Category Archives: Promotion
Unity Among Borana, Guji, and Gabra: A Call for Strength
By Staff Reporter
In the vast, sun-scorched lowlands of southern Oromia and northern Kenya, where pastoralists have roamed with their cattle for centuries, three names are spoken with reverence: Borana, Gabra, and Guji. They are not merely neighboring communities. They are, in the words of a powerful new message circulating among Oromo communities, “ilmaan haadha tokkoo”—children of one mother.
Now, as political tensions and fragmented narratives threaten to sow discord across the Horn of Africa, elders, youth, and community leaders from these three groups have raised a collective voice. Their message is simple, ancient, and urgent: We are one.
“Warri ajandaa dhunfaa barbaachaaf, fixxi-fixxi jechaa uummata wal irraa qoqqooduu yaaltaan dhaabbadhaa ofi ilalaa,” the statement reads. “Those who seek personal agendas, speaking in fragments and trying to divide the people, should look at themselves.”
The declaration leaves no room for ambiguity. Borana, Guji, and Gabra are not separate nations. They are siblings—”qorii tokko keessaa nyaatu,” those who eat from the same bowl. They share ancestry, language, culture, and a profound bond of kinship that predates modern maps and political borders.
A History of Harmony, Not Hatred
The message acknowledges that misunderstandings may arise from time to time, often rooted in the complex history of past kingdoms and shifting governance. But it insists that there is no innate enmity between these communities.
“Wantii yeroo adda addaatti mul’ataa ture seenaa fi adeemsa mootummootii darban irraa kan madde malee, ummatoota kana gidduutti hammeenyii dhalootaan jiru tokkoo hin jiru,” the statement explains.
Translation: Except for what occasionally appears from the history and processes of past governments, there is no generational hatred between these peoples.
In other words, the divisions some seek to exploit are not born of tradition or blood. They are artifacts of political maneuvering—and they can be undone by conscious, collective will.
Rejecting False Narratives
The statement takes particular aim at what it calls “kashalabbee miidiyaa sobaatiin”—the lies spread through dishonest media. It warns against those who, disguised in the name of the people, spread suspicion and hatred, whether from inside or outside the community.
“Namoonnii muraasnii faayidaa dhuunfaa isaaniif jechaa gosa walitti buusuuf wixxiratan ni jiru,” the message concedes. Yes, there are a few who conspire to pit clan against clan for personal gain.
But the children of Borana, Guji, and Gabra know the truth. “Harka wal qabannee tokkoomnee dura dhaabbanna; waan waliin dhabne irratti mari’anna, waan wal dhowwanne nuu hin qabnu.”
They will stand together, united hand in hand. They will discuss what they have lost together. They have nothing they need to deny each other.
Unity is Strength
The message closes with a call that echoes across the generations: “Tokkummaan keenya humna keenya.” Our unity is our strength.
Respect, listening, and mutual support are not foreign concepts—they are tradition. “Wal kabajuu, wal dhaga’uu fi wal tumsuun aadaa teenna.”
Borana, Guji, and Gabra, the statement affirms, have lived together, grown together, and stood for each other—yesterday, today, and tomorrow. They are Oromo. They are children of one mother.
Tokko taanee haa jiraannu; Tokkummaan humna!
Let us live as one. Unity is strength.
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The Calculus of Participation: Why Ethiopia’s ABO Party Joined the 7th Round Election – and Its Three Options Ahead
FINFINNE – At first glance, the decision seemed paradoxical. After boycotting multiple national elections over the past decade, the opposition ABO (a pseudonym for a major Oromo opposition party in this feature) suddenly threw its weight into Ethiopia’s 7th round national polls. Skeptics called it a climbdown. Loyalists called it strategy.
The party itself offered a blunt two-part explanation – one legal, one political – that has since become the subject of intense debate across opposition circles and government offices alike.
“We participated for two reasons,” a senior ABO strategist told this reporter on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to foreign media. “First, the Electoral Board’s own rules say that missing two consecutive national elections would de‑legalize us as a political entity. Second, we saw a gap: we need to mobilize the people, teach our policies and programs. Sitting out does not fill that gap.”
But the same strategist was quick to douse any expectation of an electoral upset. “Do not misunderstand us,” he added. “We do not think we will form the next government.”
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The Two Reasons: Legal Survival and Public Education
The legal argument is straightforward. Ethiopia’s electoral law, as interpreted by the National Election Board of Ethiopia (NEBE), stipulates that political parties that fail to field candidates in two consecutive national elections may lose their legal registration. ABO had already sat out the 6th round. Another boycott would have meant administrative dissolution.
“You cannot change the system if you don’t exist,” says Dr. Mulugeta Abera, a political scientist at Addis Ababa University who follows opposition dynamics closely. “For ABO, participation was an existential choice – not a win‑now calculation.”
The second reason is more ambitious. By entering the 7th round – even without a full slate of candidates – ABO leaders believe they can use the campaign period as a mobile classroom. Public rallies, door‑to‑door canvassing, and media appearances become platforms to explain ABO’s alternative vision on land rights, federalism, and economic reform.
“They are playing a long game,” Mulugeta explains. “The ballot box is not the only measure of success. The real prize is political education. If thousands of voters hear ABO’s message now, that seed may grow by the 8th round.”
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Why Not a Serious Bid for Power?
If the goal is eventual governance, why not contest every seat? ABO’s own analysis, shared in internal strategy documents and confirmed by multiple sources, points to two stark realities.
First, the absence of a level playing field. “There is no free, fair, and just election in Ethiopia today,” the strategist said flatly. “Without a democratic transfer of power – where the ruling party accepts defeat – no opposition can truly win. And the ruling party, from what we see, is not prepared for that.”
Second, a mathematical problem. ABO did not field candidates for all 537 Caffee (regional council) seats or all 547 parliamentary seats. “To defeat an incumbent, you need a full slate. You need thousands of candidates, not hundreds,” the strategist acknowledged. “Under a truly democratic election, we could do that. Under the current constraints, we cannot.”
Thus, the 7th round is framed internally as a testing and learning election – a chance to gauge organizational capacity, test messaging, and build a database of sympathetic voters, all without the crushing expectation of immediate victory.
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Three Roads, One Destination?
Where does ABO go from here? Party insiders have outlined three possible paths forward. None is easy. Each carries distinct risks and opportunities.
Option One: The Incrementalist Path
“Take what is available – just like Abiy and Izzema did,” the strategist said, referring to how Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party and other Oromo political figures consolidated power by first entering parliament and regional councils. Under this scenario, ABO would accept any seats or appointments it wins (however few), enter the Caffee and federal parliament, negotiate for ministerial or regional positions, and use state resources – including the gabaa (market) of political access – to build internal strength.
The goal? Prepare in full for the 8th round election. “This is the pragmatic path,” says political analyst Obse Lemma. “You play the inside game, grow your infrastructure, and strike when the conditions mature. The danger is co‑optation. Many opposition parties have disappeared that way.”
Option Two: The Boycott‑Plus Path
This scenario would see ABO first ensure that the Electoral Board completes its full legal composition. Then, the party would publicly challenge the fairness of the 7th round process – releasing detailed reports of irregularities, mobilizing civil society, and declaring the election not credible.
The emphasis would shift to building pressure for a genuinely free and fair 8th round, while simultaneously preparing the party and the public for that future contest. “This preserves the party’s moral high ground,” Obse notes. “But it also cedes the 7th round entirely. And if the public is exhausted by endless boycotts, the party risks irrelevance.”
Option Three: The National Dialogue Path
The most ambitious option would treat the flawed 7th round as a case study – a vivid example of what not to do. ABO would then channel its energy into demanding a genuine national dialogue (Mariin Biyyoolessaa) and a national consensus (Araarri Biyyoolessaa) that establishes agreed rules for a truly competitive election.
“This is the ‘seek a solution and follow due process’ path,” explains Mulugeta. “It requires the ruling party’s cooperation, which is not guaranteed. But if successful, it could reset the entire electoral playing field – not just for ABO, but for all opposition.”
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What the 7th Round Really Means
For now, ABO has entered the 7th round – but without abandoning any of the three options. Party leaders describe the election as a bridge, not a destination. Whether they cross toward incremental power, principled opposition, or national reform will depend on how the coming months unfold: How many votes do they actually get? How does the ruling party treat their elected officials? Does the Electoral Board reform itself?
Late one evening in Finfinne, the ABO strategist summed up the dilemma with a farmer’s metaphor: “You cannot harvest what you have not planted. But you also cannot plant if the land is poisoned. This election, we are planting test seeds – and testing the soil. Next time, God willing, we will plant the whole field.”
Outside his office, the city hummed with campaign trucks and blaring loudspeakers. The 7th round had begun. And for ABO, the long walk toward an uncertain future had finally taken its first, deliberate step.
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— A feature story based on party strategy documents, insider interviews, and political analyst commentary. The name ABO is used as a composite representation of a major Oromo opposition party called Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) for narrative clarity.
The Power of One Voice: Ambassador Dagifee Bulaa on Ethiopia’s Electoral Responsibility
By Bariisaa Newspaper
May 23, 2018
In the quiet corridors of the Federal Institute of Law and Justice, Ambassador Dagifee Bulaa speaks with the measured precision of a man who has spent decades navigating the complex intersections of justice, diplomacy, and national transformation. As the current Director of Ethiopia’s Federal Institute of Law and Justice, his voice carries the weight of experience—from serving as ambassador to Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of Congo to leading the Ethiopian Football Federation and media oversight.
But today, on the eve of Ethiopia’s seventh national election, his message is both urgent and timeless: “In an election, the people must understand that every single vote is decisive, and they must participate.”
Building Justice from the Ground Up
The Federal Institute of Law and Justice, under Ambassador Dagifee’s leadership, operates on four fundamental pillars: conducting research on justice sector issues, providing training to legal professionals, collecting evidence from various jurisdictions, and spearheading comprehensive reform efforts.
“We don’t just conduct research and leave it on a shelf,” Ambassador Dagifee explains from his office in the Ayat area of Addis Ababa. “Our research has directly contributed to reforming legal procedures, including the long-overdue revision of the Criminal Procedure Law that served for over sixty years.”
What sets the Institute apart is its three-tiered training approach—a comprehensive system designed to transform theoretical legal education into practical, applied justice. Newly appointed judges and legal professionals undergo nine months of intensive training before ever hearing a case. Sitting judges receive five-to-ten-day refresher courses. And practicing lawyers must complete five days of paid continuing education annually to maintain their licenses.
Perhaps most striking is the Institute’s embrace of technology. “We have now implemented E-learning platforms,” Ambassador Dagifee notes. “Judges and legal professionals can complete their assignments from wherever they are, receiving their certifications without disrupting their court schedules.”
A Dictionary for Justice
One of the Institute’s most ambitious projects has been the creation of the first-ever comprehensive Oromo language law dictionary—the “Walabu Law Dictionary”—alongside an updated Amharic version completed two years ago.
This was no academic exercise. Ambassador Dagifee recounts the urgent need: “For too long, legal terminology has been interpreted inconsistently across different regions. A term that works in Shawa might cause confusion in Wallagga, Boorana, Gujii, Arsi, or Hararge. When a judge’s decision affects someone’s property and very life, precise understanding of legal terms is not optional—it is essential.”
The dictionary took two and a half years to complete, bringing together legal scholars, linguists, and practitioners from across Oromia. “This is unprecedented in Ethiopia,” he says with pride. “Not just in quality, but in scope. And it is available in both print and soft copy, ensuring accessibility for judges, lawyers, police, and anyone working in the justice system who works in Oromo.”
The Justice Sector’s Electoral Duty
As Ethiopia prepares for its seventh national election, Ambassador Dagifee emphasizes the critical role of justice sector institutions in ensuring the process is democratic, fair, peaceful, and free.
The Institute recently convened a symposium for judges and legal professionals specifically focused on their electoral responsibilities. “The role of four key institutions—NEBE, police, prosecutors, and courts—is paramount,” he explains.
The electoral board creates the enabling environment. Police ensure security around polling stations. Prosecutors investigate and refer any electoral disputes to the courts. And the courts adjudicate based on electoral law.
“The election has proceeded peacefully so far,” Ambassador Dagifee observes. “Both parties and individuals have been given the opportunity to compete wherever they wish. Even those who have stepped back, perhaps doubting their chances of victory, must remain engaged.”
On Federalism and National Unity
Some political parties have argued that Ethiopia’s federal system divides rather than builds. Ambassador Dagifee disagrees—but with an important qualification.
“Twenty-eight countries worldwide, including the United States, Canada, Germany, and Nigeria, operate under federal systems. There is nothing unique about Ethiopia’s federalism that makes it inappropriate for our context.”
He continues: “Properly implemented, federalism allows regions to govern themselves while uniting under a national framework. The problem has never been federalism itself, but how it has been implemented. We have not adequately focused on what binds us as one nation.”
A Final Appeal
As our interview concludes, Ambassador Dagifee returns to the eve of the election with a final message to every Ethiopian holding a voter card.
“The election belongs to all the people of this country. Every citizen who holds a voter card must cast their vote. Our hope is that tomorrow’s election will be peaceful, democratic, fair, and free for every Ethiopian.”
His words echo through the Institute’s modern facility—a 10,000 square meter campus built with 3.5 million Euros of European Union support, complete with training halls, dormitories, cafeteria, library, E-learning studio, and a 40 million Ethiopian birr borehole.
But the most important resource, Ambassador Dagifee would argue, is not in the buildings or the technology or even the new law dictionary. It is in the hands of millions of Ethiopian voters, each holding a single vote, each deciding to make their voice heard.
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This feature story was developed from an interview conducted by Bariisaa Newspaper’s Natsaannat Taaddasa on May 23, 2018
Bonds Beyond Borders: AMES CEO Reflects on Reconciliation, Resilience, and the Welcome to Country
By Dabessa Gemelal
As Australia marks National Reconciliation Week alongside the Islamic festival of Eid al-Adha, the CEO of AMES Australia, Melinda Collinson GAICD, has offered a powerful reflection on a question that has stirred debate across the nation: When, where, and how often should we hold Welcome to Country ceremonies?
“We’ve heard a lot of commentary recently about the appropriateness of welcome to country ceremonies or recognitions,” Collinson said. “The competing narratives talk about when, how often and where these recognitions should take place.”
For Collinson, however, the answer lies not in a calendar or a rulebook, but in the lived experience of the very people her organisation serves. AMES Australia, a leading provider of settlement services for refugees and migrants, works daily with two communities who understand displacement better than most: Indigenous Australians and newly arrived newcomers.
“Recognising bonds to country is particularly important to us at AMES Australia because we work to support both Indigenous and refugee and migrant communities,” she explained. “Many of our colleagues and the people and communities we work with have been forced to leave the lands of their ancestors and so we understand the important connections that exist between land, culture and identity. This ancestry is shared through language, stories, song and dance.”
It is this dual perspective—walking alongside both First Nations peoples and those who have fled conflict or hardship—that gives Collinson’s voice a unique authority during Reconciliation Week. She points to an often-overlooked truth: immigrant and Indigenous people frequently share profound bonds, born from parallel experiences of displacement, cultural marginalisation, and shared barriers to education and employment.
“We’ve learned from hands-on experience working with both communities that immigrant and Indigenous people often share profound bonds around things like parallel experiences of displacement and cultural marginalisation; as well as barriers to their aspirations around education and employment.”
These are not abstract observations. Across regional Australia, Collinson notes, migrant and Indigenous groups have increasingly become natural allies, advocating together for human rights, land sovereignty, and social inclusion. The most impactful collaborations, she says, have emerged not in the major capitals but in the regions—where culture, education, sport, and art have forged unexpected and powerful alliances.
Evidence from the Regions
A recent study led by the University of Wollongong, and supported by AMES Australia, provides compelling data to support this view. The research found that newly arrived refugees and migrant families settling in regional Australia are largely building successful lives, and their host communities are benefitting from their presence.
The numbers are striking: approximately 97 percent of families surveyed said their experience of settling in a regional town had been positive, and 76 percent said they intended to remain long-term.
But beyond satisfaction rates, the study uncovered something deeper. It found strong connections between regionally settled refugees and migrants and First Nations people. Survey respondents identified similarities in cultural orientations toward land, soil, and the significance of place. Many migrants and refugees shared their own place-based traditions—practices rooted in the lands of their birth—and saw clear parallels with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures.
“The settlement of migrants and refugees enriches regional cultural life through diverse practices, food and festivals, and this is amplified when there is cultural interaction between migrant and Indigenous communities,” Collinson said.
A Harmony Day in Mildura
To understand what this looks like in practice, Collinson points to Mildura, a regional city on the Murray River. Earlier this year, at a Harmony Day event, she witnessed something remarkable. Migrant, Indigenous, and established communities gathered together to celebrate the city’s vibrant diversity. A local elder conducted the Welcome to Country ceremony, and Collinson describes it as “heartfelt and truly welcoming.”
“It was so great to see a local government that is whole-heartedly invested in its multicultural and Indigenous communities,” she said. “What this tells us is that engagement and understanding of First Nations issues and barriers among Australia’s migrant communities is critical to achieving the goals of reconciliation and everything we have seen so far suggests that our multicultural communities are strong supporters and advocates for First Nations aspirations.”
A Shared Future
Collinson is unequivocal about the responsibility that comes with Australia’s multicultural identity. She believes it is vital that migrant communities understand the history, culture, and contributions of Indigenous Australians, as well as their ongoing struggles. This, she says, is part of AMES Australia’s core mission.
Across the country, evidence of growing solidarity is already visible. Young Asian, Arab, Pasifika, and African Australians have become an increasingly common presence at Indigenous events. Peak migrant organisations have emerged as staunch supporters of reconciliation and of the aspirations of First Nations peoples.
“It’s clear that the lived experience of migrants and refugees is informing their decisions to support and embrace reconciliation and Indigenous aspirations,” Collinson said. “It’s also clear that Indigenous Australians are among the most supportive and welcoming of newly arrived migrants and refugees.”
For Collinson, the final word belongs to a simple but profound truth about belonging.
“A sense of belonging to this country is vitally important and is cherished by our migrant and refugee communities; and it is an integral part of our Indigenous communities’ sense of identity.”
She pauses, then adds:
“We can never have too much recognition of this.”
As Reconciliation Week continues and as families gather for Eid al-Adha, the sentiment lingers: that the ceremonies, the welcomes, and the quiet acknowledgments of ancient and new ties to this land are not empty rituals. They are the very fabric of a nation learning, slowly and imperfectly, to recognise itself in all its faces.
ABO Thanks Election Partners as It Pushes Forward in 7th National Election
By Daandii Ragabaa
FINFINNEE – In a statement released on May 28, 2026 (Caamsaa 28, 2026), the Oromo Liberation Front (ABO) has publicly expressed its deep gratitude to all stakeholders who have contributed to the success of its election campaign. The announcement marks a significant moment in the ABO’s ongoing journey from armed struggle to peaceful political competition.
The ABO’s path to this election has been anything but straightforward. It is a story of return, resilience, and the difficult transition from battlefield to ballot box.
The Return: From Peace Deal to Political Party
Following the wave of political change that swept Ethiopia in 2018, the ABO entered into formal negotiations with the Ethiopian government on August 07, 2018 (Hagayya 07, 2018). These talks culminated in a peace agreement, and on September 15, 2018 (Fulbaana 15, 2018), the ABO leadership made a historic return from exile to Finfinnee.
For a movement that had spent decades in the armed struggle, the return was momentous. Thousands of Oromo welcomed their leaders home. The expectation was that the ABO would now transition seamlessly into a peaceful political force, competing openly for the hearts and minds of the Oromo people.
But the road was not smooth.
Obstacles and Perseverance
According to the ABO’s statement, the political space that was supposed to open after the peace deal was quickly constricted. Obstacles and blockages emerged from various directions.
“For over five years,” the statement reads, “the party’s activities were suppressed. Yet, steadfast members continued to work under extremely difficult conditions, advancing the party’s agenda step by step.”
The ABO does not hide its frustration. It acknowledges that “unnecessary obstacles and blockages created realities that no one can deny.” But rather than retreat, the party waited. It organized quietly. It kept its structures alive.
Then, on June 22, 2025 (Waxabajjii 22, 2025), a breakthrough occurred. The ABO’s central office in Gullallee was officially reopened following a long-overdue reorganization. With this new breath of life, the party resumed its peaceful political activities in earnest.
Entering the 7th National Election
With its structures reactivated, the ABO made a decisive choice: to participate in Ethiopia’s 7th national election. This would be the party’s first major electoral test since its return.
The ABO notes that its branches, though closed for years, had not been dormant. Once the decision to participate was made, the party threw itself into intensive preparation. It presented its candidates, organized public debates to explain its Manifesto and Ideologies, and launched a full-scale election campaign across polling stations in Finfinnee, Shagarri City, and various zones and woredas of Oromiya.
The statement emphasizes that the party has been working hard to meet all electoral requirements and continues to do so.
A Thank You to Election Partners
The core of the ABO’s May 28 announcement is a heartfelt thank you to all those who have supported the party’s election efforts.
Specifically, the ABO expresses gratitude to:
- The Election Board for facilitating the process.
- The Administrative Structure (Caasaa Bulchiinsaa) for its role in enabling the campaign.
- The Oromia Police – to whom the ABO extends special thanks – for maintaining security and order during the campaign period.
- The ABO Security Body (Qaama Nageenyaa ABO) for its work in protecting party activities.
The ABO also notes that it is actively working to secure the release of individuals who have been “unnecessarily detained,” signaling ongoing concerns about political freedoms.
Acknowledging the Hard Times
Beyond institutional partners, the ABO takes a moment to thank its own members—both within the party structure and outside of it—who have remained loyal during times of difficulty and hardship.
“Those who stood with the ABO during difficult times and times of crisis,” the statement says, “we thank you.”
The party also extends its gratitude to the Oromo people themselves, whose enduring support has been the bedrock of the movement’s survival.
And in a rare gesture of acknowledgment, the ABO thanks the various media outlets that covered its election campaign, specifically naming OBN, AMN, OMN, HNN, and others whose names are not mentioned—but whose contributions are not forgotten.
A Clear Message: No Other Agenda
The ABO takes care to clarify its position in the current political landscape.
“The ABO has no agenda other than peaceful political competition on the political field, with its own ideas and platform,” the statement declares.
It is a pointed message directed at both the government and rival political forces. The ABO wants to be seen as what it claims to be: a political party, not a shadow military structure. It seeks victory through votes, not bullets.
A Call for Unity Against Division
The statement concludes with a warning and a call to action.
“The enemies of the Oromo people,” the ABO asserts, “are working harder than ever to break us as a people, as Oromo. They are determined to divide us.”
To counter this, the ABO calls on all its members and supporters to set aside political differences and ideological disagreements. The immediate task, the party argues, is to strengthen Oromo unity.
“Let us put aside our political and ideological differences,” the statement urges, “and fortify our solidarity.”
Victory for the Broad Public
The ABO ends its announcement with its enduring slogan:
Injifannoo Ummata Bal’aaf! – Victory for the Broad Public!
As the 7th national election approaches, the ABO is on the ground, campaigning, presenting candidates, and asking the Oromo people to vote for its representatives. Whether the party will translate its historical legitimacy into electoral success remains to be seen. But one thing is clear: the ABO is no longer a distant memory of struggle. It is a present reality of politics.
And it intends to be counted.
Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) – April 28, 2026 – Finfinnee
“The ABO has no agenda other than peaceful political competition.”
A New Chapter for Borana Heritage: Cultural Centre Inaugurated in Yabelo Town
By Daandii Ragabaa
YABELO, BORANA ZONE – In the expansive, sun-baked plains of southern Oromia, where the ancient Gadaa system still governs the rhythm of life and the cattle herds stretch to the horizon, a new monument to culture has risen from the earth. The Borana Cultural Center, a long-awaited dream for the Borana people, was officially inaugurated today in Yabelo town.
The centre is not merely a building. It is a fortress of memory, a school of philosophy, and a bridge connecting the deep wisdom of the Borana past to the uncertain future of their children. For a community that has preserved its traditions through centuries of change—often under immense pressure—this inauguration is a victory.
A Foundation Laid by the First Lady
The story of the Borana Cultural Center began years ago. In 2013 according to the Ethiopian calendar (2020/2021 Gregorian), the foundation stone was laid by none other than First Lady Zinash Tayachew. At the time, the gesture signaled a rare moment of high-level state recognition for Oromo cultural heritage—particularly the Gadaa system of the Borana, which is widely regarded as one of the most intact and functional indigenous governance systems in the world.
Today, that promise has been fulfilled. The centre, now complete and open for public service, stands as a testament to what is possible when resources are mobilized for cultural preservation.
Built by the People, Through “Medemer”
What makes the Borana Cultural Center particularly remarkable is its financing. The entire project was built using proceeds from the sale of the book Medemer (Synergy), written by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. The book, which advocates for unity and cooperation across Ethiopia’s diverse communities, has generated significant revenue—part of which was channeled into this cultural project.
The centre sits on an expansive 57.6 hectares of land in Yabelo town, making it one of the largest dedicated cultural sites in the region.
Designed to Showcase the Gadaa System
The Borana people are renowned worldwide for their adherence to the Gadaa system—a sophisticated, egalitarian, time-based governance structure that rotates power every eight years among age-graded classes. UNESCO has recognized Gadaa as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.
The new cultural center has been specially designed to showcase this system. Every architectural detail, from the layout of the grounds to the interior spaces, reflects Borana philosophy and social organization.
The center features two major components:
- A conference hall capable of accommodating up to 2,000 people at one time. This hall is intended for Gadaa assemblies, community meetings, and major cultural events.
- A heritage museum that will house artifacts, oral histories, regalia, tools, and documents tracing the long journey of the Borana people.
A Key Role for Generations to Come
Beyond its physical infrastructure, the Borana Cultural Center is expected to play a transformative role in the cultural life of the community. According to officials involved in the project, the center will focus on:
- Preserving Borana culture (aadaa): Traditional music, dance, attire, and rituals will be documented and taught.
- Teaching Borana history (seenaa): The center will serve as a repository for the collective memory of the Borana people, including their migrations, their heroes, and their struggles.
- Transmitting Borana philosophy (falaasama): The ethical and spiritual worldview of the Borana—rooted in concepts of nagaa (peace), safuu (moral order), and walaloo (solidarity)—will be studied and passed to younger generations.
“The youth of Borana have grown up in a rapidly changing world,” one elder present at the inauguration told Daandii Ragabaa. “Many of them have never seen a full Gadaa ceremony. They have not learned the names of their clans. This centre will be their classroom. It will remind them who they are.”
A Long-Awaited Dream Realized
For decades, the Borana people—like other Oromo communities—faced cultural marginalization. Their language was pushed out of schools, their Gadaa system was dismissed as primitive, and their elders were often ridiculed for maintaining “backward” traditions.
But the tides have turned. The establishment of this cultural center, on prime land in Yabelo, signals a new era of official embrace—or at least tolerance—for Oromo cultural expression.
As the ribbon was cut and the doors swung open for the first time, a crowd of elders, women, youth, and government officials erupted in applause. For many, it was an emotional moment.
“We have waited a lifetime for this,” said a Borana grandmother wrapped in a traditional huuboo (shawl). “My grandchildren will not forget where they came from. This centre will make sure of that.”
Challenges Ahead
Despite the celebration, challenges remain. A cultural center, no matter how beautiful, is only as valuable as the commitment to fill it with life. Staff must be trained. Artifacts must be collected and preserved. Programming must be consistent and accessible.
Moreover, the Borana people themselves are facing contemporary pressures: climate change is altering traditional grazing patterns, youth migration is emptying villages, and the allure of urban life is pulling young people away from ancestral knowledge.
The center alone cannot solve these problems. But it can serve as a gathering point, a place to strategize, and a reminder that culture is not static—it must be actively lived.
A New Dawn for Borana
As the sun sets over Yabelo, casting long shadows across the 57.6-hectare site, the Borana Cultural Center stands illuminated—not just by electric lights, but by the hopes of a people.
It is a place where the Abbaa Gadaa will speak. Where the Qallu will bless. Where the youth will learn to chant the praise poems of their ancestors.
And where the world, if it wishes, can come to understand one of Africa’s most enduring indigenous civilizations.
Gadaa ni jiraata. Aadaan lubbuu ni qabaata.
—The Gadaa lives. The culture endures.
Giddugala Aadaa Oromoo Booranaa: A Living Monument to Oromo Borana Heritage in the Heart of Yabello
By Daandii Ragabaa
FINFINNEE – In the bustling Negelle Borena, Yabelo, where skyscrapers jostle with ancient churches and modern traffic chokes colonial-era roads, there exists a quieter, more deliberate space. It is a compound where the whispers of qerroo (youth) mix with the wisdom of jaarsaa (elders), where the Oromo language is not a whisper of resistance but a roar of celebration.
This is the Giddugala Aadaa Oromoo Booranaa – the Oromo Boreana Cultural Centre.
For decades, the Oromo people—the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia—saw their language suppressed, their history marginalized, and their identity pushed to the periphery. But in the 21st century, a new chapter opened. One of the hard-won victories of the Oromo struggle was the establishment of this very center in Finfinnee. Today, it stands not merely as a building, but as a testament to survival, a library of resistance, and a bridge between generations.
More Than a Museum: A Fortress of Identity
The Giddugala Aadaa Oromoo Booranaa is a multi-functional complex. It is a museum, a library, a training centre, and a conference hall all rolled into one. Visitors entering the compound are often struck first by the tranquility: lush trees line the walkways, offering shade that invites reflection.
But the true treasures lie inside.
The center houses a museum containing hundreds of carefully preserved artifacts (hambaalee) representing the diverse clans of Oromia. From the pastoral regalia of the Borana to the agricultural tools of the Macca and Tuulama, the exhibits span the geographical and cultural breadth of the nation. According to the center’s official documentation, artifacts totaling 987 items were selected and arranged in seven display cases, crafted specifically to meet international preservation standards .
“We did not just throw things into boxes,” a curator at the center explained. “Every gadamoo (ritual stick), every xawwee (spear), every piece of traditional pottery has a story. Our job is to ensure that the story is told correctly—in Afaan Oromoo.”
The Library: 10,000 Volumes of Oromummaa
Perhaps the most critical weapon in the fight against cultural erasure is the center’s library. Housing over 10,000 books across various genres and languages, the library serves as the intellectual heart of the Giddugala .
Here, students and scholars can find:
- Academic research on Oromo history, Gadaa governance, and folklore.
- Linguistic texts, including works on the standardization of the Qubee alphabet.
- Diaspora publications that were once smuggled into the country as contraband literature.
The library also boasts a growing digital archive, providing internet access to real-time information and connecting Oromo youth to global scholarship about their own heritage.
Celebrating Dialects: The Diversity of One People
A significant focus of the Giddugala is linguistic diversity. The Oromo language is not a monolith. It breathes differently in the highlands of Arsi than it does in the lowlands of Guji or the plains of Borana.
The center actively recognizes and studies the major dialects (looga) of Oromo, including Borana, Guji, Macca, Tuulama, Arsi, Hararge, Karrayyu, and Wallo (Raayyaa) . Far from viewing these differences as divisive, the centre celebrates them as a richness. In a world where languages are dying at an alarming rate, the Giddugala stands as a bulwark, ensuring that the specific idioms of the Borana cattle herder are preserved alongside the urban slang of Finfinnee.
The Borana Exhibit: A Window to the South
The search for “Giddugala Aadaa Oromoo Booranaa” often leads visitors to the specific wing dedicated to the Boorana (or Borana) clan. The Borana Oromo, known as Boraan Guttuu, inhabit the southern reaches of Oromia, the borderlands of Kenya, and parts of Somalia .
Within the Giddugala, the Borana exhibit highlights the Gadaa system, specifically the Gumi Gaayo—the “meeting of the multitude” held every eight years at the ritual site of Gaayu. This assembly is not just a festival; it is a legislative body that adapts or repeals the Seera (law) and Aadaa (custom) .
Visitors can view artifacts related to the Qallu (ritual leaders) and the Luba Basa (customary law experts). The center explains how Borana society resolves conflicts, from local disputes settled by the Kora Gossa (clan assembly) to the ultimate sanction of the Nagaa Boran (“the peace of the Boran”)—a form of social quarantine reserved for those who break the sacred trust of the community.
The Visitor Experience: Beauty and Growing Pains
Since its inauguration, the Giddugala has drawn thousands of visitors, from international tourists to local school children. Reviews consistently praise the “originality and cultural authenticity” of the exhibits . For many Oromo youth raised in cities far from their ancestral villages, the center is a profound homecoming.
“The compound is incredibly awesome,” wrote one visitor. “I really had an amazing time. I’ve learned a lot” .
However, the center is not without its challenges. Some visitors have noted issues with architectural accessibility, noting that the steep steps pose difficulties for the elderly and disabled . Others have pointed out the lack of visible tour guides, which can leave non-Oromo speaking visitors struggling to understand the context of the art .
There have also been isolated reports of aggressive security protocols at the entrance, which visitors suggest detracts from the welcoming atmosphere the culture represents.
A Bridge to the Future
Despite these growing pains, the Giddugala Aadaa Oromoo remains a success story. It operates as an official institution under the Oromia Regional Government, tasked specifically with promoting Afaan Oromoo as a language of science and technology, as well as a language of daily work .
As the sun sets over Finfinnee, the centre continues its mission. It is a place where the Godambaa Oromoo (the Oromo Gallery) displays the soul of a nation. It is a place where the past is not locked behind glass, but is instead invited to walk beside the present.
For the Oromo people, the Giddugala is no longer a dream. It is a reality. And it is their greatest treasure.
If you are in Finfinnee, the Giddugala Aadaa Oromoo is located in the city center and is open daily from 8:30 AM to 5:30 PM . It is a must-visit for anyone seeking to understand the authentic heartbeat of Oromo culture.
The Asmara Enigma: What Does Eritrea’s Power Signify, and What Does It Seek?
By Daandii Ragabaa
In the turbulent landscape of the Horn of Africa, few actors are as consistently consequential—and as persistently misunderstood—as Eritrea. A small nation of approximately 6.3 million people, with a modest economy and a military that punches significantly above its weight, Eritrea has nonetheless woven its influence through nearly every major geopolitical conflict in the region . From Ethiopia’s internal convulsions to Sudan’s protracted war and Somalia’s fragile transitions, Asmara’s role—direct or indirect—has repeatedly surfaced at moments of regional stress .
This presents a strategic puzzle. How does a state with limited economic weight and modest demographic size exercise such persistent regional impact? Why does Eritrea appear consistently aligned with fault lines rather than with stability and integration platforms? And most critically: What does Eritrea’s power signify, and what does it seek?
The answers are not found in simplistic narratives of irrationality or isolation. Instead, a sharper diagnosis is required—one that recognizes Eritrea’s external conduct as reflecting a deliberate survival doctrine in which regional fragmentation serves as strategic depth .
The Asmara Doctrine: Survival Through Fragmentation
To understand what Eritrea seeks, one must first understand how it perceives the world. For Asmara, the most significant threat is not territorial invasion. It is structural encirclement by consolidated neighboring states capable of projecting economic, political, or ideological influence inward .
A confident Ethiopia pursuing reformist leadership, a unified Sudan embedded in external alliances, or a stabilized Somalia anchored in international security frameworks—each of these presents distinct risks to Eritrea’s tightly controlled domestic order. The consolidation of strong, institutionally coherent neighboring states introduces long-term challenges to a regime whose survival depends on managed siege mentality .
In this calculus, fragmentation offers insulation. Divided or internally preoccupied neighbors lack the capacity to coordinate sustained pressure or export alternative governance models. Fluidity in the regional environment enhances the relative value of Eritrea’s centralized command structure and military discipline. This does not imply a desire for chaos. Rather, it reflects a preference for a strategic landscape in which no single neighboring state accumulates overwhelming coherence or leverage .
Regional integration—particularly when tied to institutional harmonization, economic transparency, or political conditionality—can expose internal vulnerabilities. Fragmentation, by contrast, preserves autonomy. This is the Asmara Doctrine: regime survival through managed regional fragmentation .
The Securitized State: From Liberation to Permanent Mobilization
Eritrea’s foreign policy cannot be separated from its internal formation. The state emerged from a decades-long liberation struggle defined by discipline, hierarchy, and strategic patience. The transition from insurgency to sovereignty did not dissolve these traits; it institutionalized them .
National service became more than a defense policy. It evolved into a mechanism of political consolidation and social control. Political pluralism was indefinitely deferred in favor of unity under threat. The experience of existential conflict—first during liberation, then in the 1998–2000 border war with Ethiopia—embedded siege mentality into statecraft .
The prolonged “no-war-no-peace” period that followed reinforced this orientation. Border militarization and diplomatic isolation hardened threat perceptions. Sanctions deepened the conviction that vulnerability invited coercion. Over time, securitization became permanent rather than exceptional. Under such conditions, foreign policy ceased to be an arena for economic growth or cooperative expansion. It became an extension of regime preservation .
Today, Eritrea maintains an estimated 350,000 active personnel and 680,000 reservists out of a population of just over 6 million—one of the highest military-to-population ratios in the world . This massive mobilization is not merely defensive. It is the structural backbone of a state that organizes society around permanent readiness.
What Eritrea Seeks: A Framework of Strategic Objectives
Based on its actions, alliances, and historical trajectory, Eritrea’s strategic objectives can be understood across several interconnected dimensions.
1. Sovereignty as Absolute Priority
Since achieving independence, Eritrea has adopted an uncompromising approach to national sovereignty. The state exhibits heightened sensitivity toward any regional or international frameworks that could be interpreted as encroachments upon its internal affairs . This perception is rooted in past experiences in which regional organizations supported international measures—including sanctions—targeting Eritrea .
Sovereignty, for Eritrea, is not negotiable. It constitutes the cornerstone of foreign policy. Any arrangement that appears to cede decision-making authority to external bodies is viewed with deep suspicion. This explains Eritrea’s strained relationship with IGAD and its eventual withdrawal from the organization in December 2025—only two years after rejoining .
2. Prevention of Regional Encirclement
Eritrea’s primary strategic anxiety is the emergence of a coherent bloc of neighboring states aligned with external powers that could coordinate pressure against Asmara. A re-centralized and economically dynamic Ethiopia with regional leadership ambitions introduces long-term strategic risk. A consolidated Sudan aligned firmly with external actors could recalibrate strategic balances .
Thus, Eritrea’s posture toward its neighbors oscillates between tactical alignment and guarded distance. It is neither unconditional partnership nor entrenched hostility. It is calibration. The objective is not domination but prevention of configurations that compress Eritrea’s maneuver space .
3. Red Sea Relevance and Strategic Leverage
Eritrea controls a long Red Sea coastline, sits opposite Saudi Arabia, and occupies a decisive position in the corridor linking the Horn, the Gulf, and the wider maritime-security ecosystem . Its geography gives Asmara leverage that few regional actors can ignore.
Recent developments underscore Eritrea’s strategic pivot toward Red Sea governance. In May 2026, Egypt and Eritrea signed a groundbreaking maritime transport cooperation agreement, reaffirming their shared stance that Red Sea security is the exclusive responsibility of its littoral states . The agreement, signed during a high-level Egyptian delegation visit to Asmara, includes establishing a shipping line connecting Egyptian and Eritrean ports .
Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty emphasized that “the governance and security of the Red Sea are the exclusive responsibility of its littoral states,” firmly rejecting any attempts by outside parties to impose security arrangements . This alignment with Egypt—a major regional power with its own tensions with Ethiopia over Nile waters—positions Eritrea as a key player in Red Sea geopolitics.
4. Preservation of Domestic Order Through External Fluidity
Eritrea’s operating model links domestic militarization with external maneuvering. Indefinite national service sustains a highly securitized state structure; political closure reduces internal accountability; and regional disruption then becomes a mechanism for projecting strength outward while insulating the regime at home .
In this sense, Eritrea’s foreign policy cannot be separated from its domestic architecture. The same state that organizes society around permanent mobilization also benefits from a neighborhood kept under strategic pressure. Fragmentation serves as strategic depth—preserving maneuver space and preventing the emergence of pressures that could challenge the internal order .
Strategic Partnerships: Egypt, the Gulf, and Beyond
Eritrea has cultivated strategic partnerships that enhance its regional leverage while avoiding deep institutional entanglement. The emerging alliance with Egypt is particularly significant.
The Egypt-Eritrea alignment is rooted in shared concerns about Red Sea governance, opposition to non-littoral state involvement in maritime security, and, implicitly, a shared strategic perspective on Ethiopia . Egypt has expressed full support for Eritrea’s “sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity”—a position President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi personally reaffirmed when President Isaias Afwerki visited Cairo in October 2025 .
President Afwerki, for his part, has praised Egypt’s active regional role and reaffirmed Eritrea’s commitment to strengthening coordination with Cairo across political, economic, and security domains . The relationship is described not as a new beginning but as the latest chapter in a long and substantive partnership.
This alignment gives Eritrea a powerful patron at a time when its relations with other neighbors remain fraught. It also positions Asmara as a gatekeeper in Red Sea geopolitics—a role that external powers, including the United States, appear increasingly willing to accommodate .
The “Licensed Spoiler” Debate
Eritrea’s strategic posture has attracted significant international attention, particularly regarding potential shifts in U.S. policy. According to a Reuters report published in May 2026, the United States is preparing to remove sanctions on Eritrea, with analysts linking the move to Asmara’s strategic location along Red Sea shipping routes and Washington’s interest in easing regional tensions .
This prospect has generated concern among regional observers. As the Institute of Foreign Affairs has argued, a policy designed to stabilize a volatile frontier may end up rewarding a state whose regional posture has repeatedly complicated the very stability Washington seeks to preserve . The concern is not whether Eritrea matters—it clearly does. The concern is whether Washington is converting Eritrea’s strategic geography into diplomatic impunity.
The term “licensed spoiler” has emerged to describe this dynamic: an actor with a record of disruption is not rehabilitated because its conduct has clearly changed, but because external powers decide that its geography has become too valuable to ignore. The spoiler is not transformed. It is repackaged as a necessary partner. Its leverage rises precisely because the surrounding security environment deteriorates .
What Eritrea Does Not Seek
To understand Eritrea, it is equally important to recognize what it does not seek. Eritrea is not pursuing economic integration in any meaningful sense. Its development model, anchored on self-reliance and national ownership, prioritizes domestic resilience over regional interdependence . The state has shown little interest in the kind of cross-border infrastructure, trade liberalization, or institutional harmonization that defines conventional regional integration.
Eritrea is not seeking democratic transformation—either for itself or for its neighbors. Political pluralism has been indefinitely deferred. The export of governance models is not on the agenda. What Eritrea seeks from its neighbors is not ideological conformity but strategic fragmentation that preserves Asmara’s relative insulation.
Eritrea is not seeking institutional engagement. Its withdrawal from IGAD, its marginal participation in African Union mechanisms, and its general skepticism toward multilateral frameworks all point to a preference for bilateral, ad hoc arrangements over binding institutional commitments .
Implications for the Horn of Africa
If regime survival through fragmentation remains Eritrea’s guiding principle, the implications for the Horn are profound.
First, security transitions will remain fragile. Efforts to consolidate post-conflict settlements in Ethiopia, Sudan, or Somalia may encounter recalibrations that preserve Eritrea’s maneuver space. A neighbor that benefits from fluidity is unlikely to be a reliable partner for stabilization .
Second, multilateral institutions face silent constraints. Organizations seeking consensus-driven integration depend on baseline convergence among member states. A key actor operating from insulation logic complicates harmonization. IGAD’s difficulties in mediating Ethiopia-Eritrea tensions reflect this structural challenge .
Third, infrastructure-led integration—corridors, ports, energy grids—requires political confidence. Fragmentation erodes the trust necessary for durable interdependence. Ethiopia’s pursuit of maritime access, for example, unfolds in a context where its most direct neighbor views Ethiopian economic dynamism as a strategic risk .
Fourth, external powers navigating Red Sea competition must account for Eritrea’s asymmetric influence. Engagement strategies that ignore Asmara risk misreading regional dynamics. However, engagement without conditionality risks rewarding disruptive behavior .
Conclusion: A System Under Negotiation
The Horn of Africa is undergoing contested reordering. Sovereignty, integration, and external competition intersect across shifting arenas. Within this landscape, Eritrea occupies a paradoxical role: materially limited yet strategically consequential.
What does Eritrea’s power signify? It signifies the enduring relevance of geography, the persistence of siege mentalities, and the uncomfortable truth that fragmentation can serve as strategic depth for states that equate openness with vulnerability.
What does Eritrea seek? At minimum, it seeks regime survival through managed regional fragmentation—a strategic landscape in which no neighboring state accumulates overwhelming coherence or leverage. At maximum, it seeks to convert its Red Sea coastline into permanent strategic relevance, securing external partnerships that enhance its leverage without binding it to institutional constraints .
Whether the Horn can move toward negotiated interdependence without triggering survival reflexes in one of its most militarized states remains uncertain. The Asmara Doctrine endures because it aligns internal regime logic with external maneuver. The region’s broader transition will depend on whether that alignment can be recalibrated—or whether fragmentation continues to serve as strategic depth in a system still struggling to consolidate coherence .
For Ethiopia, for the Horn, and for external powers navigating this complex arena, the challenge is not simply to condemn disruption but to redesign incentives. Stability must cease to appear threatening to those who equate openness with exposure. And engagement must be conditional, anchored in regional architecture, and designed to pull Eritrea into a rules-based framework rather than simply accepting its role as a hard-edged gatekeeper on the Red Sea .
The Asmara enigma endures. Its resolution will shape the Horn for decades to come.
The One Who Stayed: Jaal Dawud Ibsa and the Courage of Constancy
By Daandii Ragabaa
Author’s Note on Attribution: The following feature story is based on a reflection written by Giiftii Waaqoo. Daandii Ragabaa has engaged with that reflection as a commentator, and the present feature draws substantially from the themes, observations, and framing originally articulated by Giiftii Waaqoo. This story is offered as a synthesis and expansion of that shared conversation, with full acknowledgment of the original source.
In an age of fleeting loyalties and fair-weather friends, there is a quality so rare that when we encounter it, we almost do not recognize it. We have become accustomed to leaders who rise on waves of enthusiasm and vanish at the first sign of storm. We have learned to expect that today’s champion may be tomorrow’s deserter.
But then there are those who refuse to follow that script. They do not leave when the road gets rough. They do not silence themselves when the applause fades. They simply stay. They keep moving. They keep believing. And no matter what—no matter the betrayal, no matter the setback, no matter the exhaustion—they show up.
Giiftii Waaqoo, in a reflection that has moved many, names such a man. And Daandii Ragabaa, as commentator, amplifies that recognition. The subject of this reflection is Jaal Dawud Ibsa, chairman of the Oromo Liberation Front.
But this feature story is not merely about one leader. It is about the quality of leadership that his life exemplifies—a quality that the Oromo people, in their long struggle, have desperately needed and too rarely received.
The Simple Thing That Sets Him Apart
Giiftii Waaqoo begins with a striking claim: “What sets him apart is simple.”
Not complex. Not mysterious. Not hidden in secret strategies or charismatic performances. Simple.
He stayed the course. He kept moving. He kept believing. He always showed up—no matter what.
In a political culture where leaders often emerge from nowhere, burn brightly for a season, and then disappear into comfortable exile or cynical silence, Jaal Dawud Ibsa has done something almost unremarkable in its description yet extraordinary in its execution: he has remained.
He has seen it all. The victories that lifted spirits and the setbacks that crushed them. The betrayals—those wounds inflicted not by enemies but by those who once stood beside him. The storms that threatened to uproot everything. And the stillness—those long, quiet periods when the world seemed not to be listening, when the struggle seemed to have stalled, when every day required a fresh decision to continue.
Through every moment—the high and the low, the loud and the silent—he kept going.
Not because it was easy. Giiftii Waaqoo is careful to name this. The easy path would have been to stop, to retreat, to claim exhaustion and rest on past laurels. He kept going because he stayed true to his commitment. Not to popularity. Not to comfort. To commitment.
Beyond Applause
There is a particular temptation that haunts public figures: the hunger for applause. It is a seductive drug, the sound of crowds cheering your name, the sight of hands raised in your honor. Many leaders begin their journeys with genuine conviction, only to find themselves, years later, performing for approval rather than acting from principle.
Jaal Dawud Ibsa, Giiftii Waaqoo observes, never chased applause. He never sought attention for its own sake. Instead, he focused on something larger than himself—a belief that the Oromo nation deserves better.
That belief is not a slogan. It is a fire that has sustained him through decades of struggle. It is the answer he gives himself in the dark hours when no one is watching. It is the compass that has kept him oriented when every external marker of success—recognition, power, safety—pointed in the opposite direction.
The Stamina to Behold
Giiftii Waaqoo uses a striking phrase: “His stamina is something to behold.”
To behold means to see with wonder, to regard with awe. Stamina, in the context of political struggle, is not merely physical endurance. It is the capacity to absorb disappointment after disappointment and still rise the next morning with purpose. It is the ability to forgive betrayals without becoming cynical. It is the discipline of continuing to do what is possible under difficult circumstances, even when the ideal remains out of reach.
Jaal Dawud Ibsa has been fighting for the Oromo people for longer than many of his critics have been alive. He has outlasted regimes that imprisoned him. He has outlasted factions that splintered from him. He has outlasted the patience of those who expected quick victories.
And he is still standing. Still giving. Still mentoring. Still coaching. Still holding the fort.
The Wisdom Carried Through Years
There is a kind of wisdom that cannot be learned from books. It cannot be downloaded from the internet or acquired through workshops. It is earned slowly, painfully, through years of experience—through mistakes made and owned, through losses absorbed and transcended, through the slow accumulation of small, hard-won insights.
Giiftii Waaqoo notes that Jaal Dawud Ibsa carries such wisdom. And he does not hoard it. He gives it away—to the young, to the aspiring, to anyone who will listen. He mentors. He coaches. He shapes the next generation of Oromo leaders not through grand speeches but through patient investment in individual human beings.
This is perhaps the most underappreciated aspect of his leadership. While others seek the spotlight, he has quietly been building the bench—training those who will lead after him, ensuring that the struggle does not die with his generation.
The Gratitude of a People
Giiftii Waaqoo concludes with words that many Oromos, whether they agree with every political decision of Jaal Dawud Ibsa or not, would recognize as true:
“For that, we are grateful.”
Gratitude is a rare virtue in politics, where criticism is constant and appreciation is often withheld until after death. But Giiftii Waaqoo names what deserves to be named: a man has given his life to a cause. He has sacrificed comfort, safety, and the ordinary joys of family life. He has endured imprisonment, exile, and the particular pain of being attacked by those who once called him comrade.
He has not done it perfectly—no human being has. But he has done it persistently. Faithfully. Courageously.
And so the reflection ends with a blessing: “May God continue to bless you and protect you, Jaal Dawud Ibsa, chairman of the Oromo Liberation Front.”
What His Example Teaches Us
For those who read Giiftii Waaqoo’s reflection and Daandii Ragabaa’s commentary, the example of Jaal Dawud Ibsa offers several lessons.
First, that commitment is not a feeling. It is a decision made daily, renewed each morning, often in the absence of any emotional reward.
Second, that leadership is not about being the loudest or the most visible. It is about being the most reliable—the one who shows up, who does not flee when the situation turns difficult, who can be counted on when counting is all that remains.
Third, that the Oromo struggle, like all liberation movements, requires not only warriors but also elders—people who have accumulated wisdom through decades of experience and who are willing to transmit that wisdom to the young.
Fourth, that gratitude, properly expressed, is not weakness. It is recognition. It is the acknowledgment that no one achieves anything alone, and that those who have carried the heaviest burdens deserve to hear, while they can still hear, that their labor has been seen and valued.
The Unfinished Work
Jaal Dawud Ibsa, at this stage of his journey, is still working. He is still holding the fort. He is still doing what is possible under difficult circumstances.
The Oromo nation has not yet achieved its full liberation. The struggle continues. There will be more setbacks, more betrayals, more storms.
But there will also be more moments of victory, more acts of solidarity, more mornings when the sun rises on a people still determined to be free.
And through it all, if Giiftii Waaqoo’s reflection holds true, Jaal Dawud Ibsa will be there. Not because he needs applause. Not because the path is easy. But because he made a commitment—and he stayed the course.
Conclusion: The Courage to Stay
In a world that celebrates the new, the young, the freshly emerged, there is a special kind of courage in staying. Staying when the spotlight has moved elsewhere. Staying when younger, louder voices have captured the public imagination. Staying when your body is tired and your heart has known too many betrayals.
Jaal Dawud Ibsa has that courage. He has stayed. He has kept moving. He has kept believing. He has shown up, no matter what.
For that, the Oromo people owe him something that cannot be repaid in a single feature story or a single moment of recognition. They owe him the continuation of the work—the completion of the struggle to which he has given his life.
May God bless him. May God protect him. And may the Oromo nation, one day soon, arrive at the freedom for which he has so long and so faithfully labored.
“He never chased applause. He focused on something bigger than himself. A belief that the Oromo nation deserves better.”
Surrounded by Empowerment: The Circle of Success
“Yeroo namoota si humneessan, jajjabeessanii fi deeggaraniin marfamtu, akka milkooftu shakkiin hin jiru.”
“When you are surrounded by people who empower you, encourage you, and support you, there is no doubt that you will succeed.”
—
By Dhabessa Wakjira*
The Circle of Success: Why No One Rises Alone
There is a quiet truth that survivors know, that athletes whisper before championships, that artists carry into their studios, and that revolutionaries feel in the dark hours before dawn: success is never a solitary act.
The Oromo people, with their deep wisdom of community, have long understood this. Their proverb rings like a bell across generations: “Yeroo namoota si humneessan, jajjabeessanii fi deeggaraniin marfamtu, akka milkooftu shakkiin hin jiru.”
When you are surrounded by people who empower you, encourage you, and support you, your success is not a matter of hope. It is a matter of certainty.
This feature story explores the anatomy of that circle—what it means to be empowered, what it looks like to be encouraged, and why support is not a luxury but a necessity for any human being daring to achieve something meaningful.
The Three Pillars of the Circle
The proverb names three distinct gifts that others bestow upon us. They are not the same. And each is indispensable.
Humneessan: Those Who Empower You
To empower is not merely to praise. It is to provide the tools, the resources, the access, and the authority that a person needs to act. Empowerment says, “I believe in you—and here is what you need to prove me right.”
Think of the mother who sells her last chicken to buy a notebook for her daughter. Think of the teacher who stays after school to explain a difficult lesson for the third time. Think of the community that pools its meager savings to send one promising student to university. These are acts of empowerment. They are not abstract. They are hands reaching down to lift another up.
Jajjabeessan: Those Who Encourage You
Encouragement is the oxygen of the human spirit. It costs nothing materially, yet it is often the rarest gift of all. The encourager says, “You are not alone. You are not wrong to try. You are not foolish to dream.”
In the long journey of any struggle—whether against political oppression, personal trauma, or professional failure—there are moments when the only thing keeping a person moving forward is a voice saying, “You can do this. I have seen you do hard things before. You will see the other side.”
The Oromo struggle, like all liberation movements, has been sustained not only by weapons and strategies but by songs, by poems, by whispered words of encouragement passed from cell to cell, from village to village, from mother to child.
Deeggaraniin: Those Who Support You
Support is the scaffolding. It is not flashy. It does not seek recognition. But without it, the entire structure collapses. Supporters show up. They cook meals when you are too exhausted to cook. They watch your children when you must attend a meeting. They contribute money when your resources run dry. They defend your name when you are not in the room to defend yourself.
Support is the quiet architecture of every successful life. And it is almost always invisible to the outside world.
The Myth of the Self-Made Person
Western culture, in particular, has elevated the myth of the “self-made” individual—the lone genius, the solitary warrior, the entrepreneur who pulled himself up by his own bootstraps. It is a seductive story. It is also a lie.
No one is self-made. Every successful person stands on a foundation laid by others. Every champion was once a beginner who was coached. Every leader was once a follower who was mentored. Every revolutionary was once a child who was fed, protected, and taught to dream.
The Oromo proverb cuts through this myth with the precision of a blade. It does not say “if you are strong, you will succeed.” It does not say “if you work hard enough, you will succeed.” It says: when you are *surrounded*—by empowerers, encouragers, and supporters—success is inevitable.
The focus is not on the individual. The focus is on the circle.
What Happens in the Absence of the Circle
To understand the power of the circle, one must also understand the devastation of its absence.
What happens to a child who is never empowered? They grow into an adult who does not believe they have the right to act, to speak, to claim space.
What happens to a person who is never encouraged? They become paralyzed by self-doubt, convinced that their efforts are worthless, that their dreams are ridiculous, that failure is the only possible outcome.
What happens to a community that receives no support? It fragments. It turns inward. It cannibalizes its own hope.
The absence of the circle is not merely disappointment. It is a form of slow death. It is the death of potential, the death of possibility, the death of the future.
This is why oppression is so effective. Oppressive systems do not merely take away resources. They isolate. They silence. They ensure that the empowered, the encouraged, and the supportive are removed from your side. They leave you alone—because a person alone is a person easily defeated.
The Circle in the Oromo Struggle
The history of the Oromo people is a history of circles. Under successive regimes that sought to divide, conquer, and erase, the Oromo have survived precisely because they have refused to let each other stand alone.
Think of the Gadaa system—an indigenous democracy built not on individual ambition but on collective responsibility. The Gadaa circle rotates power, shares knowledge, and ensures that no leader governs without the counsel of elders, the wisdom of the Qaalluu, and the consent of the assembly.
Think of the Siinqee institution—women gathering under the sacred staff to demand justice, to halt conflicts, to protect the vulnerable. That is a circle of empowerment, encouragement, and support.
Think of the afooshaa (burial societies) and buusaa gonofaa (savings rotations)—grassroots institutions where ordinary people pool their meager resources to ensure that no family faces death or poverty alone.
These are not charities. These are circles of survival. And they have kept the Oromo people alive through conquest, through famine, through imprisonment, and through exile.
The Modern Circle: Rebuilding What Was Broken
In the contemporary world, the forces that break circles have only grown stronger. Urbanization scatters families. Economic pressure forces migration. Social media creates the illusion of connection while eroding the substance of community.
Many Oromo today find themselves far from the villages of their ancestors, far from the elders who carry the oral histories, far from the physical presence of those who speak their language and share their struggles. The circle has been stretched thin.
But the proverb does not despair. It insists on a truth that cannot be broken: when the circle is present, success is certain. The task, then, is to rebuild the circle. To find new forms of empowerment, new voices of encouragement, new structures of support.
This is happening. In diaspora communities across the globe, Oromos are gathering in living rooms, in community centres, in virtual meeting spaces. They are teaching their children the language that was once forbidden. They are creating media, art, and scholarship that centre Oromo experience. They are sending money home, advocating for justice abroad, and refusing to let distance destroy the bonds of mutual care.
What the Circle Asks of You
If the proverb describes the conditions for success, it also implies a responsibility. To be surrounded by empowering, encouraging, supportive people, you must also be willing to be that person for others.
You cannot demand a circle that you are unwilling to join.
The circle asks: Whom have you empowered today? To whom have you spoken words of encouragement? Whose burdens have you lightened through your quiet, unglamorous support?
Success is not a trophy you receive. It is a current that flows through a network of relationships. You are either part of that current—receiving and giving—or you are standing outside, wondering why the water never reaches you.
Stories from the Circle
Consider the young Oromo woman who wanted to become a doctor. Her family had no money. Her village had no clinic. But her mother empowered her by selling the family’s only cow. Her teacher encouraged her by staying late to tutor her in science. Her community supported her by raising funds for her university application. Today, she is a physician. She did not succeed alone. She succeeded because a circle held her.
Consider the political prisoner who spent seven years in a dark cell. He was tortured. He was isolated. But he later said that the reason he survived was the letters—smuggled, infrequent, but relentless—from his wife. She empowered him by reminding him of his worth. She encouraged him by describing the future they would build together. She supported him by keeping the children alive on the outside. His survival was not his alone. It was hers, too.
Consider the artist whose work was ridiculed by critics. She nearly gave up. But a friend—just one friend—said, “This is important. Do not stop.” That friend spent months helping her find galleries, connecting her with other artists, sitting with her through rejection after rejection. Today, that artist’s work hangs in museums. The friend’s name appears nowhere. But the friend was the circle.
The Certainty of Success
The proverb ends with a bold claim: *shakkiin hin jiru* — there is no doubt.
This is not the language of wishful thinking. It is the language of empirical observation. The proverb is not saying “if you have a circle, you might succeed.” It is saying “if you have a circle, you will succeed.”
Why such certainty? Because human beings are not islands. We are not designed to achieve alone. When the conditions of empowerment, encouragement, and support are present, failure becomes nearly impossible. Not because the path is easy—it never is—but because the circle absorbs the blows that would otherwise destroy the individual.
When you stumble, the circle catches you. When you despair, the circle lifts you. When you are attacked, the circle defends you. With such a structure around you, how could you not eventually reach your goal?
Conclusion: Building the Circle, Securing the Future
The Oromo people are engaged in a long struggle for recognition, justice, and self-determination. There will be setbacks. There will be betrayals. There will be moments when the darkness seems absolute.
But the proverb offers a strategy and a promise.
The strategy: surround yourself—and surround each other—with empowerment, encouragement, and support. Build the institutions that sustain the circle. Be the person who empowers, encourages, and supports, even when you are tired, even when you have received nothing in return.
The promise: when that circle is in place, success is not a question of *if*. It is only a question of *when*.
*Yeroo namoota si humneessan, jajjabeessanii fi deeggaraniin marfamtu, akka milkooftu shakkiin hin jiru.*
When you are surrounded by people who empower you, encourage you, and support you, there is no doubt that you will succeed.
Let the circle hold. And let the success come.
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No one rises alone. But when we rise together, no power on earth can keep us down.
*Dhabessa Wakjira is a journalist, social worker, community worker, and interpreter who writes commentary, features, analysis, and reflections on issues that build and empower the Oromo people and their affairs. Dhabessa Wakjira can be reached at dabessa@socialworker.net
Advocacy for Oromia 