hope, as it so often does in the face of entrenched power, proved fragile.
The Commission That Became a Conspiracy
The National Dialogue Commission was not established to heal. It was hijacked.
Instead of becoming a vehicle for truth and forgiveness, it was commandeered by the familiar machinery of political manipulation—the same old games of Abyssinian elite politics that have, for generations, prioritised control over justice. Rather than laying the groundwork for peace, the commission has become a catalyst for further tension. Rather than addressing the historical grievances of the Oromo and southern peoples, it has provided cover for continued denial and evasion.
The most egregious betrayal? The attempt to sever Finfinne from Oromia entirely. This is not a policy debate; it is an existential assault. To detach Finfinne from its Oromo identity is to complete the genocide—to erase not just the people, but the very memory that this land ever belonged to them. It is an attempt to annihilate the foundation upon which peace could be built.
The commission was never meant to support the perpetrators of genocide against the Oromo and southern peoples. Yet that is precisely what it has become: a shield for the guilty and a dagger aimed at the heart of the victims.
The Wound That Will Not Heal
The scars of history are not to be smoothed over; they are to be acknowledged. A wound that is covered without being cleaned does not heal—it festers. And that is what is happening now. The commission, in its current form, is not addressing the historical wounds; it is picking at them, ensuring that they remain raw, infected, and painful for generations to come.
This is not reconciliation. This is provocation disguised as dialogue. This is manipulation masquerading as peace-building. And the people of Oromia see it for what it is.
A New Generation Awakens
But here is the truth that the architects of this betrayal have failed to understand: the new Oromo generation is not weak.
This is not a generation that will beg for its freedom. This is not a generation that will quietly accept the denial of its history or the theft of its land. This is not a generation that will wait for permission to claim its rights.
A new Oromo generation has emerged—one that knows its history, one that understands its power, and one that possesses the capacity to defend its rights. The Addis Ababa forces—the heirs of Menelik’s imperial project—must abandon their hope of subduing this generation. Their dreams of perpetual dominance are finished. Their expectations of subjugation are obsolete.
The Oromo people are no longer asking for permission. They are asserting their existence.
The Illegitimacy of the Commission
Let us be clear: the National Dialogue Commission does not speak for the Oromo people. It has no mandate. It holds no legitimate authority to represent the will, the pain, or the aspirations of the Oromo. It is a collection of individuals—unelected, unaccountable, and unworthy of trust—who have inserted themselves into a process they have no business steering.
They do not have the right to dictate the terms of a peace that they have no intention of honouring. They do not have the authority to decide the fate of a land and a people whose suffering they refuse to acknowledge. And they must not be permitted to disrupt the legitimate quest for justice under the guise of dialogue.
A Call to Action
The time for polite fiction is over. The time for empty gestures and meaningless commissions is over. The time for half-measures and hollow promises is over.
What is needed now is clear and unwavering:
Recognition. The genocide committed against the Oromo and southern peoples must be acknowledged—not in vague, diplomatic language, but in explicit, undeniable terms.
Justice. The perpetrators of these crimes, past and present, must be held accountable. No one is above the law, and no one is beyond the reach of history.
Restoration. The land that was stolen, the dignity that was stripped, and the future that was denied must be returned to the Oromo people.
Peace. But peace with justice, not peace built on the suppression of truth. Peace that honours the victims, not peace that erases them.
The Final Word
Finfinne is a city built on bones. But those bones are not silent. They cry out for recognition. They cry out for justice. And a new generation—proud, strong, and unyielding—has risen to answer their call.
The forces of denial and domination may cling to their power for a little while longer. But history is not on their side. Justice is not on their side. And the will of the Oromo people is not on their side.
The architects of genocide and their modern-day apologists can delay the reckoning. But they cannot stop it. The truth will out. The land will be reclaimed. And the city built on bones will, one day, be a city built on justice.
In solidarity with the Oromo people and all who refuse to let the dead be forgotten.
“A people without the knowledge of their past history, origin and culture is like a tree without roots.” — Marcus Garvey
Beyond the Direct Translation: Asebe Regassa’s Reflection on the True Meaning of Gabrummaa
By Maatii Sabaa
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In the wake of a recent interview with Biqilaa Amanuu, a storm of interpretation has swept through Oromo intellectual circles. The subject? A word that carries the weight of centuries: gabrummaa.
To the casual observer, the translation seems straightforward. “Slavery.” “Enslavement.” A direct, uncomplicated rendering into English that fits neatly into Western frameworks of oppression. But as Asebe Regassa provocatively argues, this superficial translation does profound violence to the concept’s true meaning—and, more critically, misdirects our understanding of what the Oromo struggle has always been about.
The Misinterpretation That Misses the Mark
Following the interview, many commentators rushed to frame the discussion within a familiar narrative: Oromos were sold as slaves under Menelik’s system. They wrote it boldly, confidently, reducing a complex historical reality to a single, devastating equation. And while the historical record does indeed document the exploitation of Oromo peoples during that period, Regassa insists that this framing fundamentally misunderstands both the nature of the system and the nature of the resistance.
“The history is true,” Regassa acknowledges, “but the struggle against gabrummaa and the system of gabrummaa is not that.”
What Regassa identifies is a dangerous reductionism—the tendency of both scholars and activists to reach for the most emotionally resonant translation without interrogating whether that translation captures the full scope of what gabrummaa actually represents. The result, as he notes, has been confusion and controversy among those who engaged with the interview.
Unpacking the Concept: More Than Chains and Whips
So what does gabrummaa truly mean?
Regassa is unequivocal: “Gabrummaa does not mean enslavement/slavery. Enslavement is only a rough and direct translation.”
Instead, gabrummaa encompasses something far more systematic and insidious—”subjugation, servitude, and being kept under the yoke of oppression.” This is not merely a semantic distinction. It is a fundamental reorientation of how we understand both historical injustice and contemporary struggle.
Slavery implies a particular legal and social status—the ownership of one human being by another. It conjures images of chains, auctions, and plantations. But gabrummaa speaks to an entire architecture of domination: political, economic, cultural, and psychological. It is a system designed not merely to exploit but to subjugate, to render entire peoples subordinate through structures that penetrate every aspect of existence.
The General’s Vision: Dismantling the System
General Waaqoo Guutuu’s powerful declaration illuminates this distinction: “Gabrummaa iddaan buqqifna yoo dadhabne ilmaan itti guddifna”—”We shall dismantle gabrummaa at its place; if we fail, we shall raise our children upon it.”
When Regassa interprets this statement, he insists: the General was not speaking of ending slavery in the narrow sense. He was speaking of dismantling an oppressive system—a comprehensive project that requires nothing less than decolonizing the entire structure of power to emancipate the people from such subjugation.
This is a revolutionary vision, not a reformist one. It recognizes that gabrummaa is not a historical aberration or a set of discrete injustices that can be addressed piecemeal. It is a total system that demands total transformation. To merely end chattel slavery while leaving the underlying structures of subjugation intact would be to mistake the symptom for the disease.
The Intellectual Burden
Regassa’s reflection carries a pointed challenge for those who study Oromo history and society: “Warri ogbarruu Oromoo qorattanimmoo yaada itti kennaa, ulfaadhaa!”—”For those who study Oromo affairs, pay attention to this: it is weighty!”
The weight he speaks of is both intellectual and ethical. It is the burden of getting it right—of refusing the easy translation that flattens complexity, of resisting the temptation to map Oromo experience onto Western categories of oppression that may not fully apply. It is the responsibility of scholars and commentators to engage with the full richness of Oromo concepts rather than reducing them to the most convenient English equivalent.
This is not academic navel-gazing. The distinction between slavery and subjugation has real-world implications for how movements organize, how demands are articulated, and how the ultimate goals of liberation are conceived. A movement that aims only to end slavery might fight for legal reforms. A movement that aims to dismantle gabrummaa must fight to transform everything.
A Call for Deeper Engagement
Regassa’s intervention is ultimately a call for deeper engagement—with language, with history, and with the lived experience of Oromo people across generations. It is a reminder that the most powerful concepts resist easy translation, that the struggle for liberation is not served by reaching for the most familiar vocabulary but by insisting on the specificity and integrity of Oromo thought.
The controversy sparked by the interview was, in Regassa’s analysis, born of this very failure—the attempt by both interviewer and subject to explain gabrummaa through its most superficial rendering, generating confusion among audiences who deserved better.
As Oromo intellectual traditions continue to develop and engage with global conversations about justice, liberation, and decolonization, Regassa’s reflection stands as a crucial reminder: the words we use matter. The translations we choose shape the struggles we imagine. And the most profound acts of resistance may begin not with protests or declarations, but with the patient, painstaking work of getting the meaning right.
Gabrummaa is not slavery. It is something more fundamental, more encompassing, and more challenging to uproot. And recognizing that distinction may be the first step toward the genuine emancipation that General Waaqoo Guutuu envisioned—the dismantling of the entire oppressive system, at its very place.
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This article draws from Asebe Regassa’s reflections on the meaning of gabrummaa and its implications for Oromo historical understanding and contemporary struggle.
Beyond the Title: A Social Worker’s Journey of Service and Liberation
By Dhabessa Wakjira
Introduction: More Than a Profession
There are moments in life when a career becomes a calling—when the work you do ceases to be simply a job and transforms into an expression of who you are. For me, that moment came when I realised that being a Social Worker is not just about earning a degree or holding a title. It is a profound commitment to serve with compassion, to advocate for justice, and to stand beside those who need support the most.
I am Dhabessa Wakjira, and I am proud to be a Social Worker in the making.
The Heart of Social Work
What does it truly mean to be a Social Worker? It means waking up each day with a purpose that extends beyond personal gain. It means choosing to be a voice for the voiceless, a shield for the vulnerable, and a bridge for those who feel isolated from the world around them.
Social Work is rooted in the belief that every person matters—regardless of their background, their struggles, or their circumstances. It is a profession that:
- Gives hope to the vulnerable and marginalised
- Empowers individuals and families to find their strength
- Protects children’s rights and ensures their safety
- Strengthens communities from within
- Reminds people that they are seen, heard, and valued
Every life touched, every voice heard, every child protected, and every family empowered is a step toward a better society. These are not just words on a page—they are the daily realities of those who choose this path.
Who I Am
Allow me to reintroduce myself.
My name is Dhabessa Wakjira, and I carry my identity with pride. I am an Oromo, and I am a Social Worker. These two truths are not separate—they are woven together into the fabric of who I am and what I stand for.
In my work and in my life, I choose:
- Empathy over judgment — Understanding that every person carries a story I have not lived
- Service over status — Recognising that true worth lies not in titles but in impact
- Impact over recognition — Knowing that the change I help create matters more than the credit I receive
These are not abstract ideals. They are the compass that guides my daily actions.
What I Do
As a Social Worker, I am called to:
- Empower — Helping individuals and communities discover their own strength and capacity for change
- Protect — Safeguarding the rights and well-being of children, families, and vulnerable groups
- Support — Walking alongside people in their times of greatest need
- Educate — Sharing knowledge that equips others to advocate for themselves
- Mobilise — Bringing communities together to address shared challenges
- Care — Offering compassion and humanity in every interaction
- Organise — Creating systems and structures that uplift rather than oppress
- Collaborate — Building partnerships that amplify the impact of service
- Serve — Placing the needs of others at the centre of my work
Each of these actions is a deliberate choice—a commitment to creating positive change, one person, one family, and one community at a time.
The Intersection of Identity and Purpose
There is a phrase that I carry close to my heart: “Oromo Freedom Fighter isn’t just what I do—it’s who I am.”
For me, this is not a contradiction to my work as a Social Worker—it is an extension of it. The fight for Oromo liberation and the fight for social justice are intertwined. When I advocate for the rights of children, families, and communities, I am also contributing to the broader struggle for freedom, dignity, and self-determination.
Social Work is, at its core, about addressing the systems and structures that perpetuate inequality and suffering. It is about recognising that individual struggles are often rooted in larger historical and political realities. To be an Oromo Social Worker is to understand that the path to healing requires not only individual support but also collective liberation.
The Journey Ahead
I am still a Social Worker in the making—and that is a truth I embrace. Every day brings new lessons, new challenges, and new opportunities to grow. I am learning to hold space for the pain of others while also tending to my own. I am learning to navigate systems that are often broken while never losing sight of the humanity they are meant to serve.
I am learning that change is slow, and that patience is a form of strength. I am learning that even when progress feels invisible, every act of compassion plants a seed that will one day bloom.
A Call to the World
To anyone who reads this, I offer this reflection: Social Work is not a profession reserved for the few. It is a way of being that we can all embody—in our families, in our neighbourhoods, in our daily encounters with strangers. You do not need a degree to choose kindness. You do not need a title to stand up for what is right.
But for those who do choose this path—who answer the call to serve—know that you are part of something greater than yourself. You are part of a legacy of compassion, resistance, and hope that stretches across generations and continents.
Conclusion: Here’s to Change
Here’s to creating positive change, one person, one family, and one community at a time. 💜
Here’s to the vulnerable who teach us resilience. Here’s to the families who trust us with their stories. Here’s to the children whose futures we are fighting to protect. Here’s to the Oromo people and to all peoples who continue to struggle for freedom and dignity.
I am Dhabessa Wakjira. I am a Social Worker in the making. I am an Oromo Freedom Fighter. And I believe—with every fibre of my being—that a more just world is possible.
“The best way to find yourself is to lose yourself in the service of others.” — Mahatma Gandhi
Aerial Offensive: ENDF Deploys Drones to Strike TPLF Convoys Near Shererina
By Oromia News Agency
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA — In a significant escalation of military operations, the Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) have reportedly deployed unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and combat drones to strike convoys belonging to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) Army 70. The strikes, which occurred near the town of Shererina, targeted the unit after it attacked government positions in the area.
The aerial operation represents a notable intensification of Ethiopia’s use of drone technology in its ongoing conflict with Tigrayan forces. According to reports, the strikes also targeted trucks transporting ammunition, inflicting heavy damage on the extremist forces .
The Strategic Deployment of Drone Warfare
The use of combat drones and UAVs by the ENDF marks a significant shift in the military tactics employed in the conflict. Unmanned aerial vehicles offer several strategic advantages over traditional air power—they are more precise, reduce the risk to pilots, and can operate in challenging terrain with sustained surveillance capabilities.
The reported targeting of ammunition convoys is particularly significant. Supply lines are the lifeblood of any military operation, and disrupting them can severely degrade an adversary’s ability to sustain combat operations. By striking ammunition trucks, the ENDF is attempting to weaken the TPLF’s logistical capacity and limit its ability to resupply its forces for future offensives.
The strikes near Shererina are also strategically important due to the location’s proximity to key transportation routes. Shererina is situated near the border between the Amhara and Tigray regions, an area that has seen significant military activity throughout the conflict. Control over these routes is essential for moving troops, equipment, and supplies, making them high-value targets for both sides.
The Context of Escalation
This latest aerial operation comes against a backdrop of heightened tensions in northern Ethiopia. The conflict between the Ethiopian government and TPLF forces has seen numerous cycles of violence, ceasefires, and renewed fighting. The use of drones by the ENDF is not new—there have been previous reports of drone strikes against TPLF positions since the conflict began in late 2020—but the scale and precision of the reported strikes indicate a growing reliance on this technology.
The decision to deploy combat drones also reflects Ethiopia’s expanding military capabilities. In recent years, the Ethiopian government has sought to diversify its sources of military equipment and technology, including through partnerships with countries such as Turkey, China, and the United Arab Emirates. Turkey’s Bayraktar drones, in particular, have been widely used in conflicts in Libya, Syria, and Nagorno-Karabakh, and their presence in Ethiopia has been reported by multiple sources.
A Pattern of Escalation
This reported attack aligns with a broader pattern of increasing military activity near Ethiopia’s borders, with regional actors testing their capabilities and resolving grievances in ways that could raise the stakes for all of Ethiopia’s conflicts . Recent months have seen a rise in airstrikes near Ethiopian territory, including SAF drone strikes on RSF fighters in Kurmuk and SSPDF strikes on SPLA-IO forces in Akobo .
The risks associated with this escalation are becoming harder to ignore. Ethiopia is already managing pressure from northern tensions and the risk of renewed TPLF/TDF conflict. Escalation along the Sudan or South Sudan borders would further stretch the ENDF, weaken response capacity elsewhere, and create openings for domestic armed groups such as OLA and Fano . For local communities, the primary risks are sudden movement restrictions, cross-border fire, refugee inflows, militia incursions, and disrupted humanitarian access .
The Human Cost
While military analysts often focus on the strategic implications of such strikes, the human cost is equally significant. The conflict in northern Ethiopia has already resulted in tens of thousands of deaths, displaced millions of people, and created a humanitarian crisis of immense proportions. Each new escalation brings with it the risk of further civilian casualties and displacement.
The precise impact of the reported drone strikes on local populations near Shererina remains unclear. However, the use of aerial bombardment in populated areas raises serious concerns about civilian safety. Both the Ethiopian government and the TPLF have been accused of human rights abuses during the conflict, and international observers have called for independent investigations into alleged violations.
A Broader Regional Context
The conflict in Tigray does not occur in isolation. It is part of a broader pattern of instability in the Horn of Africa, a region characterised by ethnic tensions, political rivalries, and competition for resources. The involvement of external actors, including the UAE and Turkey, has further complicated the situation.
Moreover, the ENDF’s operations in Tigray have broader implications for Ethiopia’s federal structure and ethnic politics. The conflict has exacerbated tensions between Ethiopia’s various ethnic groups and raised questions about the viability of the country’s federal system. The reported drone strikes near Shererina are not just a military operation; they are a reflection of deeper political and ethnic fault lines that continue to divide the country.
Conclusion: A Dangerous Precedent
The reported deployment of UAVs and combat drones by the ENDF to strike TPLF convoys near Shererina marks a significant moment in the conflict. It signals the Ethiopian government’s determination to use advanced military technology to pursue its objectives, even as it expands the conflict’s reach and intensifies its violence.
However, the use of drones also carries risks. It may provoke retaliatory actions from the TPLF, further escalate the conflict, and draw in external actors who have vested interests in the region. It may also accelerate the militarisation of the region, making a peaceful resolution increasingly difficult.
As the conflict continues, the international community faces a growing imperative to engage in diplomatic efforts to de-escalate tensions and bring an end to the violence. The people of Ethiopia, particularly those in Tigray and other affected regions, have already suffered too much.
This is a developing story. More details are expected to emerge as the situation unfolds.
#Ethiopia #ENDF #TPLF #Drones #Warfare #HumanitarianCrisis #Tigray
A Response from Within: Correcting the Narrative on Ethiopia’s National Dialogue
A four-year participant challenges the critique that the National Dialogue began with the “wrong first question,” offering a detailed defence of the process and an invitation for critics to join the table.
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA — In the ongoing public debate over Ethiopia’s National Dialogue, one critique has stood out: that the process began with the wrong question, focusing on divisions rather than shared aspirations. Mr Kebour Ghenna articulated this view in a widely discussed reflection, arguing that the Dialogue should have begun by asking, “What future do Ethiopians wish to build together?” rather than “What divides Ethiopians?”
Now, a direct participant in the Dialogue has responded. Mr Zenayeneh Girma, who has served for four years as a representative of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in the National Dialogue process, has offered a corrective perspective—one grounded in direct participation rather than external observation.
“The evidence contradicts your central claim that the Dialogue began with the ‘wrong first question,'” Zenayeneh wrote, respectfully challenging Kebour’s thesis.
A Painstaking Process
Zenayeneh begins by correcting what he describes as a factual error. The National Dialogue did not begin by collecting grievances alone. It began by collecting issues from across the country—over 10,000 specific concerns raised in consultations across all woredas .
These were systematically aggregated into 2,000 themes, then distilled into 8 major national agenda pillars . These pillars cover nation-building and identity; state structure and form of government; the status of federal cities; religious affairs; institution building and the rule of law; social and economic issues; corruption and good governance; and peacebuilding and national reconciliation .
“This was not a hurried exercise but a painstaking process designed to ensure every voice—no matter how remote or marginalised—was heard,” Zenayeneh states.
He challenges Kebour’s suggestion that only divisions were documented. “In every consultation, participants were asked what future they desired for their communities and Ethiopia collectively. The 8 pillars emerged not from ‘what divides us’ but from what Ethiopians chose to discuss as urgent national questions—including the most difficult and deadlocked ones.”
Unprecedented Inclusivity
Zenayeneh argues that the Ethiopian process is unprecedented in its inclusivity. For the first time in the country’s history, Ethiopians from all regions, ethnicities, religions, and political affiliations—including diaspora communities—were brought together to question issues once considered “untouchable”: the flag, federalism, the status of Addis Ababa, the constitutional order, corruption, and institutional reform .
“This is not ‘organising disagreement.’ This is building a foundation for consensus,” he writes.
A Call for Participation, Not Observation
One of Zenayeneh’s most pointed observations is directed at the role of intellectuals who critique the process from outside. “You critique from outside while refusing to enter,” he writes, directly addressing Kebour.
As a prominent intellectual, Zenayeneh notes, Kebour could have contributed expertise to advisory panels. Instead, he has consistently critiqued from a distance. “Observing by ‘sitting outside’ and then writing based on hearsay is an easy task. Building a process that engages 4,000+ communities across a vast, diverse country is not.”
Zenayeneh acknowledges that some opposition figures remain outside the process—some by choice, others by circumstance. But the Commission has extended invitations repeatedly. “A dialogue that waits for everyone to agree to participate may wait forever. The process must move forward while continuing outreach.”
What History Will Remember
Zenayeneh concludes with a prediction about what history will actually remember: a moment when Ethiopians—for the first time—sat together across all divides and spoke honestly about their deepest political questions. It will remember a Commission that organised not just grievances but aspirations, not just complaints but solutions.
“The Dialogue is not perfect. But perfection is not the standard—participation is. And by that measure, Ethiopia has achieved something unprecedented.”
His message to intellectuals and critics is clear: “Instead of theorising from outside, consider contributing your expertise. The nation needs thinkers like you inside the room—not just observers outside it.”
Conclusion
Zenayeneh’s response offers a powerful counter-narrative to critiques of Ethiopia’s National Dialogue. It defends the process as painstaking, inclusive, and historic. It acknowledges imperfections while arguing that participation—not perfection—is the standard by which the Dialogue should be judged.
“Thank you for keeping the debate alive,” Zenayeneh writes. “But please, let us not allow perfect to become the enemy of progress.”
This feature news is based on the response of Mr Zenayeneh Girma to Kebour Ghenna, published on July 31, 2026.
The Wrong First Question: A Reflection on Ethiopia’s National Dialogue
In the search for national unity, beginning with grievances may have been the fundamental error
By Kebour Ghenna*
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA — After three years of consultations across Ethiopia and among the diaspora, the National Dialogue has finally reached the stage of discussing the country’s most difficult political questions. The national flag. Its symbols. The future constitutional order. Whether Ethiopia should retain a parliamentary system or adopt a presidential one. Who should exercise authority over Addis Ababa. Federalism. Identity. History. Power.
These are undoubtedly important questions. They are also precisely the questions on which Ethiopians disagree most profoundly. That is why one cannot help wondering whether the Dialogue began with the wrong first question.
Instead of asking, “What future do Ethiopians wish to build together?” the process appears to have begun by asking, “What divides Ethiopians?”
The Philosophy of Disagreement
There is an old observation in political philosophy that nations are not held together by constitutions, flags, or institutions alone. They survive because people continue choosing a common future despite their disagreements. That choice must come before constitutional design—not after it. Unfortunately, the Dialogue appears to have reversed that order.
The philosophy behind the Dialogue seems straightforward: identify every important national dispute, bring representatives together, discuss each issue, and eventually consensus will emerge.
It is an attractive theory. History, however, is less optimistic. People rarely discover unity by beginning with their deepest disagreements. More often, they become better at defending them. A discussion that begins with competing historical narratives usually ends with more refined historical narratives. A discussion that begins with competing constitutional visions usually ends with better-articulated constitutional disagreements. The participants leave having understood one another better—but they do not necessarily trust one another more. Listening is not the same as nation-building.
The Missing Conversation
Perhaps the first phase of the Dialogue should not have collected grievances. Perhaps it should have collected aspirations.
Imagine asking every Ethiopian, regardless of ethnicity, political affiliation, or ideology, only three questions:
- Why should Ethiopia continue to exist as one country?
- What future can we build together that none of us can build separately?
- What am I prepared to sacrifice—not demand—for that common future?
Notice what disappears. The flag disappears. Addis Ababa disappears. Federalism disappears. Not because they are unimportant—but because they become second-order questions. The conversation shifts from ownership to purpose, from rights to responsibilities, from yesterday to tomorrow. Only after establishing a shared destination should a nation begin arguing about the road that leads there.
The Problem of Absence
There is another difficulty. A dialogue derives legitimacy not simply from those who participate but also from those whose participation is indispensable. Many prominent opposition figures remain outside the process. Some are imprisoned. Some are in exile. Others are engaged in armed insurgency. Many influential intellectuals and political actors who advocate fundamentally different visions of Ethiopia’s future do not regard the Dialogue as their own.
Whether one agrees with their positions is almost beside the point. A national dialogue cannot ultimately become national if significant sections of the political nation remain unconvinced by it. Peace is rarely negotiated among those who already agree. It is negotiated among those who fundamentally distrust one another. The harder the conversation, the more important it becomes that every consequential voice sees itself inside the room rather than outside it.
A Nation Is More Than an Agenda
One sometimes has the impression that the Dialogue is attempting to build a nation by assembling an agenda. But nations are not built that way. An agenda is a list of problems. A nation is a shared act of imagination. People do not remain together because every disagreement has been resolved. No nation has ever achieved that. They remain together because they eventually conclude that their common future is more valuable than their separate grievances. That is a political decision before it is a constitutional one.
What History Will Remember
History will not remember how many consultations were conducted, nor how many agenda items were collected, nor how many reports were produced. It will remember only one thing: Did the Dialogue strengthen Ethiopia’s sense of common nationhood? Or did it simply organise Ethiopia’s disagreements more effectively?
There is a profound difference. If Ethiopians leave the Dialogue asking, “Which of our disputes remain unresolved?” the Commission will have organised an impressive national debate. If they leave asking, “What future can we now build together?” it will have done something infinitely more important. It will have begun rebuilding a nation.
That, perhaps, was the question with which the Dialogue should have begun.
“Nations are not held together by constitutions, flags or institutions alone. They survive because people continue choosing a common future despite their disagreements. That choice must come before constitutional design. Not after it.”
*The above feature is based on the reflection of Kebour Ghenna who continued to contribute to Ethiopia’s public discourse.
Swedish Football Dream Turns to Mystery as 20 Ethiopian Youth Players Go Missing After Gothia Cup
GOTHENBURG, Sweden – What was supposed to be a triumphant return home for Ethiopia’s young football ambassadors has instead become a quiet international mystery. Swedish authorities have confirmed that approximately 20 members of an Ethiopian youth football delegation are unaccounted for, having vanished on the final day of the prestigious Gothia Cup in Gothenburg.
The players, part of a delegation that had traveled to Sweden to compete in the world’s largest youth football tournament, did not board their scheduled flight back to Addis Ababa. According to police, the group left the school where they were housed during the tournament and simply did not return.
“They were present at the closing ceremonies, but when the time came to gather for transport to the airport, the group was noticeably absent,” a local police spokesperson stated.
In a development that has puzzled investigators, Swedish authorities have stated that there are currently no signs of foul play or human trafficking. Instead, the police believe the disappearance appears to have been voluntary.
“We are not currently looking at this as a criminal case related to abduction,” the police added. “The indications we have suggest that the individuals chose to leave their accommodation and remain in Sweden of their own accord.”
The Gothia Cup, which hosts over 1,700 teams from around the globe, is often a platform for young athletes to showcase their talent on an international stage. However, it has historically also been a known avenue for migration attempts; previous years have seen similar incidents where athletes have sought asylum in Sweden after their participation in the tournament.
The missing individuals have now been listed internationally as missing persons after failing to return to their home country as planned. The Ethiopian embassy in Stockholm has been notified of the incident and is coordinating with Swedish migration authorities to ascertain the whereabouts of the missing group.
This incident raises fresh questions about the security protocols surrounding large youth sporting events and the vulnerabilities of international delegations traveling to high-income countries. While the players are considered missing, police stress that no crime is currently suspected, focusing their efforts instead on locating the group to ensure their welfare.
“A Warning from the Grave”: Dr. Negasso Gidada’s 2014 Prophecy on the Addis Ababa Master Plan – and Why It Was Ignored
As Ethiopia reels from the aftermath of the 2014 Oromo protests, a newly surfaced document reveals that one of the Constitution’s architects had foreseen the catastrophe – and offered a roadmap to avoid it. His advice went unheeded.
By Our Staff Reporter
In May 2014, just weeks after violent protests erupted across Oromia over the “10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan,” Dr. Negasso Gidada – a key intellectual and co-architect of Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution – sat down to write a sobering analysis. He titled it: “A Tragic Consequence of the ‘10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan’: A Warning for the Future.”
The document, now circulating widely, reads like a dispatch from a man who saw the storm coming. In it, Dr. Negasso dissects the historical grievances, constitutional failures, and political miscalculations that ignited the unrest – and warns that if the root causes were not addressed, the federal system itself could unravel.
Nearly a decade later, his words carry a haunting resonance. The protests that began in Adaamaa University on April 29, 2014, spread to dozens of towns, leaving dozens dead, property destroyed, and ethnic tensions inflamed. The government’s response – a mix of repression and belated appeasement – did little to quell the anger. And, as Dr. Negasso predicted, the underlying issues remain unresolved.
A City Built on Conquest, a Constitution Unfulfilled
Dr. Negasso begins by grounding the crisis in history. Addis Ababa, founded in 1887 by Emperor Menelik and Empress Taitu around the hot spring of Finfinnee, was established on land that belonged to the Oromo of Shawa. He cites British envoy Harris, who in 1844 witnessed King Sahle Sellasie’s forces – armed with European guns – “destroy the Oromo life and resources,” burning homes, capturing women, and slaughtering men. The Oromo of Gulalle, he notes, still remember leaders like Tufa Mona and Birraatuu Goolee who died in those wars.
This historical memory, he argues, is not ancient grievance – it is living pain. And it has been compounded by three modern failures:
1. The Constitution of 1995, which promised Oromia a “special interest” in Addis Ababa (Article 49/5) but never defined it in law.
2. The 2003/2004 decision to move Oromia’s capital to Adaamaa, which sparked student protests and led to mass expulsions and imprisonments.
3. The broken promises of 2005, when OPDO, after losing the election, re-declared Finfinnee as the capital and vowed to build Oromo cultural centres and language schools in the city’s ten districts – none of which materialised.
“Nine years have passed,” Dr. Negasso wrote, “and nothing from the decisions and promises were implemented.”
The Master Plan: A Spark on Dry Tinder
When the “Integrated Master Plan” – which proposed integrating surrounding Oromo towns into Addis Ababa – was publicly announced in March 2014, it struck at this accumulated trauma. The plan was presented as a development initiative, but for Oromo farmers on the city’s fringes, it meant eviction. For Oromo intellectuals, it meant the erasure of their territorial rights. For the youth, it was the final straw.
“Here lies the root cause of the current incident and the tragic consequence,” Dr. Negasso wrote.
The protests were swift and fierce. They began at Adaamaa University, then spread to Haroo Maayaa, Dire Dawa, Bale, Guji, and beyond. By the time Dr. Negasso penned his note, the death toll was mounting – two students killed in a TV room explosion at Haroo Maayaa, others thrown into rivers, and reports of mutilation and ethnic violence. Security forces responded with live fire, and the government issued statements defending the plan while blaming “outside forces.”
A Constitutional Crisis in Plain Sight
Dr. Negasso’s most incisive contribution is his legal analysis. He walks through the Constitution article by article, showing how both the ruling party and nationalist forces were undermining it.
He quotes Article 49/5: “The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa… shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.” That law, he notes, has never been enacted.
He cites Article 40/4, which guarantees peasants the right to land and protection from eviction – a right routinely violated in the suburbs of Addis.
And he warns that if the Constitution is not respected, the federal system could collapse into ethnic conflict. “The end result could also mean the disintegration of Ethiopia which no one of us wants to see.”
What He Prescribed – and What Was Ignored
Dr. Negasso did not merely diagnose; he offered a cure. His recommendations were clear:
· Apologise for the failures: the unfulfilled constitutional provision, the broken promises, the violence by security forces.
· Investigate human rights violations by both state and individual actors, and bring perpetrators to justice.
· Immediately implement Article 49/5 – define Oromia’s special interest, demarcate the boundary, and affirm the jurisdiction of surrounding towns.
· Stop hate propaganda from both “Ethiopianist” and “Oromummaa” camps.
· Launch a national dialogue on the Constitution, the national question, land policy, federalism, and the role of the media.
“We can only try to mend the damage by taking corrective measures based on what we have learnt from the mistakes done,” he wrote.
The Unheeded Warning
Dr. Negasso concluded his note with a plea: “If we want to live together and save our people and country, we should either respect the Constitution as it is or create a situation in which it could be amended and ratified by the people through a referendum.”
The TPLF-led government did neither. The master plan was shelved – but the underlying issues were never resolved. The protests of 2014 would echo in the 2015 elections, and again in the 2016–2018 Oromo uprisings that ultimately reshaped the country’s political landscape.
Dr. Negasso Gidada passed away in 2019. But his note from May 2014 remains a haunting artifact – a warning written in ink, delivered from the grave, and largely ignored by those who had the power to act.
Today, as Ethiopia navigates yet another national dialogue, his words serve as a stark reminder: tragedy is not inevitable, but it is the price of constitutional neglect.
—
This feature is based on Dr. Negasso Gidada’s unpublished note dated May 2014, titled “A Tragic Consequence of the ‘10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan’: A Warning for the Future.”
Constitutional Legitimacy and Federalism in Ethiopia: A Trap in the Making?
With constitutional amendments on the table and a national dialogue that critics call structurally rigged, Ethiopia stands at a crossroads that could determine the fate of its multinational federation
By Prof Asfaw Beyene
There is absolute consensus among Ethiopians on one fundamental truth: the country is bleeding, and a genuinely inclusive, transparent, and democratic dialogue is the only viable exit from the abyss . However, when the very architecture of a peace-building process is engineered to marginalise the country’s largest demographic constituency and dismantle its constitutional foundations, the process ceases to be a dialogue. It becomes a structural trap .
As the Ethiopian National Dialogue Conference commenced on July 15, 2026, the stakes could not be higher. The federal government is preparing a sweeping constitutional reform package that could redefine Ethiopia’s federal structure, with proposals that include amending Article 39—the constitutional provision that enshrines the right of nations, nationalities, and peoples to self-determination, including secession—and replacing ethnicity-based regional boundaries with geography-based ones .
These are not mere policy adjustments; they are existential threats to the constitutional order that has governed Ethiopia since 1995. As Asfaw Beyene’s analysis argues, the national dialogue may be heading toward a “barred trap” from which there is no easy escape .
The Mathematics of Disenfranchisement
At the heart of the controversy lies the decision-making framework of the National Dialogue Commission. According to the Commission’s documented multi-tier decision-making system, the ultimate power to pass or reject national agendas is vested in a Regional Representatives Assembly composed of 211 members .
Every region and city administration is granted exactly 14 representatives, alongside 15 representatives handpicked by the federal government. The result? Oromia, a region home to an estimated 40 million people—roughly 35% to 40% of the Ethiopian population—is granted the exact same voting power (14 seats) as city administrations like Dire Dawa or Harari, which have populations of approximately 500,000 .
Mathematically, Oromia is granted a mere 6.6% of the voting power in the assembly that will decide the fate of the country. This is not equality; it is the systematic erasure of the Oromo voice .
The Danger of Dismantling Federalism
“The outcome of dismantling federalism can be separation, not unity.”
Many constitutional democracies require broad consensus before fundamental constitutional changes take effect. Some do not allow even supermajority voices for constitutional amendment; they require unanimous vote .
In Germany’s Basic Law, the law that establishes Germany’s federalism cannot be amended at all, even by a unanimous vote. In Canada, unanimous provincial consent is required for certain constitutional amendments under the unanimity formula. These systems protect federalism at such high cost because they are aware the alternative would be separation and independence .
They recognize that constitutions should not be altered solely based on the political preferences of a temporary governing majority because they provoke a counter remedy: secession . Ethiopia’s elections did not provide even a majority vote to the ruling party; elections were not organized in many parts of the country for security reasons .
Article 39: A Constitutional Prerequisite, Not a Mere Provision
Article 39 of the Ethiopian constitution must be understood not merely as a constitutional provision, but as a prerequisite upon which the constitutional order itself rests. Recognition of the right to self-determination, including the possibility of secession under Article 39, establishes the foundational boundaries within which the state exists .
Because this principle defines the relationship between the state, its territory, and the peoples composing it, any amendment that would fundamentally alter or remove this guarantee must logically require unanimous consent of a duly established representative body—not a majority vote .
Article 39 is not, by itself, a sufficient condition to unite a country. But it is a prerequisite that establishes the boundaries and consent-based framework through which the country’s territorial and constitutional existence is maintained. An attempt to remove or fundamentally alter this prerequisite would forfeit the very foundation that gives the constitutional system some legitimacy .
The Eritrean precedent is instructive. When Haile Selassie dismantled Eritrea’s legally mandated autonomy and unilaterally dissolved the Eritrea-Ethiopian Federation, followed by full annexation of Eritrea in 1962, this action prompted an armed national movement, triggering the 30-year Eritrean War of Independence .
The Referendum Question
Where a legally recognized political actor has formally advanced a referendum proposal pursuant to the existing constitutional framework, and where the governing law provides a mechanism for a referendum under applicable circumstances, the constitutional process cannot be circumvented through a preemptive amendment designed to render that referendum unnecessary or ineffective .
Article 39 of the Constitution provides a clear procedure for secession: when a demand for secession has been approved by a two-thirds majority of the members of the Legislative Council of the Nation, Nationality or People concerned; and when the Federal Government has organized a referendum which must take place within three years from the time it received the concerned council’s decision for secession .
The referendum proposal submitted by the OLF for independent Oromia constitutes a pending constitutional process that must be addressed according to the law in force at the time it was initiated. Allowing a subsequent amendment to override, extinguish, or bypass a properly raised referendum petition would undermine constitutional certainty, procedural fairness, and the principle that constitutional change must follow established legal procedures .
The View from the Regions
Regional reactions to the proposed constitutional reforms are mixed. Oromia and Somali regions favor preserving the current model, while Amhara and parts of the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR) show growing support for change .
Mulatu Gemechu, vice chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), has argued that the amendment process lacks legitimacy: “One cannot just pop out of a commission and decide to amend [the Constitution]. I was there when it was created. Every element of the Constitution was put in intentionally” .
Dejen Mezgebe, chairman of the Tigray Independence Party, has warned that “this amendment proposal is dangerous, especially for Tigray, which currently has no official or legal representation in federal institutions. Any amendment before Tigray returns to the constitutional order would create a generational crisis” .
Conclusion: A Trap or a Solution?
The constitution amendment is widely seen as a trap to get rid of the Oromo regional state, which is a prerequisite for the secessionist referendum. The Constitution was created through a long, inclusive process of deliberation among all nations and nationalities—a process that reflected the free will of the peoples of Ethiopia . It is impossible to remove the right of secession from the Constitution without violating the foundations of the constitutional order and federalism .
How can the people whose constitutional rights the dialogue is supposed to address be structurally cheated out of their representation? You cannot legally bind a nation to a contract in which its signature was forged .
Instead of ending the tragic wars currently ravaging the country, including the ongoing conflict in Oromia, this manufactured consensus will inevitably exacerbate ethnic polarisation and institutionalise conflict for generations .
“A constitutional amendment cannot be used as a procedural shortcut to defeat a lawful petition or to prevent the electorate from exercising a right that has already been invoked under the existing constitutional order.”
Bonnie Holcomb: The Mother of Oromo Studies
A lifetime of scholarship, sacrifice, and service in the pursuit of Oromo dignity and truth
MINNEAPOLIS, MINNESOTA — For forty years, one name has stood at the centre of Oromo scholarship, guiding the field from its exiled beginnings to global academic recognition. Bonnie Holcomb, co-founder of the Oromo Studies Association (OSA) and Editor-in-Chief of its Journal, has dedicated her life to ensuring that Oromo history, culture, and identity are studied on their own terms.
This year, as the OSA marks its 40th anniversary , the community celebrates not just an organisation, but the extraordinary vision and persistence of one woman—affectionately known as “The Mother of OSA” . In recognition of her lifetime service, a portrait of Holcomb was commissioned from a 15-year-old artist, Qabbanne, reflecting the intergenerational impact of her work .
The Founding of a Movement
The year was 1986 . In exile, scattered across meeting rooms in the diaspora, a small group of Oromo and non-Oromo scholars gathered with a radical idea: to build an independent academic home for the study of a people whose history, culture, and very existence had been systematically erased from mainstream scholarship . They would create a space where knowledge about the Oromo could be produced not by outsiders, but on its own terms .
Bonnie Holcomb was among them.
The OSA was born in direct response to a brutal crackdown—a void in which Oromo heritage was not merely absent from academia and state narratives, but actively suppressed . Those campaigning for greater recognition of the Oromo people were being murdered, tortured, jailed, or driven into exile . The founding of the OSA was an act of intellectual resistance: a refusal to accept erasure and a determination to tell stories that had been silenced .
The Invention of Ethiopia and Other Landmarks
In 1990, Holcomb, alongside fellow founder Sisai Ibssa, co-authored The Invention of Ethiopia: The Making of a Dependent Colonial State in North Africa . The book was a landmark work, offering a radical critique of how Ethiopian history had been represented and exposing a broader set of readers to Oromo history and ethnicity in the Horn of Africa . At its heart was a concern with inequality and a fundamental challenge to dominant state narratives .
The 1990s marked a productive period for Oromo studies, with diaspora intellectuals becoming key actors in the field . The Journal of Oromo Studies (JOS), launched in 1993, grew into the premier peer-reviewed publication for interdisciplinary scholarship on the Oromo people .
A Long and Difficult Road
Holcomb has described the journey as “a long and sometimes a difficult road to reveal evidence and build knowledge which shift the narrative in the region and globally” . This is not hyperbole. For decades, Oromo scholarship faced suppression, neglect, and active hostility. The OSA and its Journal have been more than academic endeavours; they have been an act of intellectual resistance—a refusal to accept the erasure of a people’s history and a determination to tell stories that had been silenced .
Despite these obstacles, the OSA has grown into a global scholarly community spanning continents and disciplines . In a landmark achievement, the Journal of Oromo Studies was recently indexed in Scopus, the gold standard of academic databases—placing it alongside publications from Springer, Elsevier, and Cambridge University Press . Holcomb’s message to contributors and advisors on this achievement reflected both pride and humility: “This publication, and the indexing in Scopus, are notable achievements, all. We have come a long way together” .
The Mother of OSA
The affectionate title “The Mother of OSA” is a testament to Holcomb’s foundational role and her ongoing commitment to the community . She has served as a Board Director and co-chair of the organising team for the 2026 annual conference, continuing to guide the organisation she helped build . Her work has been recognised with an OSA lifetime achievement award .
The theme for the 2026 conference, “Oromo on the Global Landscape: Honoring Asmarom Legesse as OSA Turns 40” , honours another visionary scholar whose work shaped Oromo studies . Asmarom Legesse, author of the landmark Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society (1973), passed away in early 2026 . The conference will take place from July 31 to August 2, 2026, in Minneapolis .
Passing the Torch
In a touching tribute to Holcomb’s legacy, a portrait of her was commissioned from a 15-year-old artist, Qabbanne . This act is itself symbolic: it reflects the intergenerational impact of Holcomb’s work and the future she has invested in. As the OSA enters its fifth decade, the question is whether the next generation will carry the torch forward . Holcomb’s message to the community is also a call to action:
“Please remember that it is the Oromo Studies Association that has conceived, designed, hosted, nurtured, upheld and published the research and scholarship represented in JOS. I urge you all to continue to support OSA, and by extension, its Journal, with donations, membership in OSA and engagement as well as submissions” .
Conclusion
Four decades ago, a small group of exiled scholars dared to imagine a world in which Oromo knowledge was recognised as a contribution to the full breadth of human civilization . Today, that vision is reality . Bonnie Holcomb has been central to that journey. Her legacy is not just the Journal, the conferences, or the Scopus indexing—it is the community of scholars, activists, and artists who continue the work.
As Holcomb wrote, with a warmth that reflects decades of dedication: “Congratulations, one and all” .
The celebration is earned. The legacy is enduring. And the future—if the community continues to support it—is bright.
“Bonnie Holcomb is more than a scholar; she is the architect of a field and the mother of a movement.”
Finfinnee in the Heart of Oromia*: The Founding of Addis Ababa as a Colonial Project
How Menelik II’s garrison towns and the establishment of Ethiopia’s capital city reshaped Oromia, displacing the Oromo people and cementing a system of political and economic control that endures today
FINFINNEE, OROMIA — The bustling streets of Addis Ababa, known to the Oromo as Finfinnee, tell a story of power, conquest, and displacement that remains largely hidden beneath the city’s modern veneer. This is not merely the capital of Ethiopia; it is the heart of a colonial project that began in the late 19th century and continues to shape the lives of millions.
The founding of Finfinnee was not an act of urban planning in the conventional sense. It was the culmination of a deliberate strategy of conquest and control, a military project disguised as a city, designed to secure the domination of the Ethiopian Empire over the Oromo people, the largest ethnic group in the Horn of Africa. As one historical account describes, the city was originally a katama – a military encampment or royal camp, with its neighborhoods laid out “mirroring an army on the march” . This military logic was not accidental; it was the foundation upon which the entire colonial structure was built.
The Strategy of the Katama
The establishment of garrison towns, or katamas, was a central feature of Emperor Menelik II’s colonial expansion. Convinced that more could be gained from the permanent exploitation of the Oromo, Menelik began to occupy conquered districts with permanent garrisons of his troops, providing for their administration under a hierarchy of his own officials. As one historical account notes, the creation of these towns was based on a desire to exercise “more effective control over the Oromo” and to escape interference from rival powers . These were strategically and politically secured regions, designed to serve as nerve centres for the Ethiopian colonial system .
From the mid-19th century, Menelik developed garrison towns such as Ankobar, Dabra Berhan, and Angolala. The last of these was burned by the Oromo in 1868, but was recovered by Menelik. He also developed Leche, Feqre Gimb, Enaware, Tamo, and Warra Illu, where he installed 40,000 soldiers in 1870. The Wallo Oromo attacked and destroyed Warra Illu that same year, but it was rebuilt. This pattern of Oromo resistance and Ethiopian colonial reassertion continued as northern Oromia gradually fell into Ethiopian hands .
Following the submission of northern Oromia, Menelik turned his attention to the Tulama Oromo, who were the residents of Finfinnee and its surroundings. The desire to exercise more effective control led him, in the latter part of 1878, to move to the mountain of Wacaca, where he dug the foundation for a new town, which he named Entoto (later called Old Entoto). In 1882, he transferred his settlement to a place called Dildila, later named New Entoto. These settlements were created by evacuating or enslaving the Oromo living there. After strengthening his army and accumulating massive firearms, Menelik built Addis Ababa on the place known by the Oromo name Finfinnee, between 1886 and 1887 .
The Founding of Finfinnee
The site of Finfinnee was originally chosen by Empress Taytu Betul in 1886, who was attracted by the hot springs in the area . The local Oromo tribes had their lands confiscated, and many were displaced . In its first years, the city was more like a military encampment than a town, with the emperor’s palace surrounded by the dwellings of his troops and retainers . As historian Getahun Benti argues, “From its earliest days, Addis Ababa was the staging station for the economic exploitation and political control of the conquered provinces of which Oromia was the largest” .
The major portion of the Oromo land on which the capital city was founded was divided among thirty-one Ethiopian officials . Army commanders were given large plots of land on which they established their respective camps for their relatives, followers, and war captives. While most Oromos were evicted and forced to migrate to far places, others were permanently marginalised and turned into servants and labourers . Through the proclamation of October 27, 1907, Oromo land became a commodity to be sold and bought, giving Ethiopian and European landlords a great deal more security of tenure .
Making Addis Ababa the centre of commerce, bureaucracy, and employment, the Ethiopian government attracted people from different parts of the world and Abyssinia proper to this city, while the Oromo people were marginalised, segregated, and dehumanised in rural and urban areas alike. The people in the city mainly obtained their food and income from the surrounding Oromos; military commanders, soldiers, and followers depended on the tribute and tax mainly collected from the Oromo people .
Consolidating the Colonial System
The garrison towns gradually evolved into the major geopolitical centres for practising political domination, wealth and capital accumulation, and religious and cultural dissemination . From these garrison centres, Ethiopian soldiers and colonial administrators were dispatched to impose colonial rule on Oromos through subjugation, enslavement, and expropriation of the basic means of production such as land, cattle, and other valuable resources .
Several non-garrison towns emerged in eastern and western Oromia with the development of trade and communication networks. As rail service was introduced, the towns of Aqaqi, Bishoftu, Mojo, Adama, Walanchiti, Metahara, Awash, Mieso, Afdem, Gota, Munesa, and Dire Dhawa flourished. While Oromos were evicted from their urban lands and forced to migrate to rural areas, Abyssinians were encouraged to migrate to cities and towns in Oromia .
The colonisation of Oromia, the development of transportation and communication systems, and the establishment of Addis Ababa and garrison towns facilitated the development of the Ethiopian institutional milieu and created “the integrating nucleus of the colonial economic system” in Oromia, with the collusion of the capitalist world economy. Commodities and food products produced by Oromo labour flowed to and were concentrated in Addis Ababa and other urban centres for local consumption and international markets .
A Legacy of Dispossession
The consequences of this colonial urbanisation are profound. The Ethiopian colonial structure has limited the access of Oromo urban residents, who are a minority in their own cities and towns, to institutions and opportunities such as employment, education, health, mass media, and other public services. The Oromo have been prevented from developing autonomous institutions, organisations, culture, and language, and have been subordinated to the institutions and organisations of the Habasha colonial settlers in their own cities, towns, and homeland .
The Ethiopian state elites and urban communities in Oromia remain determined to maintain the existing political and economic order, investing meagre available resources in building unproductive institutions, such as the army, security infrastructure, and colonial bureaucracy. The Abiy monologue, which he calls a national dialogue, is seen by many as an integral part of the Ethiopian colonial project .
Today, millions of Oromos are exposed to fatal diseases, famine, and massive poverty in Oromia cities and urban centres. Since state-terrorism, poverty, famine, and ethnonational challenges are increasing, and since the major world powers have a role in shaping these problems, they have a moral and political responsibility to become capable of mediating these processes and developing procedures and criteria by which these conflicts must be solved fairly and democratically before it is too late .
Finfinnee’s founding is etched in Oromo collective memory as a site of violent conquest. The legacy of Finfinnee is therefore inseparable from trauma, subjugation, and displacement.
*From Asafa Jalata “Oromian Urban Centers: Consequences of Spatial Concentration of Pinational Ethiopia,” Journal of Oromos Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2, January 2011, pp. 39-74.
Ethiopian Youth Football Team Vanishes After Gothia Cup in Sweden
Twenty young players and team leaders went missing on the final day of the tournament, with police believing the disappearance to be voluntary.
GOTHENBURG, SWEDEN — Swedish police have launched an international search for about 20 Ethiopian youth football players and team leaders who went missing after participating in the Gothia Cup, one of the world’s largest youth football tournaments .
The disappearance occurred on the final day of the tournament, when an administrator at the school housing the Ethiopian team discovered that the players and their accompanying adults had left without notifying anyone . The group includes boys aged between 14 and 17, along with one or more adult leaders .
Gothia Cup organizers contacted police as a precautionary measure, and a formal missing persons report was filed. Ten days after the tournament ended, the group remained unaccounted for and had not returned to Ethiopia .
Police have confirmed that the individuals did not return to Ethiopia and believe the disappearance to be voluntary . According to authorities, there is no evidence suggesting criminal activity or people smuggling behind the incident .
“No indication that anything illegal lies behind this, such as people smuggling or something similar,” Ellinor Halldin from the Swedish police’s missing persons unit told local media .
The Gothia Cup, also known as the World Youth Cup, featured teams from 77 nations this year, including four teams from Ethiopia . Fredrik Beckman, press spokesperson for the tournament, expressed surprise at the incident, noting that organizers had a good relationship with the team .
Police are working with the Swedish Migration Agency, border police, and authorities in other countries to locate the missing group . Officers expect to be alerted if any member of the group attempts to cross a border or comes into contact with officials .
“It is possible that they may be trying to stay in Sweden or another country, but that is speculation at this point,” Halldin added .
The Gothia Cup is an annual international youth football tournament held in Gothenburg, Sweden, attracting teams from around the world.
Victoria Makes Public Transport Half Price and Contactless
Statewide fare cuts and new payment options aim to ease cost-of-living pressures and improve accessibility
MELBOURNE, VICTORIA — Victoria has introduced a 50% fare reduction across all public transport services, a move that will halve travel costs for passengers statewide until 1 January 2027.
The discounted fares, announced by the state government, apply automatically to all services—including trains, trams, and buses—across the entire network. The concession applies to all passengers, including full-fare travellers, concession holders, and visitors.
“Half price fares apply automatically to all public transport services statewide and to all passengers, including concession holders,” the transport authority confirmed.
The fare reduction is designed to ease cost-of-living pressures and encourage more Victorians to use public transport. It comes at a time when household budgets are under strain and as the state continues its post-pandemic economic recovery.
Contactless Payment Rollout Expands
In a complementary move, the government has expanded contactless payment options across Victoria’s public transport network. The new system allows passengers to tap on and off using their bank card, smartphone, or wearable device.
Contactless payment is now available across the tram network and at train stations where myki is accepted. The system is designed to make travel easier and more convenient, particularly for visitors and occasional travellers who do not have a myki card.
However, the contactless option is currently available for full fare customers only.
Important Information for Concession Card Holders
Concession card holders have been advised to continue using their concession myki to ensure they are charged the correct fare. Tap-on with a phone or bank card will apply the full fare, and customers may be incorrectly charged.
“If you are a concession card holder and accidentally tap on with a phone or bank card, wait 30 seconds and tap off with the same device so you are not charged,” the transport authority advised.
Any customers who make a mistake and are incorrectly charged should contact the Transport Victoria Contact Centre on 1800 800 007 to discuss reimbursement options.
A Welcome Relief
The fare reduction has been widely welcomed by commuter groups and community organisations, who have described it as a meaningful intervention to support families and individuals.
A statement from the Public Transport Users Association described the move as a “welcome relief” for Victorian families, noting that half-price fares will make a meaningful difference to the weekly budgets of many households, particularly those who rely on public transport to get to work, school, and essential services.
The government has said that it remains committed to making public transport more accessible and affordable for all Victorians.
The half-price fares apply from now until 1 January 2027. For more information, visit the Transport Victoria website.
Every Answer Matters: Australia’s 2026 Census Approaches
As Census night draws near, multicultural communities are being encouraged to participate and ensure their voices are heard and counted.
AUSTRALIA — On Tuesday 11 August, Australia will conduct its national Census, a vital exercise that captures a snapshot of the nation’s people and housing, telling the story of how we are changing. The data collected is used to shape services that people use every day, helping governments, community groups and businesses plan for healthcare, education, transport and infrastructure.
The Census is held every five years and is compulsory for everyone in Australia on Census night, including visitors, international students and visa holders .
Support for Multicultural Communities
The Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) has developed a range of support options to help people from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds participate. While the Census form is only available in English, information is available in multiple languages. Translated resources can be accessed through the ABS website, and help is available through the Translating and Interpreting Service (TIS National) on 131 450.
Census National Spokesperson Emily Walter said it’s important that Australia’s multicultural communities know what support is available to help them take part.
“Information is available in 25 languages to help the community better understand what the Census is, how it works and what you need to do,” according to the ABS.
Ancestry and Language Questions
For the 2026 Census, Australians will be able to nominate up to four ancestries, an increase from two in previous years, providing a more accurate reflection of the country’s multicultural population. This change has been welcomed by community organisations, who say it helps ensure people from diverse backgrounds are accurately represented.
Community leaders have encouraged people to pay close attention to the ancestry and language questions, as this data helps organisations advocate for the needs of their communities.
“If we want our community to be accurately represented, we need to be accurately counted,” community leaders have said.
How to Complete the Census
Most households will receive a letter in the mail containing a unique 16-digit Census number and temporary password to complete the Census online. Some households will receive a paper form instead.
Once you receive your instructions, you can complete the Census immediately if you know where you will be on Census night.
If you need help, you can:
- Call the Census Contact Centre on 1800 181 227 for assistance in English
- Call TIS National on 131 450 for help in your preferred language
- Visit the ABS website to find in-person support locations near you
Protecting Your Information
The ABS has reassured Australians that personal Census information is protected by law and cannot be shared with agencies such as the Australian Taxation Office, police, landlords or private companies.
“Every answer helps us understand what Australia needs now, and in the future,” the ABS states.
The 2026 Census is on Tuesday 11 August. For more information, visit census.abs.gov.au/language-support.
A New Chapter for Victoria’s Multicultural Communities: Louise Perry Welcomes Reform and Community Leadership
As the VMC transitions to Multicultural Victoria, the new interim Chairperson invites community participation in shaping the state’s diverse future.
MELBOURNE, VICTORIA — In her inaugural address as the interim Chairperson of the Victorian Multicultural Commission (VMC), Louise Perry has struck a tone of optimism and collaboration, heralding a “new era” for Victoria’s multicultural and multifaith communities.
Perry’s appointment marks a critical transitional period for the state, as the Victorian Government introduces legislation to establish Multicultural Victoria, a new statutory body designed to strengthen the way government listens to, engages with, and supports its diverse population.
“It is a privilege to write to you for the first time as Chairperson,” Perry stated. “I am honoured to have the opportunity to serve our multicultural and multifaith communities“.
A Leader with Deep Community Roots
A Victorian woman of Burmese heritage, Perry brings a wealth of experience to the role, including a background in journalism, leadership in community organisations, and a distinguished career in international development and human rights. Her recent role as Deputy Secretary for Fairer Victoria at the Department of Families, Fairness and Housing saw her lead landmark strategies on anti-racism, youth, and gender equality.
“This is an exciting time for multicultural Victoria,” Perry wrote, reflecting on the week’s developments, which saw the introduction of the Bill to amend the Multicultural Victoria Act into Parliament. The proposed legislation seeks to dissolve the VMC and replace it with Multicultural Victoria, a move that aims to modernise how the state engages with its migrant and refugee communities.
Building a More Inclusive Future
The new body is designed to bring together the community engagement functions of the VMC with the policy responsibilities of Multicultural Affairs, creating a more integrated and effective approach. It will be led by a newly created Multicultural Coordinator General, supported by two Deputy Coordinators, one of whom will be dedicated to regional Victoria, and a diverse advisory group.
Perry has emphasised her commitment to building an organisation that reflects the aspirations of the communities it serves, prioritising a “recalibrated and coordinated approach” that promotes cohesion, equity, and inclusion.
“I look forward to working with communities, VMC staff and government as we prepare for legislative changes,” Perry said.
A Call for Community Leadership
As part of the transition, applications are now open for a range of leadership opportunities, including membership of the new Multicultural Community Advisory Group. This is a unique opportunity for community leaders to contribute their experience and insights, ensuring community voices remain central to the future direction of Multicultural Victoria.
Perry encouraged anyone with passion and commitment to shaping Victoria’s multicultural future to consider applying. “I encourage anyone with the passion and commitment for shaping Victoria’s multicultural future to consider applying“. Applications close on Sunday, 9 August.
Looking Ahead
As Perry begins her journey, she has committed to getting out into communities across Victoria, meeting people in person, and learning about their work, aspirations, and the issues that matter most to them.
“Together, we can continue building a Victoria where every community feels heard, valued and connected,” she concluded.
The establishment of Multicultural Victoria is subject to the passage of legislation.
Louise Perry Appointed Interim Chairperson of the Victorian Multicultural Commission
A seasoned leader in human rights and community engagement steps in to guide Victoria’s multicultural sector through a historic transition
MELBOURNE, VICTORIA — As the Victorian Multicultural Commission (VMC) prepares for a significant transformation, Ms Louise Perry has been appointed as interim Chairperson to lead the organisation through a critical transitional period. Her appointment, effective Thursday 16 July, comes as Victoria moves toward the establishment of Multicultural Victoria, a new statutory body that will reshape the state’s approach to multicultural and multifaith affairs .
Perry’s term is interim, extending until Multicultural Victoria is formally established. A Victorian woman of Burmese descent, she brings a wealth of experience spanning journalism, community leadership, international development, human rights, and the Victorian Public Service .
A Career of Service and Advocacy
Louise Perry’s professional journey reflects a deep commitment to social justice and community empowerment. She began her working life as a journalist, developing a keen understanding of storytelling and the power of narrative in shaping public understanding. This foundation led her to leadership roles in community organisations, where she championed the voices of marginalised and underrepresented groups.
Her career later took her into the International Development and Human Rights space, where she worked extensively on issues of justice, equity, and inclusion. This global perspective, combined with her local experience, has equipped her with a nuanced understanding of the challenges and opportunities facing multicultural communities.
Before her appointment to the VMC, Perry served as Deputy Secretary for Fairer Victoria within the Department of Families, Fairness and Housing, where she led landmark work on anti-racism, youth, and gender equality strategies . Her leadership in this role demonstrated her ability to drive systemic change and build partnerships across government and the community sector.
A Vision for Unity and Cohesion
Perry’s appointment comes at a pivotal moment for Victoria’s multicultural and multifaith communities. The transition to Multicultural Victoria represents an opportunity to elevate multicultural affairs across the whole of government, ensuring that diverse voices remain at the centre of policy and service delivery.
“The establishment of Multicultural Victoria presents a unique opportunity for multicultural and multifaith affairs in our state,” Perry said. “I look forward to working with communities, VMC staff and government as we prepare for legislative changes” .
Her leadership is expected to support and uplift Victoria’s multicultural and multifaith communities as champions of unity and cohesion, delivering benefits for all Victorians . The changes she will guide aim to ensure that the new structure is fit for purpose and responsive to the needs of communities .
The Transition to Multicultural Victoria
The establishment of Multicultural Victoria is subject to the passage of legislation . The new body will bring together the functions of the VMC and Multicultural Affairs, creating a unified approach to multicultural policy and community engagement . It will be led by a Multicultural Coordinator General, supported by two Deputy Coordinators General and a Multicultural Community Advisory Group .
The transition reflects a recognition that Victoria’s multicultural communities are not just a part of the state’s identity—they are central to its future. As Perry noted, this is a unique opportunity to strengthen the foundations of multicultural and multifaith affairs.
A Legacy of Leadership
Perry succeeds Vivienne Nguyen AM, who concluded her seven-year tenure as Chairperson on 15 July 2026 . Nguyen’s leadership saw the VMC through the COVID-19 pandemic, flood recovery, and the impacts of international events on multicultural and multifaith communities . Her legacy of community-led engagement and partnership-building has laid the groundwork for the next chapter.
Perry expressed appreciation for Nguyen’s contributions, which she described as “invaluable” and commended the groundwork laid for the future .
Looking Ahead
As Louise Perry steps into her interim role, Victoria’s multicultural and multifaith communities can look forward to a leader with a proven track record of advocacy, collaboration, and systemic change. Her appointment signals continuity and stability during a period of significant transformation.
Applications for leadership positions within Multicultural Victoria—including the Coordinator General, two Deputy Coordinators General, and members of the Multicultural Community Advisory Group—are expected to open shortly. Community members are encouraged to stay informed and participate in shaping the future of multicultural affairs in Victoria.
“The establishment of Multicultural Victoria presents a unique opportunity for multicultural and multifaith affairs in our state. I look forward to working with communities, VMC staff and government as we prepare for legislative changes.”
— Louise Perry, Interim Chairperson, Victorian Multicultural Commission
A Grateful Farewell: Vivienne Nguyen AM Concludes Seven-Year Leadership of the Victorian Multicultural Commission
After guiding Victoria’s multicultural communities through pandemic, flood recovery, and social transformation, the VMC Chairperson’s legacy is one of resilience, inclusion, and hope.
MELBOURNE, VICTORIA — Wednesday 15 July 2026 marks the end of an era for Victoria’s multicultural landscape. Vivienne Nguyen AM, Chairperson of the Victorian Multicultural Commission (VMC), has concluded her seven-year tenure, closing a chapter defined by crisis, celebration, and profound community connection .
Since her appointment in 2019, Nguyen has served as a steadfast advocate for Victoria’s culturally, linguistically, and religiously diverse communities. Her leadership spanned some of the state’s most challenging periods, including the COVID-19 pandemic, flood recovery efforts, and the far-reaching impacts of international events on multicultural and multifaith communities . Under her guidance, the VMC ensured that diverse voices remained central to the state’s response and recovery.
A Legacy of Advocacy and Inclusion
“Being in this role has been an honour and a privilege,” Nguyen reflected. “We have shown that we can live and thrive, and we can overcome adversity no matter the shape and size. Diversity is indeed our strength and our asset.”
Nguyen’s journey to this role began long before her appointment. She arrived in Australia as a 12-year-old refugee from Vietnam, a young girl who would grow into one of Victoria’s most passionate advocates for community engagement and cultural diversity . Over more than 25 years, she has been a leader across corporate, community, and government settings, holding executive roles at AMP Asset Management and ANZ Banking Group, where she led their global diversity strategy .
In 2021, she was appointed a Member of the Order of Australia (AM) in recognition of her significant service to multicultural Victoria . Her contributions have also been acknowledged through the Australian Centenary Medal and induction into the Victorian Honour Roll for advocating for women’s leadership and supporting young Vietnamese people .
“Vivienne Nguyen is a true champion of multiculturalism who goes above and beyond,” said Mr Juma Piri Piri, Chairperson of the Refugee Communities Association of Australia, at the time of her AM recognition .
Strengthening the Foundations of Multicultural Victoria
Under Nguyen’s leadership, the VMC convened the Multifaith Advisory Group, contributed to Victoria’s Anti-Racism Taskforce, and delivered flagship initiatives including Cultural Diversity Week . She played a critical role in the Victorian Government’s pandemic response, partnering with community leaders and peak bodies to deliver unique resources for diverse communities .
Minister for Multicultural and Multifaith Victoria Ingrid Stitt expressed gratitude for Nguyen’s contributions. “I want to thank Vivienne for her valuable contributions to the Victorian Multicultural Commission and to Victoria’s multicultural communities since 2019,” Minister Stitt said.
A Transition to a New Chapter
Nguyen’s departure comes as the Victorian Government prepares for the proposed establishment of Multicultural Victoria, a new statutory body that will bring together the functions of the VMC and Multicultural Affairs, subject to the passage of legislation . This body will have a Multicultural Coordinator General and two Deputies, leading community engagement, advocacy, and accountability functions .
Applications for leadership positions within Multicultural Victoria—including the Coordinator General, two Deputy Coordinators General, and members of the Multicultural Community Advisory Group—are expected to open shortly . Community members are encouraged to keep an eye out for these opportunities and share them widely through their networks.
Ms Louise Perry has been appointed as interim Chairperson to support this transitional period, starting Thursday 16 July. Her term will continue until Multicultural Victoria is formally established .
A Victorian woman of Burmese heritage, Perry brings extensive experience in public policy and community engagement. She has served as Deputy Secretary for Fairer Victoria within the Department of Families, Fairness and Housing, where she led landmark anti-racism, youth, and gender equality strategies .
“The establishment of Multicultural Victoria presents a unique opportunity for multicultural and multifaith affairs in our state,” Ms Perry said. “I look forward to working with communities, VMC staff and government as we prepare for legislative changes” .
A Final Farewell
As Nguyen steps down, her legacy continues through the relationships she has built, the communities she has championed, and the foundation she has helped create for the next chapter of multicultural affairs in Victoria.
“Thank you for allowing me the privilege of serving alongside you,” Nguyen said in her farewell message .
While her role as Chairperson has come to an end, her commitment to Victoria’s multicultural communities remains steadfast. The VMC extends its deepest gratitude to Nguyen for her outstanding leadership and unwavering dedication over the past seven years.
“Diversity is indeed our strength and our asset.”
— Vivienne Nguyen AM, Chairperson, Victorian Multicultural Commission
The Gumaa Reconciliation Process
Gumaa is a sophisticated indigenous institution for resolving blood feuds, aiming to restore social harmony and reintegrate an offender back into the community. The process follows several key stages:
1. Collective Responsibility: The killer’s entire lineage is held corporately liable for the act. The group, not just the individual, is responsible for compensation and initiating the purification ritual. The goal is to restore social ties, not just punish an individual.
2. Negotiation & Compensation: Elders from both sides negotiate a “blood price” (gumaa), traditionally paid in cattle. The amount is determined by the nature of the offense (intentional vs. unintentional) and the severity of the injury, but does not vary based on the age or sex of the victim.
3. The Purification Ritual: This highly symbolic ceremony serves to cleanse the offender and the community.
· Preparation: The offender arrives with face covered, wearing the clothes from the day of the murder, symbolizing their unclean state.
· The Sacrifice: A lamb is sacrificed. The parties stand facing each other, signifying readiness to forgive and be forgiven.
· Symbolic Acts: Elders guide the parties to place their hands inside the sacrificed animal’s stomach to shake hands, symbolizing the “washing away” of the sin. The offender’s face is then uncovered, old clothes are removed, and new ones are put on, marking full reintegration.
4. Covenant & Reintegration: The process often concludes with a waadaa (covenant). The ritual concludes with a shared meal, publicly signifying the end of the feud and the offender’s full return to the community.
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The Irreecha Thanksgiving Festival
Irreecha is a vibrant bi-annual festival of thanksgiving, renewal, and unity, deeply rooted in the Oromo worldview.
· Timing and Types: It is celebrated twice a year:
· Irreecha Malkaa: Celebrated in September/October at lakesides or rivers to thank Waaqa for the end of the rainy season and the coming harvest.
· Irreecha Tulluu: Celebrated in Spring (around March) on hilltops to pray for rain and blessings for the upcoming planting season.
· Key Rituals and Symbols:
· Fresh Grass and Flowers: Participants carry freshly cut green grass and flowers to the sacred site, symbolizing fertility, life, and renewal.
· Water: Rituals are performed near bodies of water considered holy and pure. The grass is dipped in the water, and participants may sprinkle themselves with it as a blessing.
· Prayers and Songs: The festival features communal prayers, songs, and dances led by Qaalluu elders or Abba Gadaa leaders. It is a time to thank Waaqa for blessings and ask for peace (nagaa) and prosperity for the year ahead.
· Prohibitions: Participants are forbidden from attending with resentment or hatred in their hearts.
· Social and Cultural Significance: Beyond its religious roots, Irreecha is a powerful symbol of Oromo identity, unity, and cultural pride. It fosters social bonds and reinforces collective identity. While rooted in Waaqeffannaa, it is now celebrated by many Oromo people regardless of their religion.
The Role of Waaqeffannaa in Peacemaking
Waaqeffannaa, the indigenous monotheistic religion of the Oromo people, plays a profound and multifaceted role in peacemaking that is deeply embedded in its theology, rituals, and social institutions. Its approach to peace is not merely the absence of conflict but a state of holistic harmony with Waaqa (God), fellow humans, and the natural environment.
Theological Foundation: Peace as a Divine Mandate
Peace (nagaa) is a core spiritual value in Waaqeffannaa. Waaqa is believed to be peace itself, and human beings are expected to be peacemakers who do not disturb this divine order. This is embedded in daily life, from the common greeting “Nagaa dha?” (Are you at peace?) to prayers like “Nagaan nu oolchi” (Lead us in peace).
Key Peacemaking Principles: Gumaa and Waadaa
Two central traditional mechanisms for conflict resolution are Gumaa and Waadaa:
· Gumaa: A ritual process of reconciliation, particularly for serious offenses like bloodshed, intended to restore broken relationships and bring peace.
· Waadaa: A covenant or oath that establishes a binding agreement between parties to maintain peace.
Rituals, Festivals, and Community Practices
Peacemaking is reinforced through collective rituals:
· Irreecha: The annual thanksgiving festival where thousands gather to thank Waaqa and publicly preach peace and unity. A central chant is “Nagaa, nagaa!” (Peace, peace!), affirming the community’s collective desire for balance.
· Dhibaayyuu: A thanksgiving ritual that plays a pivotal role in inter-community peacebuilding and sustaining social solidarity.
Institutional Mechanisms: The Gadaa System and Qaalluu Leaders
Waaqeffannaa is closely linked to the Gadaa system, a traditional Oromo governance structure that serves as a viable conflict resolution and peace-building mechanism. Within this system, Qaalluu leaders, as custodians of the faith, often act as mediators, using traditional reconciliation methods to resolve disputes.
Contemporary Relevance and Challenges
While its values align with modern peacebuilding, Waaqeffannaa faces challenges in modern Ethiopia, including historical marginalization and limited freedoms for its adherents. Despite this, its principles offer a powerful, locally-grounded framework for building lasting peace from the community level upward.
In essence, Waaqeffannaa provides a comprehensive blueprint for peace, integrating spiritual belief with practical action to foster reconciliation and social harmony.
The Irreechaa Protocol: From Ancient Healing to Modern Stroke Recovery
What if the path to physical recovery after a stroke lies not in isolation but in community, not in medicine alone but in the sacred rituals that have healed generations?
When we think of stroke rehabilitation, we typically imagine hospital beds, physical therapists, and repetitive exercises. The journey is often described as isolating—a solitary struggle against the body’s betrayal. But what if the most effective recovery intervention has been practiced for centuries, not in clinics, but at the water’s edge, surrounded by thousands of voices raised in song?
The Oromo people’s Irreechaa festival—a thanksgiving celebration held at sacred water bodies like Hora Arsadii and Hora Finfinnee—offers a blueprint for stroke recovery that transcends conventional rehabilitation. It is not merely a cultural festival; it is a sophisticated, community-driven healing protocol that addresses the physical, psychological, and spiritual dimensions of recovery.
The Foundation: Why Ritual Matters in Recovery
Stroke, as a form of brain tissue damage caused by a sudden disruption of blood supply, often results in muscle weakness or paralysis on one side of the body, known as hemiparesis or hemiplegia . Beyond the physical challenges, stroke profoundly affects patients’ psychological and spiritual well-being.
Conventional rehabilitation focuses on regaining motor function through physical therapy, strength training, and range-of-motion exercises. Yet research increasingly recognises that recovery is not purely mechanical. The emotional isolation, loss of identity, and spiritual questioning that accompany stroke require interventions that address the whole person.
This is where Irreechaa enters the picture. For the Oromo people, who have endured generations of political marginalisation and cultural suppression, Irreechaa has functioned as what scholars describe as “cultural therapy”—a cyclical, collective practice that restores dignity, cohesion, and hope . Its choreography—pilgrimage to sacred water, symbolic washing, public prayer, group singing and dancing—provides a template that can be adapted for physical rehabilitation.
The Three Therapeutic Pillars of Irreechaa for Stroke Recovery
1. Recognition: Reclaiming Identity and Agency
One of the most devastating effects of stroke is the loss of identity. A person who once moved freely, worked, and cared for family suddenly becomes dependent on others. This loss mirrors the experience of colonised peoples—the internalised devaluation that comes from being told, directly or indirectly, that you are less than what you were .
Irreechaa counters this through public, mass affirmation . When thousands gather in traditional white attire, singing and performing traditional dances, they are not just celebrating; they are visibly, collectively reclaiming dignity . For a stroke survivor, participation—even passive observation—reaffirms that they remain part of the community. Their identity is not erased by their condition.
The festival’s impact on psychological well-being is significant. Scholars document that the joyful atmosphere counters trauma, while participants see their culture celebrated, combating marginalisation and fostering confidence . For stroke survivors, this sense of belonging and self-worth is a powerful motivator for recovery.
2. Regulation: Movement, Music, and Healing the Body
The physical elements of Irreechaa serve a regulatory function that aligns precisely with evidence-based rehabilitation. Structured songs, rhythmic movement, and shared timing “calm bodies and synchronise emotion” . This mirrors approaches like EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing), where bilateral stimulation helps process traumatic material.
Traditional Oromo songs, known as geerarsa, have a particularly powerful healing function. One form of folksong is designed to “divert the thought of the distressed individual by persuading him through the intricate terminologies” . Even individuals with physical and cognitive impairments can be drawn into the healing experience through these songs.
Scientifically, the combination of water and sound creates immersive environments. Chanting reduces stress hormones and triggers dopamine, promoting transcendence . Movement—however limited—stimulates blood flow and helps maintain flexibility. When tens of thousands move and sing together, the result is a form of community-wide emotional and physical regulation that no individual therapist could replicate.
Research on spiritual practices in stroke rehabilitation supports this approach. One study found that dhikr therapy—practiced by flexing and moving the knuckles of the hand—can reduce stiffness in the joints of stroke patients, supporting muscle flexibility and strength . Irreechaa offers this same principle on a massive scale: repetitive, meaningful movement embedded in a spiritual and social context.
3. Reconnection: Healing the Social Wound
Historical trauma isolates; ritual reconnects . Anthropologists describe how public rituals generate “communitas”—an intense sense of togetherness that suspends everyday hierarchies . At Irreechaa, this communitas creates “prosocial bonds that reduce isolation and renew civic agency” .
For a stroke survivor, social isolation is a major barrier to recovery. Depression, anxiety, and loneliness compound physical limitations. The festival’s intergenerational participation—elders demonstrating rituals, children and youth participating actively—creates a continuity of social bonds that bridges generations . The stroke survivor is not left behind; they remain part of the living chain.
Irreechaa’s role in fostering inclusivity and national healing has been widely recognised, described as “a catalyst for inclusivity in Ethiopia” that “promotes a sense of togetherness” . For the individual survivor, the lesson is clear: recovery is not a solitary journey but a communal one.
The Water Blessing: Symbolic and Practical Healing
The most iconic Irreechaa ritual involves participants entering sacred water and symbolically washing away hardship . This act operates on multiple levels:
- Symbolically, it represents cleansing from past trauma and preparation for renewal.
- Psychologically, it provides a physical mechanism for emotional release.
- Communally, it creates a shared experience that binds participants together.
For a stroke survivor, water also offers practical therapeutic benefits. Hydrotherapy is a recognised rehabilitation technique that reduces joint stress, improves circulation, and provides gentle resistance for muscle strengthening. The sacred waters of Irreechaa offer this benefit within a context of profound meaning.
For diaspora Oromo communities, adaptations of these water rituals in park settings or hilltops serve similar functions . When a traditional water body is unavailable, communities transform other spaces into sacred gathering points. This adaptability suggests that the Irreechaa protocol can be adapted to any setting—including rehabilitation centres, community halls, or home environments.
A Blueprint for Stroke Recovery Intervention
What can the Irreechaa protocol teach rehabilitation professionals, caregivers, and stroke survivors?
1. Recovery Requires Community
The individualised model of rehabilitation misses a crucial element: the healing power of belonging. Interventions that create spaces for group participation, shared music, and collective movement may enhance outcomes.
2. Symbolism Matters
Water, music, movement, and traditional attire are not superficial decorations; they are therapeutic vehicles that engage the whole person—body, mind, and spirit.
3. Repetition Builds Strength
The cyclical, annual nature of Irreechaa mirrors the repetitive practice essential to stroke rehabilitation. Regularity, predictability, and ritualised practice build resilience.
4. Cultural Grounding Is Therapeutic
Cultural practices are not barriers to evidence-based approaches; they are themselves evidence-based approaches refined over generations . Adapting indigenous healing traditions to modern rehabilitation can improve engagement and outcomes.
5. Hope Is a Medicine
Irreechaa’s central message—that renewal is possible—is exactly what a stroke survivor needs to hear. Hope, meaning, and purpose are not sentimental extras; they are essential drivers of recovery.
Conclusion: The Quiet Work of Repair
Irreechaa demonstrates that healing is not only possible but has been practised for centuries. Its protocol—recognition, regulation, and reconnection through public ritual—provides a template that could be adapted for stroke recovery across cultures and contexts.
As scholars of historical trauma note, healing requires “shared remembrance, mourning, and culturally grounded practices that rebuild meaning and agency” . For stroke survivors, the same principle applies. Recovery is not just about regaining muscle strength; it is about rebuilding meaning, reconnecting with community, and reclaiming identity.
Irreechaa’s power is double-edged: the very practices that heal—public recognition, shared emotion, embodied solidarity—can also unsettle established systems of control . But for the stroke survivor seeking to recover, this is not a threat. It is an invitation to reclaim what was lost.
The path forward is not to shrink the wisdom of the ancestors but to secure it. Treat it as a healing asset, adapt its principles to modern practice, and let ritual do its quiet work of repair.
“Irreechaa’s power is double-edged: the very practices that heal—public recognition, shared emotion, embodied solidarity—also unsettle projects that rely on minimising Oromo visibility. The path forward is not to shrink Irreechaa but to secure it: treat it as a national asset, protect rights equally, and let ritual do its quiet work of repair” .
Irreechaa as a Model for Community Mental Health Interventions
Irreechaa as Ritual Repair: How an Ancient Thanksgiving Festival Became a Blueprint for Collective Mental Health Intervention
Far more than a seasonal celebration, the Oromo festival’s water blessings, songs, and communal rituals function as a sophisticated, community-driven therapy for generations of historical trauma
In an era where mental health professionals increasingly recognise the limitations of individual therapeutic models for addressing collective trauma, an ancient festival offers an unexpected but profoundly effective blueprint. For the Oromo people, the Irreechaa celebration—held at sacred water bodies like Hora Arsadii (Bishoftu) and Hora Finfinnee—operates as what scholars describe as “cultural therapy”: a cyclical, collective practice that restores dignity, cohesion, and hope after generations of political marginalisation .
For a people whose late-19th-century imperial incorporation, linguistic suppression, and systematic cultural erasure represent textbook “cumulative, collective wounding,” Irreechaa has become far more than a seasonal celebration . It is a sophisticated, community-based mental health intervention that has sustained Oromo resilience for centuries. By examining the Irreechaa protocol—its structure, its symbols, and its therapeutic mechanisms—we may find a model for collective healing that transcends cultural boundaries.
The Foundation of Collective Trauma
The Oromo experience of historical trauma is severe and systematic. Late-19th-century imperial expansion violently incorporated Oromo homelands into the Ethiopian Empire, followed by over a century of political and cultural subordination . Oromo institutions, including aspects of the Gadaa governance system, were constrained or suppressed, and the public status of Afaan Oromoo was systematically diminished.
This represents what scholars term “cumulative, collective wounding”—mass harms that echo across generations through families and institutions . The result is not merely individual psychological distress but a community-wide experience of internalised devaluation, social fragmentation, and disconnection.
Conventional mental health approaches—individual therapy, medication, and cognitive interventions—can address symptoms but often fail to heal the underlying collective wounds. Irreechaa offers an alternative: a community-based intervention designed to restore what was broken collectively.
The Therapeutic Structure of Irreechaa
Irreechaa’s choreography follows a remarkably consistent pattern: pilgrimage to sacred water, symbolic washing, public prayer, group singing and dancing, and the leadership of elders . This structure aligns precisely with what anthropologists identify as the key elements of “ritual repair” .
Recognition: Countering Internalised Devaluation
One of the most insidious effects of historical oppression is internalised inferiority—members of marginalised groups absorb the dominant society’s negative messages about their identity. Irreechaa counters this through public, mass affirmation . When millions gather in traditional white attire, singing and performing traditional dances, they are not just celebrating; they are visibly, collectively reclaiming dignity .
The festival’s impact on psychological well-being is significant. Scholars document that the joyful atmosphere counters trauma from oppression, displacement, or recent conflicts, while youth see their culture celebrated, combating marginalisation and fostering confidence . The sense of pride and self-worth cultivated at Irreechaa is particularly important for younger generations, who carry the Oromo legacy forward .
Regulation: Choreographing Healing through Music and Movement
The physical elements of Irreechaa serve a regulatory function that echoes evidence-based trauma interventions. Structured songs, rhythmic movement, and shared timing “calm bodies and synchronise emotion” . This mirrors approaches like EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing), where bilateral stimulation helps process traumatic material.
Traditional Oromo songs, known as geerarsa, have a particularly powerful healing function. One form of folksong is designed to “divert the thought of the distressed individual by persuading him through the intricate terminologies” and has “strong power of meeting the requirements or to draw attention of the listener” . Even individuals with mental illness can be drawn into the healing experience through these songs .
Scientifically, the combination of water and sound creates immersive ritual environments. Chanting reduces stress hormones and triggers dopamine, promoting transcendence . When tens of thousands move, sing, and splash in sacred waters together, the result is a form of community-wide emotional regulation that no individual therapist could replicate.
Reconnection: Rebuilding Social Bonds
Historical trauma isolates; ritual reconnects. Anthropologists have long described how public rituals generate what they call “communitas”—an intense sense of togetherness that suspends everyday hierarchies . At Irreechaa, this communitas creates “prosocial bonds that reduce isolation and renew civic agency” .
The festival’s intergenerational participation reinforces this reconnection. Elders demonstrate rituals like eebba (blessings) and traditional dances, while children and youth participate actively, creating a continuity of social bonds that bridges generations . This is not simply a pleasant experience; it is a vital antidote to the social fragmentation that oppression produces.
Irreechaa’s role in fostering inclusivity and national healing has been widely recognised, with the festival described as “a catalyst for inclusivity in Ethiopia” that “promotes a sense of togetherness and fosters a spirit of inclusivity, reminding us that despite our differences, we are all part of the same human family” .
The Water Blessing: Symbolic Washing Away
The most iconic Irreechaa ritual involves participants entering sacred water and symbolically washing away hardship, or performing libation rituals using water and fresh grass (Birraa) . This act operates on multiple levels:
- Symbolically, it represents cleansing from past trauma and preparation for renewal .
- Psychologically, it provides a physical mechanism for emotional release.
- Communally, it creates a shared experience that binds participants together.
For diaspora Oromo communities, adaptations of these water rituals in park settings or hilltops serve similar functions, connecting a community separated by geography to the healing practices of their ancestors . The Melbourne community, for example, transformed Dandenong Hill into a sacred gathering point when a traditional water body was unavailable . Planting trees alongside these symbolic rituals extends the theme of renewal to ecological consciousness .
The Shadow: When Healing Attracts Threat
The very power that makes Irreechaa therapeutic also makes it threatening to forces seeking to maintain dominance . The 2016 Bishoftu tragedy—where security forces’ crowd control triggered a stampede that killed scores—etched a deep collective trauma into Oromo memory . This event reinforced fears that peaceful cultural gatherings can be violently disrupted.
Subsequent Irreechaa celebrations have often featured heavy policing, preemptive arrests, and restrictions that rights groups criticise as disproportionate . The “securitisation” of Irreechaa reflects a fundamental reality: visible, unified collective identity threatens projects that rely on minimising that group’s visibility and power .
The festival’s security challenges are well-documented. As one analysis notes, “this pattern sustains a feedback loop: securitisation communicates distrust of Oromo mass assembly; participants experience retraumatisation; organisers double down on the festival’s identity-affirming message, which authorities then read as political mobilisation” .
A Blueprint for Collective Intervention
What can the Irreechaa protocol teach mental health practitioners, community organisers, and policymakers?
1. Collective Healing Requires Collective Ritual
Individual therapy cannot fully address historical trauma because the wound is communal. Interventions must create spaces where communities can heal together .
2. Symbolism Matters
Water, music, movement, and traditional attire are not superficial decorations; they are therapeutic vehicles that engage the whole person .
3. Intergenerational Participation Is Essential
Children and elders healing together creates continuity that individual approaches cannot achieve .
4. Regularity Builds Resilience
Irreechaa’s cyclical nature—held annually, marking seasonal change—provides ongoing, predictable support that communities can rely on .
5. Cultural Grounding Is Strength
Cultural practices adapted to trauma healing are not barriers to evidence-based approaches; they are themselves evidence-based approaches refined over generations .
Conclusion: Ritual as Quiet Repair
Irreechaa demonstrates that collective healing is not only possible but has been practised for centuries. Its protocol—recognition, regulation, and reconnection through public ritual—provides a template that could be adapted across cultures and contexts .
As scholars of historical trauma note, healing requires “shared remembrance, mourning, and culturally grounded practices that rebuild meaning and agency” . The Irreechaa protocol provides exactly that: a culturally grounded practice that rebuilds meaning and agency for millions.
The path forward, as one analysis concludes, is “not to shrink Irreechaa but to secure it: treat it as a national asset, protect rights equally, and let ritual do its quiet work of repair” . For mental health professionals, the lesson is clear: the best interventions may not be found in clinical manuals but in the living traditions of communities that have survived and thrived despite centuries of attempted erasure.
Irreechaa’s power is double-edged: the very practices that heal—public recognition, shared emotion, embodied solidarity—also unsettle projects that rely on minimising Oromo visibility. The path forward is not to shrink Irreechaa but to secure it.
The Irreechaa Protocol: How an Ancient Festival Provides a Blueprint for Collective Mental Health Intervention
What if healing from trauma is not meant to be a solitary journey but a communal ritual—one that has been practised for centuries?
In an era where mental health professionals increasingly recognise the limitations of individual therapeutic models for addressing collective trauma, a centuries-old festival offers an unexpected but profoundly effective blueprint. The Oromo people’s Irreechaa—an annual thanksgiving celebration held at sacred water bodies like Hora Arsadii (Bishoftu) and Hora Finfinnee—functions as what scholars describe as “cultural therapy”: a cyclical, collective practice that restores dignity, cohesion, and hope after generations of political marginalisation .
For a people who have endured conquest, linguistic suppression, and systematic cultural erasure, Irreechaa is far more than a seasonal celebration. It is a sophisticated, community-based mental health intervention that has sustained Oromo resilience for centuries. By examining the Irreechaa protocol—its structure, its symbols, and its therapeutic mechanisms—we may find a model for collective healing that transcends cultural boundaries.
The Foundation of Collective Trauma
The Oromo experience of historical trauma is textbook in its severity. Late-19th-century imperial expansion violently incorporated Oromo homelands into the Ethiopian Empire, followed by over a century of political and cultural subordination . Oromo institutions, including aspects of the Gadaa governance system, were constrained or suppressed, and the public status of Afaan Oromoo was systematically diminished .
This represents what scholars term “cumulative, collective wounding”—mass harms that echo across generations through families and institutions . The result is not merely individual psychological distress but a community-wide experience of internalised devaluation, social fragmentation, and disconnection.
Conventional mental health approaches—individual therapy, medication, and cognitive interventions—can address symptoms but often fail to heal the underlying collective wounds. The Irreechaa protocol offers an alternative: a community-based intervention designed to restore what was broken collectively.
The Therapeutic Structure of Irreechaa
Irreechaa’s choreography follows a remarkably consistent pattern: pilgrimage to sacred water, symbolic washing, public prayer, group singing and dancing, and the leadership of elders . This structure is not accidental; it aligns precisely with what anthropologists identify as the key elements of “ritual repair.”
Recognition: Countering Internalised Devaluation
One of the most insidious effects of historical oppression is internalised inferiority—members of marginalised groups absorb the dominant society’s negative messages about their identity. Irreechaa counters this through public, mass affirmation . When millions gather in traditional white attire, singing Dhaanto, and performing the Shaggooyee dance, they are not just celebrating; they are visibly, collectively reclaiming dignity .
For Oromo youth—particularly those in the diaspora—this public celebration of their culture combats marginalisation and fosters confidence . It tells them that their identity is not something to hide but something to celebrate with pride.
Regulation: Choreographing Healing
The physical elements of Irreechaa serve a regulatory function that echoes evidence-based trauma interventions. Structured songs, rhythmic movement, and shared timing “calm bodies and synchronise emotion” . This mirrors approaches like EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing), where bilateral stimulation helps process traumatic material.
Psychologically, this is “psycho-bio-social regulation” . The body and mind work together to process emotional material, with collective synchrony amplifying the therapeutic effect. When tens of thousands move and sing together, the result is a form of community-wide emotional regulation that no individual therapist could replicate.
Reconnection: Rebuilding Social Bonds
Historical trauma isolates; ritual reconnects. Anthropologists have long described how public rituals generate what they call “communitas”—an intense sense of togetherness that suspends everyday hierarchies . At Irreechaa, this communitas creates “prosocial bonds that reduce isolation and renew civic agency” .
The festival’s multi-generational participation reinforces this reconnection . Elders demonstrate rituals like the Eebba (blessings) and traditional dances , while children and youth participate actively, creating a continuity of social bonds that bridges generations. This is not simply a pleasant experience; it is a vital antidote to the social fragmentation that oppression produces.
The Water Blessing: Symbolic Washing Away
The most iconic Irreechaa ritual involves participants entering sacred water and symbolically washing away hardship . This act operates on multiple levels simultaneously:
Symbolically, it represents cleansing from past trauma and preparation for renewal. Psychologically, it provides a physical mechanism for emotional release. Communally, it creates a shared experience that binds participants together.
For diaspora Oromo, adaptations of this water ritual in park settings serve similar functions, connecting a community separated by geography to the healing practices of their ancestors . Planting trees alongside these symbolic water rituals extends the theme of renewal to ecological consciousness .
The Shadow: When Healing Attracts Threat
The very power that makes Irreechaa therapeutic also makes it threatening to forces seeking to maintain dominance. The 2016 Bishoftu tragedy—where security forces’ crowd control triggered a stampede that killed scores—etched a deep collective trauma into Oromo memory . This event reinforced fears that peaceful cultural gatherings can be violently disrupted.
Subsequent Irreechaa celebrations have often featured heavy policing, preemptive arrests, and restrictions that rights groups criticise as disproportionate . The “securitisation” of Irreechaa reflects a fundamental reality: visible, unified collective identity threatens projects that rely on minimising that group’s visibility and power .
Yet the festival continues to grow. In 2025, tens of thousands gathered in Addis Ababa and Bishoftu, with Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed addressing the crowd . The celebration has become a complex space where cultural resurgence, political symbolism, and community grievance intersect .
A Blueprint for Collective Intervention
What can the Irreechaa protocol teach mental health practitioners, community organisers, and policymakers?
1. Collective Healing Requires Collective Ritual
Individual therapy cannot fully address historical trauma because the wound is communal. Interventions must create spaces where communities can heal together.
2. Symbolism Matters
Water, music, movement, and traditional attire are not superficial decorations; they are therapeutic vehicles that engage the whole person.
3. Intergenerational Participation Is Essential
Children and elders healing together creates continuity that individual approaches cannot achieve.
4. Regularity Builds Resilience
Irreechaa’s cyclical nature—held annually, marking seasonal change—provides ongoing, predictable support.
5. Cultural Grounding Is Strength
Cultural practices adapted to trauma healing are not barriers to evidence-based approaches; they are themselves evidence-based approaches refined over generations.
Conclusion
Irreechaa demonstrates that collective healing is not only possible but has been practised for centuries. Its protocol—recognition, regulation, and reconnection through public ritual—provides a template that could be adapted across cultures and contexts.
As scholars of historical trauma note, healing requires “shared remembrance, mourning, and culturally grounded practices that rebuild meaning and agency” . The Irreechaa protocol provides exactly that: a culturally grounded practice that rebuilds meaning and agency for millions.
For mental health professionals, the lesson is clear: the best interventions may not be found in clinical manuals but in the living traditions of communities that have survived and thrived despite centuries of attempted erasure. The Irreechaa protocol is not just a festival; it is a toolkit for collective mental health, refined over generations and proven effective by the very survival of the Oromo people.
“Irreechaa’s power is double-edged: the very practices that heal—public recognition, shared emotion, embodied solidarity—also unsettle projects that rely on minimising Oromo visibility. The path forward is not to shrink Irreechaa but to secure it: treat it as a national asset, protect rights equally, and let ritual do its quiet work of repair” .
The 8th Conference of Judicial Officers of the South-West Shewa Zone
Strengthening the Judiciary through Service, Integrity and Professional Excellence
Waliso, Oromia — The 8th Conference of Judicial Officers of the South-West Shewa Zone was officially held in the town of Waliso, under the theme: “We Will Work with a High Spirit of Service to Provide the Public with Pure, Efficient and Acceptable Judicial Services!”
The conference, which brought together judges and legal professionals from across the zone, served as an important platform to evaluate court performance, discuss challenges, and chart a path toward improved service delivery. It concluded with a recognition ceremony honouring judicial officers who had recorded outstanding achievements .
Focus on Quality and Efficiency
During the conference, a key presentation was delivered under the title “Causes for the Cancellation and Improvement of Cases: The Reality of the Courts of the South-West Shewa Zone and the Direction of Solutions” . This session sparked in-depth discussions among the participants, highlighting the commitment of the judiciary to learning from past shortcomings and enhancing the quality of its rulings .
The theme of the conference reflects a broader reform effort to ensure that the judiciary is not only independent but also responsive to the needs of the public. As noted in previous judicial gatherings in Oromia, the primary goal is to improve access to justice and strengthen public trust in the legal system .
Participants and Attendance
The event was attended by a wide range of judicial and administrative officials, including:
- Judges of the Zonal Courts ;
- Representatives from the Oromia Supreme Court ;
- Judicial officers from neighbouring zones and city courts;
- Heads of sector offices from the zone and the town of Walisoo;
- Court administrators and other legal professionals .
The broad representation underscores the coordinated efforts across different levels of the judiciary to align practices and share experiences. Previous zonal conferences, such as those in Jimma and other parts of Oromia, have similarly focused on utilising technology and improving the quality of judicial services .
Recognition of Excellence
One of the highlights of the conference was the presentation of certificates of recognition to judges and court officials who had demonstrated exemplary performance. This practice is common in Oromia’s judicial sector reforms and aims to motivate legal professionals to uphold the highest standards of integrity and service.
The recognition was part of a broader effort to strengthen the rule of law and ensure that the judiciary remains a pillar of justice in the region. Recent reports, however, have also highlighted the difficulties facing the judiciary, including incidents of judges being unlawfully arrested and intimidated, underscoring the importance of such gatherings to reaffirm judicial independence.
Conclusion
The successful conclusion of the 8th Conference of the Judicial Officers of the South-West Sheba Zone reflects a renewed commitment to a judiciary that is accessible, transparent and accountable. In the face of security and administrative challenges, the spirit of service and integrity shown by judicial officers is a beacon of hope for a just and fair legal system .
The Two Humiliations of TPLF: A Reflection on Power, Pride, and the Oromo Awakening
In the shifting sands of Ethiopian politics, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front has suffered wounds that time has not healed—and the Oromo people remain the central characters in this unfolding drama
In the annals of Ethiopian political history, few organizations have risen as high or fallen as dramatically as the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). For nearly three decades, it dominated the political landscape of the Ethiopian Empire, ruling with an iron fist while projecting an image of revolutionary legitimacy. Yet today, the TPLF finds itself nursing wounds that history will not allow it to forget—wounds inflicted not by foreign enemies but by the very people it sought to subjugate.
The reflection of Abba Ebba offers a searing analysis of what he calls the “two humiliations” of the TPLF—humiliations that, in his view, are inextricably linked to the Oromo people and their awakening. These are not merely military defeats but moral and political reckonings that the TPLF has been unable to accept or process.
The First Humiliation: The Fall of Mekelle
“For 27 years, like the saying ‘the hare’s skin cannot cover the elephant,’ the TPLF tried to stretch its hide over an empire too vast for its frame. In the final hour, it was the sons and daughters of Oromo—the Qeerroo and Qarree—who stood before tanks with empty hands and brought down the regime. They made the TPLF retreat to Mekelle, dragging its ill-gotten wealth behind it. This is the first humiliation that remains unhealed to this day.”
The 2018 Oromo protests were not merely a political uprising—they were a seismic shift in the Ethiopian political landscape. The Oromo youth, known as the Qeerroo and Qarree, rose in a wave of popular resistance that the TPLF could not contain. The protests were decentralized, leaderless, and yet remarkably unified in their demands for justice, equality, and an end to the TPLF’s domination .
The TPLF, which had ruled Ethiopia for 27 years, was forced to abandon power and retreat to its northern stronghold of Mekelle. This was not a defeat by a rival military force but a collapse in the face of unarmed civilian resistance. The humiliation was profound and, according to Abba Ebba, has never been truly accepted by the TPLF leadership.
“The TPLF was defeated by the popular wave that ignited from one end of Oromia to the other—a wave that was part of the Oromo liberation struggle. This is an undeniable truth. The Oromo is an elephant; when it tramples, it crushes. The TPLF was forced to swallow this reality, whether it liked it or not.”
The Second Humiliation: The Retreat to Mekelle
The second humiliation followed the first. After initially retreating to Mekelle, the TPLF sought to reassert its influence on the national stage. It formed alliances with various forces—including some within the Amhara political spectrum—and attempted to challenge the Prosperity Party government.
However, this effort ended in another defeat. The TPLF was forced to retreat once again to Mekelle, leaving behind its ambitions and its allies, having consumed itself in the fires it had ignited. This second retreat, Abba Ebba argues, is the other humiliation that remains raw and unprocessed .
“When the TPLF was about to return to Addis Ababa, it found itself burned by the fire it had started. It was forced to retreat to Mekelle—another humiliation that has not faded.”
The Unlearned Lesson
Despite these humiliations, the TPLF has not learned its lesson. Instead, it continues to prepare for a new war, this time under the cover of the Prosperity Party government’s own challenges. After four years of uninterrupted military preparation, the TPLF is once again positioning itself for conflict .
Abba Ebba warns that this preparation is driven by a desire for revenge—a desire to settle scores with the Oromo people who, in the TPLF’s view, are responsible for its humiliations. “Under the cover of the Prosperity Party government, the TPLF is seeking to take revenge on our people for its past humiliations.”
The Unnecessary Price
Abba Ebba poses a pointed question: why must the Oromo people pay the price for the TPLF’s ambitions? Why must Oromia become a battlefield for conflicts that are not of its making?
“The TPLF did not need to travel 600 kilometres into the heart of the country, into the breadbasket of Ethiopia—Oromia. It could have declared Eritrea-style independence when the Derg fell, and it could do so today. All it needs is to settle its accounts and secure the consent of its people.”
The TPLF’s refusal to accept defeat has left the Oromo people caught between multiple threats. On one hand, there is the TPLF’s continued military preparations and its desire for revenge. On the other, there are forces like Fano and other armed groups that have also targeted Oromo communities.
The Oromo Elite’s Responsibility
Abba Ebba also points a finger at the Oromo elite, accusing them of failing to fulfill their responsibilities. The Oromo people, who have paid the heaviest price in the struggle against the Ethiopian Empire, now face a dual threat: the TPLF’s revanchism and the Oromo elite’s failure to protect the gains of the struggle.
“The Oromo elite has failed to protect the historic victory achieved by the Oromo popular struggle. It has also failed to protect the constitutional right to self-determination—the right to democracy, justice, and self-rule—from being undermined.”
This failure, Abba Ebba argues, has allowed the Oromo people to be marginalized and treated with suspicion by their neighbours. The Oromo elite’s failure to step up has left the people vulnerable to manipulation and exclusion.
A Call to Vigilance
Abba Ebba concludes with a call to the Oromo people:
“Our people must prepare themselves for the danger of the approaching war and actively monitor the situation. The war that is being prepared—whether by TPLF or by the Fano forces—poses a threat to the next generation of Oromo. Decisive action must be taken to find a lasting solution.”
He insists that Oromia must not become a doormat for the ambitions of others. “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
A Historical Warning
The reflection of Abba Ebba is not merely a commentary on contemporary politics—it is a historical warning. It reminds the Oromo people that the TPLF, despite its humiliations, has not abandoned its ambitions. The two humiliations remain unhealed, and the TPLF continues to seek revenge.
But the reflection also carries a message of hope and resolve. The Oromo people, having risen once, can rise again. The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
Conclusion
The two humiliations of the TPLF are more than military or political defeats—they are symbolic wounds that the organization has not been able to accept. The TPLF’s refusal to learn from its past has left the Oromo people facing a renewed threat. But the Oromo people, having already demonstrated their power, are not powerless.
As Abba Ebba declares: “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
Advocacy for Oromia 