The two Amanuels

By Tullu Liban

Amanuel Wondimu of Dembidollo and Amanuel Ephrem of Boji Birmeji are executed in the same fashion by government forces. What a horror!

We have witnessed quite a number disturbing of slaughters over the last few years. When such free and barbaric killings are conducted by savage elements words fail you to express your utmost anger, grief and frustration. Such is a moment when you give up on your country and any of its functionary apparatuses. Such is a moment when you are forced to condemn the horrible acts in all possible terms.

What is this insanity? Is there a moral ground for the Ethiopian security forces to claim they are enforcing law and order? Is an extra judicary killing of such type a reward for blood thirsty beasts in human image and clothing? Does this kind of violence grant legitimacy to the regime? Can it stop resented citizens from protesting the suppression they are doomed to? Is brutal killing of the youth before their parents in the open a solution to the crisis the regime is indulged in? Is it how the Ethiopian security forces are trained to discharge their responsibilities?

Just a challenge. Can the Ethiopian parliament speak up to the commander-in-chief of the armed forces to get explanation about the legal framework, if any, that granted unlimited power and unaccountability leverage for free killing? How does he communicate with the security forces he is heading from top of the helmet?

Oromo Unity

By Aliye Geleto

### Introduction

The Oromo people are one of the largest ethnic groups in the Horn of Africa, primarily found in Ethiopia. Despite their rich cultural heritage and significant historical presence, the Oromo have faced numerous challenges that have hindered their unity and collective progress. To address these challenges and foster a sense of solidarity among the Oromo, it is essential to focus on unifying principles that harness their diverse strengths and aspirations. This document outlines 20 key points that can contribute to Oromo unity, emphasizing culture, political engagement, economic collaboration, and social cohesion.

### 1. Cultural Preservation and Promotion

**Cultural Heritage:** The Oromo have a rich cultural heritage with unique traditions, languages, music, and arts. Promoting and preserving this cultural wealth is vital for unity. Celebrating festivals, traditional practices, and arts can foster a sense of belonging and shared identity among the Oromo.

### 2. Language Unity

**Language as a Unifier:** Oromiffa ( Afaan Oromo) is the primary language of the Oromo people. Promoting the use of Oromiffa in education, media, and public discourse can strengthen communication and unite different Oromo sub-groups. It can also enhance pride in their identity and facilitate political and social discourse.

### 3. Historical Reconciliation

**Acknowledging Past Grievances:** The history of the Oromo is marked by struggles against oppression and marginalization. A unified approach to understanding these historical injustices can promote healing and reconciliation. Establishing forums for dialogue and education about Oromo history can help unify different factions within the community.

### 4. Political Awareness and Engagement

**Empowerment through Politics:** Encouraging political engagement and awareness is crucial for the Oromo people. This includes educating the community about their rights, the political system, and the importance of voting. Active participation in democratic processes can strengthen the Oromo voice in national politics.

### 5. Building Strong Institutions

**Institutional Development:** Establishing and strengthening Oromo organizations, both at local and national levels, can provide a framework for collective action. These institutions can serve as platforms for advocacy, resource mobilization, and community development, reinforcing unity among the Oromo.

### 6. Economic Collaboration

**Cooperative Economies:** The creation of cooperative economic ventures can foster economic unity among the Oromo. Encouraging businesses to work together and share resources can enhance economic stability and create jobs, which are essential for community development.

### 7. Education Equity

**Access to Education:** Expanding access to quality education for all Oromo children, regardless of their background, is crucial for long-term unity. Supporting educational initiatives that reflect the Oromo culture and language can empower future generations and foster a sense of shared identity.

### 8. Gender Inclusivity

**Empowering Women:** Promoting gender equality and empowering women within the Oromo community is essential for unity. Women’s contributions to social, economic, and political spheres should be recognized and supported. Gender-based organizations can help amplify women’s voices and ensure their involvement in decision-making processes.

### 9. Youth Engagement

**Youth as Catalysts for Change:** The Oromo youth represent a significant demographic and hold the potential to drive change. Creating platforms for youth engagement, leadership training, and participation in social issues can energize the community and foster a culture of activism and unity.

### 10. Respect for Diversity within the Oromo

**Acknowledge Internal Diversity:** The Oromo are not a monolithic group; they comprise various sub-groups, cultures, and traditions. Acknowledging and respecting this diversity while promoting a common Oromo identity can enhance social cohesion and reduce internal conflicts.

### 11. Strengthening Religious Tolerance

**Interfaith Dialogues:** The Oromo community encompasses multiple religions, including Christianity, Islam, and traditional beliefs. Promoting religious tolerance and understanding through interfaith dialogues can strengthen bonds among different groups, fostering unity and cooperation.

### 12. Conflict Resolution Mechanisms

**Peacebuilding Initiatives:** Establishing conflict resolution mechanisms within the community is essential for addressing grievances. Through dialogue, mediation, and peacebuilding initiatives, the Oromo can resolve conflicts amicably, contributing to a more cohesive society.

### 13. Fostering a Strong Oromo Identity

**Civic Education:** Teaching the youth about their heritage, history, and the significance of Oromo identity can foster pride and commitment to unity. Civic education programs that emphasize the importance of community and solidarity can shape a cohesive identity.

### 14. Promoting Volunteerism

**Community Service:** Encouraging volunteerism within the community can foster unity and a sense of responsibility toward one another. Engaging in community service projects can strengthen bonds among individuals and promote collective well-being.

### 15. Utilization of Media for Advocacy

**Social Media Campaigns:** Utilizing media, especially social media, as a tool for advocacy can promote unity. Campaigns that highlight shared goals, achievements, and challenges common to the Oromo people can rally support and create a collective identity.

### 16. Health Initiatives

**Healthcare Accessibility:** Improving healthcare access and quality for the Oromo population is crucial. Collaborating on health initiatives and creating awareness campaigns can strengthen the community’s overall well-being and unity.

### 17. Protecting the Environment

**Sustainable Practices:** Promoting environmental conservation and sustainable practices within the community can unify the Oromo around common interests. Collaborative efforts to protect their lands and natural resources can strengthen their sense of belonging and shared responsibility.

### 18. Forming Alliances with Other Ethnic Groups

**Building Bridges:** Forming alliances and partnerships with other ethnic groups in Ethiopia can create a united front advocating for mutual interests. Understanding and solidarity among different ethnic communities can foster a more inclusive national dialogue.

### 19. Celebrating Oromo Achievements

**Recognition of Success:** Highlighting and celebrating the achievements of the Oromo people in various fields can inspire hope and pride in their capabilities. Recognition of progress can enhance unity and motivate individuals to contribute to the community’s development.

### 20. Leading by Example

**Community Leadership:** Leaders within the Oromo community should exemplify unity, integrity, and inclusivity in their actions. By setting a positive example, they can inspire others to engage in unifying initiatives and work toward common goals.

### Conclusion

Fostering unity among the Oromo people is a multifaceted endeavor that requires collective action, commitment, and a shared vision of progress. By embracing and implementing these 20 points, the Oromo can navigate their challenges, celebrate their rich heritage, and work toward a prosperous and unified future. Unity among the Oromo will not only benefit the community but will also contribute to the broader social and political stability of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.

The Oromo community in Australia has shown significant support for SBS Afaan Oromo, a service that broadcasts news, information, and cultural content in the Afaan Oromo language. This support stems from various social, cultural, and political factors that resonate deeply with the Oromo diaspora.

Firstly, language preservation is a crucial motivation. The Oromo people, one of the largest ethnic groups in Ethiopia, have a rich cultural heritage that is intricately tied to their language, Afaan Oromo. In Australia, where many Oromo individuals face the challenges of assimilation and identity dilution, SBS Afaan Oromo plays a vital role in keeping their language alive. By providing content in Afaan Oromo, it helps bridge the cultural gap between the homeland and the diaspora, allowing the community to maintain a sense of identity and belonging.

Secondly, SBS Afaan Oromo serves as a platform for news and information relevant to the Oromo community. Many members rely on these broadcasts to stay informed about political developments in Ethiopia, human rights issues, and other matters affecting Oromos worldwide. This access to relevant news fosters a sense of community and solidarity among Oromo Australians, enabling them to engage better with both their local and international contexts.

Moreover, the service promotes cultural expression. Through music, storytelling, and discussions on cultural practices, SBS Afaan Oromo facilitates the sharing of Oromo traditions, values, and experiences. This cultural connection is especially important for younger generations, who may feel disconnected from their roots.

In summary, the support for SBS Afaan Oromo by the Oromo community in Australia is rooted in a collective desire for cultural preservation, access to relevant information, and the strengthening of communal ties. By supporting this service, they ensure that their identity and heritage remain vibrant in a foreign land.

https://www.facebook.com/sbsafaanoromoo

Dear OSA members, Friends of OSA, and the Oromo People

The Oromo people and OSA community lost one of her Human Rights Advocates Dr. Joanne Eisen. Please find a summary of her contribution to the Oromo people’s struggle.

Dr. Joanne Eisen: In Memoriam 1942-2025

Joanne Eisen, a Doctor of Dentistry, an advocate, and a friend of the Oromo, passed away peacefully on January 5, 2025, at her home in Alexandria, VA due to a terminal illness.

Joanne was adopted as an Oromo in a Guddifacha (adoption) ceremony at an OSA conference in Washington DC in the summer of 2013. She was given the Oromo name Jitu,

Joanne graduated from NYU College of Dentistry and earned her DDS in 1966. She lived and practiced dentistry on Long Island, New York, for most of her career. In the summer of 2015, she relocated to Virginia for retirement.

As an Oromo and US Citizen, Jitu was a great friend of the Oromo people and advocated and wrote for the greater autonomy and civil and human rights of the Oromo in Oromia. She authored and coauthored several scholarly articles on the Oromo related to genocide determination, land grab, dispossession, and human rights, published in The Journal of Oromo Studies (JOS) and the Journal of Pan African Studies (JPAS) see below. She traveled to OSA conferences for years and presented papers at the 2012, 2013, 2015, and 2017 annual conferences. She also raised the plight of the Oromo people on a range of other public platforms.

Jitu lived a kind and selfless life from 1942 to 2025. She is survived by two adult children. Her family will mourn her loss privately, according to her instructions.

References to Dr Joanne/Jitu Eisen’s Publications on Oromo, as solo and co-author:

• 2018. The Great Displacements of 2017: Acts of Genocide in Ethiopia. JPAS Vol. 12, Issue 6

• 2018. Genocide in Oromia through the Eyes of Sexual Torture Survivors. JOS Volume 25 Issues 1&2

• 2018. The Politics of Genocide Denial in Ethiopia. JPAS Vol. 11, Issue 4

• 2017. Proving Genocide in Ethiopia: The Dolus Specialis of Intent to Destroy a Group. JPAS vol.10, no.7, September 2017

• 2016. Famine, Genocide and Media Control in Ethiopia. Africology: The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.9, no.10, December 2016

• 2015. Countering Land-Grabs by Establishing a Database of Customary Land Ownership Rights of Indigenous Peoples. JOS Vol. 22 No. 1&2

• 2014. Acknowledging Genocide against the Oromo. JOS Vol 21.

Conference Presentations on the Oromo

• Obbo Habtamu Dugo, Joanne Eisen & Paul Gallant, “Acknowledging Genocide against the Oromo,” Paper presented at the 2012 Annual Conference of the Oromo Studies Association, Minneapolis, MN, July 14, 2012

• Melkamu Jate, Habtamu Dugo, and Joanne Eisen (Joint): “Countering Land-grabs by Establishing a Data Bank of Customary Land Ownership Rights of Indigenous Peoples” Paper presented as part of a panel on “Land Grab in Ethiopia” at 2013 Annual Conference of OSA, Washington, DC, August 4, 2013.

• Habtamu Dugo & Joanne Eisen, “Planned Sexual Atrocities as a Tactic of Slow Genocide: Inferring Intent,” Paper presented as part of a panel entitled “Human Rights of the Oromo: Shedding Light in Previously Hidden Areas of Concern” at the 2015 Annual Conference of OSA, Washington, DC, August 1, 2015.

• Joanne Eisen, Independent Researcher, “The Politics of Genocide Denial in Ethiopia,” Paper presented on the panel, “Politics of Genocide and Displacement,” at 2017 Oromo Studies Association Annual Conference, Washington, DC, July 30, 2017.

By Aliye Geleto 

Introduction

Abiy Ahmed has been the Prime Minister of Ethiopia since April 2018 and has marked his tenure with significant reforms, including peace initiatives, economic liberalization, and political transformations. However, his administration has faced numerous challenges, leading to mounting opposition and credibility issues.

Below are 15 points that could potentially explain why Abiy Ahmed might lose power, framed within a broader socio-political context.

### 1. **Ethnic Federalism Challenges**

Ethiopia’s political landscape is primarily defined by ethnic federalism, a system that grants significant autonomy to ethnic groups. While this approach was designed to mitigate ethnic tensions, it has arguably exacerbated divisions, leading to persistent inter-ethnic conflicts. Abiy’s inability to effectively manage these tensions has heightened discontent among various ethnic groups, jeopardizing his position.

### 2. **Tigray Conflict Consequences**

The military confrontations in the Tigray region, which began in November 2020, have drawn widespread condemnation for a humanitarian catastrophe involving mass displacement and allegations of war crimes. The conflict’s prolonged nature and the resultant humanitarian crisis have tarnished Abiy’s international reputation and could contribute to his political vulnerability.

### 3. **Political Repression**

Initially viewed as a reformer, Abiy has faced criticism for reverting to authoritarian tactics, including crackdowns on dissent and media freedoms. Political repression can provoke backlash and grow opposition movements, undermining his support base and potentially leading to a loss of power.

### 4. **Deteriorating Human Rights Situation**

Human rights organizations have raised alarms about the violent suppression of protests, arbitrary detentions, and torture. The erosion of civil rights not only alienates the public but also invites international scrutiny and sanctions that can weaken a leader’s legitimacy.

### 5. **Economic Challenges and Inflation**

Ethiopia’s economy has faced significant challenges, including double-digit inflation and high unemployment rates. Economic instability can lead to public dissatisfaction, eroding support for the government. As citizens face rising cost of living and scarcity of resources, the government’s perceived inability to address these issues may precipitate demands for leadership change.

### 6. **Rise of Ethnic Nationalism**

The resurgence of ethnic nationalism poses a significant threat to Abiy’s administration. Movements advocating for greater autonomy and rights for various ethnic groups have grown increasingly vocal, challenging his government’s authority and leading to increased competition for power.

### 7. **Split within the Ruling Party**

The ruling Prosperity Party, formed from the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has experienced internal fractures. Discontent among party members, particularly from the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) faction, can destabilize governance and create an environment conducive to leadership challenges.

### 8. **Youth Disenchantment**

Ethiopia has a youthful population that has become increasingly disenchanted with the political status quo. With expectations for reform unmet, young people may turn to alternative political movements, potentially supporting opposition leaders or forming new mobilizations against the current administration

### 9. **Political Unrest and Protests**

The country has faced repeated protests against Abiy’s government, often resulting in violent crackdowns. Persistent unrest erodes government credibility and can serve as a catalyst for more organized dissident movements, ultimately challenging Abiy’s hold on power.

### 10. **Discontent in the Amhara Region**

The Amhara region has seen tensions and violence surrounding issues of identity and ethnic federalism. Disruptions in this pivotal region could shift the political balance in Ethiopia and contribute to the destabilization of Abiy’s government, given the region’s historical significance in Ethiopian politics.

### 11. **Weakening International Support**

Although Abiy was initially lauded on the global stage, changing circumstances and the international community’s response to the Tigray conflict may weaken his foreign support. A decrease in diplomatic and economic backing from key international players could significantly impact his government’s ability to sustain itself.

### 12. **Corruption Scandals**

Allegations of corruption within the government can undermine public trust in leadership. If Abiy’s administration is perceived as failing to tackle corruption effectively, it may amplify calls for his resignation and invigorate opposition efforts.

### 13. **Security Deterioration**

Ethiopia’s security situation has become increasingly precarious, with escalating violence from various factions, such as the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA). Declining security could make the public view Abiy’s administration as incapable of ensuring stability, leading to political upheaval.

### 14. **Media Manipulation and Information Control**

While governments often control the narrative during crises, excessive media suppression can lead to public backlash. If the narrative emerges that Abiy’s administration is mismanaging the country, it could result in loss of confidence and support, culminating in demands for leadership change.

### 15. **Legacy of Unmet Promises**

Despite the initial promise of democratic reforms, many citizens feel their hopes for significant political change have been dashed. If the electorate perceives that Abiy’s government has failed to fulfill its commitments, it may lead to diminished support and calls for new leadership through electoral processes.

### Conclusion

Though Abiy Ahmed’s tenure as Prime Minister has been characterized by significant transformations, it is also marked by substantial challenges that threaten his power. The interplay of ethnic tensions, economic difficulties, political repression, and evolving public sentiments will be critical factors shaping the future of his administration. As Ethiopia continues to navigate these complex issues, the potential for Abiy to lose power looms, demanding both immediate attention and long-term solutions to foster stability and unity in the country. Each of these points underscores the necessity for reform, dialogue, and responsible governance in addressing Ethiopia’s multifaceted crises.

By Mustefa Musse Ebro

In Western democracies, even minor questions about a politician’s credibility can have significant consequences. Any inconsistency in their positions, no matter how small, is often seized upon and exploited by their opponents. For instance, U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris has faced criticism for perceived inconsistencies in her political stances. Similarly, in Canada, a leadership contender for the Liberal Party aiming to replace Justin Trudeau may face scrutiny for any deviation in their positions.

This dynamic is particularly relevant in the Oromo political context. Jawar Mohammed, a prominent Oromo leader, has argued that Ethiopia is on the brink of collapse and portrays himself as the leader who can prevent this outcome. While some agree with his assessment, others view his position as mere rhetoric. Jawar’s shifting stance on Oromia’s relationship with Ethiopia has further fueled this debate. At one point, he advocated for Ethiopia’s withdrawal from Oromia. More recently, however, he has suggested that Oromia’s independence is not viable without Ethiopia. While this revised perspective resonates with some, a significant portion of Oromos continue to believe in the possibility of an independent Gadaa Republic if given the opportunity.

Political theory teaches us that for a seceding region to establish a sustainable and viable nation-state, it must meet several key criteria:

1. Sufficient Geographic Landmass: Does the new country have adequate territory?

2. Population Size: Is there a large enough population to sustain the nation?

3. Natural Resources: Does the region have sufficient natural resources, both above and below ground, to support its economy?

4. Distinct Identity: Does the region possess a unique culture, identity, and language that differentiates it from the larger state it seeks to leave?

In the case of Oromia, the answer to all these questions appears to be affirmative. Oromia has vast land, a substantial population, abundant resources, and a distinct cultural and linguistic identity. Therefore, it is challenging for Jawar to convince a majority of Oromos to abandon their right to self-determination, including the possibility of secession.

Further complicating matters is Jawar’s relationship with the current government. Since his release from prison, he has appeared to tacitly support the ruling party, arguing that it represents the Oromo nation and deserves support for its efforts. Jawar justified his lack of active opposition by claiming that his involvement might exacerbate Ethiopia’s already volatile situation, likening it to adding fuel to a fire.

However, his recent shift to openly campaigning against the ruling party and, in particular, the Prime Minister, has led many to question the sincerity of his motives. Some critics argue that Jawar’s newfound opposition stems from a personal loss of benefits, respect, or agreements he may have previously had with the government. These critics suggest that his current actions are less about genuine political reform and more about reestablishing his political influence within the Oromo and Ethiopian political spheres.

Yet, despite these questions and criticisms, Jawar has once again demonstrated his unmatched ability to mobilize, organize, and deliver his messages with clarity and force. His recent actions have also served as a reminder to the Ethiopian government that he remains a formidable political force. Regardless of the doubts surrounding his intentions, Jawar has proven that he is not a figure to be underestimated.

Ultimately, the hope remains for peace and stability for the Oromo people and for Ethiopia as a whole.

(A4O, 12 January 2025) OLF members and supporters celebrated the New Year and WBO Day in Melbourne today.
The celebration began with the blessing of the elders.
The festival commemorated the heroes of the Oromo struggle for freedom.

The Victoria Konyaa ABO Chairman, Jaal Daanyee Dafershaa and the Kutaa ABO Chairman, Jaal Toofiq Abdushikur delivered messages on the occasion.
The ex vice-chairman of the OLF, Jaal Bultum Biyyoo, said it is necessary to fight oppression and injustice with understanding and determination.
“Your contribution to celebrating together like this is great. This should continue to be strong in the future,” he said.
The member of the Shanee Gumii OLF, Jaal Gaashuu Lammeessaa, on his part, explained the state of the Oromo Liberation Front to the participants.
“Despite the enemy’s continuous campaign to hinder the Oromo Liberation Front in various ways, the Oromo Liberation Front has endured and continued with the strength of the fighters,” he said.

Financial assistance was also donated to the Oromo Liberation Front.
The WBO Day and New Year’s Eve celebrations have been celebrated in the Oromo struggle camp since 1980.