Dear OSA members, Friends of OSA, and the Oromo People

The Oromo people and OSA community lost one of her Human Rights Advocates Dr. Joanne Eisen. Please find a summary of her contribution to the Oromo people’s struggle.

Dr. Joanne Eisen: In Memoriam 1942-2025

Joanne Eisen, a Doctor of Dentistry, an advocate, and a friend of the Oromo, passed away peacefully on January 5, 2025, at her home in Alexandria, VA due to a terminal illness.

Joanne was adopted as an Oromo in a Guddifacha (adoption) ceremony at an OSA conference in Washington DC in the summer of 2013. She was given the Oromo name Jitu,

Joanne graduated from NYU College of Dentistry and earned her DDS in 1966. She lived and practiced dentistry on Long Island, New York, for most of her career. In the summer of 2015, she relocated to Virginia for retirement.

As an Oromo and US Citizen, Jitu was a great friend of the Oromo people and advocated and wrote for the greater autonomy and civil and human rights of the Oromo in Oromia. She authored and coauthored several scholarly articles on the Oromo related to genocide determination, land grab, dispossession, and human rights, published in The Journal of Oromo Studies (JOS) and the Journal of Pan African Studies (JPAS) see below. She traveled to OSA conferences for years and presented papers at the 2012, 2013, 2015, and 2017 annual conferences. She also raised the plight of the Oromo people on a range of other public platforms.

Jitu lived a kind and selfless life from 1942 to 2025. She is survived by two adult children. Her family will mourn her loss privately, according to her instructions.

References to Dr Joanne/Jitu Eisen’s Publications on Oromo, as solo and co-author:

• 2018. The Great Displacements of 2017: Acts of Genocide in Ethiopia. JPAS Vol. 12, Issue 6

• 2018. Genocide in Oromia through the Eyes of Sexual Torture Survivors. JOS Volume 25 Issues 1&2

• 2018. The Politics of Genocide Denial in Ethiopia. JPAS Vol. 11, Issue 4

• 2017. Proving Genocide in Ethiopia: The Dolus Specialis of Intent to Destroy a Group. JPAS vol.10, no.7, September 2017

• 2016. Famine, Genocide and Media Control in Ethiopia. Africology: The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.9, no.10, December 2016

• 2015. Countering Land-Grabs by Establishing a Database of Customary Land Ownership Rights of Indigenous Peoples. JOS Vol. 22 No. 1&2

• 2014. Acknowledging Genocide against the Oromo. JOS Vol 21.

Conference Presentations on the Oromo

• Obbo Habtamu Dugo, Joanne Eisen & Paul Gallant, “Acknowledging Genocide against the Oromo,” Paper presented at the 2012 Annual Conference of the Oromo Studies Association, Minneapolis, MN, July 14, 2012

• Melkamu Jate, Habtamu Dugo, and Joanne Eisen (Joint): “Countering Land-grabs by Establishing a Data Bank of Customary Land Ownership Rights of Indigenous Peoples” Paper presented as part of a panel on “Land Grab in Ethiopia” at 2013 Annual Conference of OSA, Washington, DC, August 4, 2013.

• Habtamu Dugo & Joanne Eisen, “Planned Sexual Atrocities as a Tactic of Slow Genocide: Inferring Intent,” Paper presented as part of a panel entitled “Human Rights of the Oromo: Shedding Light in Previously Hidden Areas of Concern” at the 2015 Annual Conference of OSA, Washington, DC, August 1, 2015.

• Joanne Eisen, Independent Researcher, “The Politics of Genocide Denial in Ethiopia,” Paper presented on the panel, “Politics of Genocide and Displacement,” at 2017 Oromo Studies Association Annual Conference, Washington, DC, July 30, 2017.

By Aliye Geleto 

Introduction

Abiy Ahmed has been the Prime Minister of Ethiopia since April 2018 and has marked his tenure with significant reforms, including peace initiatives, economic liberalization, and political transformations. However, his administration has faced numerous challenges, leading to mounting opposition and credibility issues.

Below are 15 points that could potentially explain why Abiy Ahmed might lose power, framed within a broader socio-political context.

### 1. **Ethnic Federalism Challenges**

Ethiopia’s political landscape is primarily defined by ethnic federalism, a system that grants significant autonomy to ethnic groups. While this approach was designed to mitigate ethnic tensions, it has arguably exacerbated divisions, leading to persistent inter-ethnic conflicts. Abiy’s inability to effectively manage these tensions has heightened discontent among various ethnic groups, jeopardizing his position.

### 2. **Tigray Conflict Consequences**

The military confrontations in the Tigray region, which began in November 2020, have drawn widespread condemnation for a humanitarian catastrophe involving mass displacement and allegations of war crimes. The conflict’s prolonged nature and the resultant humanitarian crisis have tarnished Abiy’s international reputation and could contribute to his political vulnerability.

### 3. **Political Repression**

Initially viewed as a reformer, Abiy has faced criticism for reverting to authoritarian tactics, including crackdowns on dissent and media freedoms. Political repression can provoke backlash and grow opposition movements, undermining his support base and potentially leading to a loss of power.

### 4. **Deteriorating Human Rights Situation**

Human rights organizations have raised alarms about the violent suppression of protests, arbitrary detentions, and torture. The erosion of civil rights not only alienates the public but also invites international scrutiny and sanctions that can weaken a leader’s legitimacy.

### 5. **Economic Challenges and Inflation**

Ethiopia’s economy has faced significant challenges, including double-digit inflation and high unemployment rates. Economic instability can lead to public dissatisfaction, eroding support for the government. As citizens face rising cost of living and scarcity of resources, the government’s perceived inability to address these issues may precipitate demands for leadership change.

### 6. **Rise of Ethnic Nationalism**

The resurgence of ethnic nationalism poses a significant threat to Abiy’s administration. Movements advocating for greater autonomy and rights for various ethnic groups have grown increasingly vocal, challenging his government’s authority and leading to increased competition for power.

### 7. **Split within the Ruling Party**

The ruling Prosperity Party, formed from the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has experienced internal fractures. Discontent among party members, particularly from the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) faction, can destabilize governance and create an environment conducive to leadership challenges.

### 8. **Youth Disenchantment**

Ethiopia has a youthful population that has become increasingly disenchanted with the political status quo. With expectations for reform unmet, young people may turn to alternative political movements, potentially supporting opposition leaders or forming new mobilizations against the current administration

### 9. **Political Unrest and Protests**

The country has faced repeated protests against Abiy’s government, often resulting in violent crackdowns. Persistent unrest erodes government credibility and can serve as a catalyst for more organized dissident movements, ultimately challenging Abiy’s hold on power.

### 10. **Discontent in the Amhara Region**

The Amhara region has seen tensions and violence surrounding issues of identity and ethnic federalism. Disruptions in this pivotal region could shift the political balance in Ethiopia and contribute to the destabilization of Abiy’s government, given the region’s historical significance in Ethiopian politics.

### 11. **Weakening International Support**

Although Abiy was initially lauded on the global stage, changing circumstances and the international community’s response to the Tigray conflict may weaken his foreign support. A decrease in diplomatic and economic backing from key international players could significantly impact his government’s ability to sustain itself.

### 12. **Corruption Scandals**

Allegations of corruption within the government can undermine public trust in leadership. If Abiy’s administration is perceived as failing to tackle corruption effectively, it may amplify calls for his resignation and invigorate opposition efforts.

### 13. **Security Deterioration**

Ethiopia’s security situation has become increasingly precarious, with escalating violence from various factions, such as the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA). Declining security could make the public view Abiy’s administration as incapable of ensuring stability, leading to political upheaval.

### 14. **Media Manipulation and Information Control**

While governments often control the narrative during crises, excessive media suppression can lead to public backlash. If the narrative emerges that Abiy’s administration is mismanaging the country, it could result in loss of confidence and support, culminating in demands for leadership change.

### 15. **Legacy of Unmet Promises**

Despite the initial promise of democratic reforms, many citizens feel their hopes for significant political change have been dashed. If the electorate perceives that Abiy’s government has failed to fulfill its commitments, it may lead to diminished support and calls for new leadership through electoral processes.

### Conclusion

Though Abiy Ahmed’s tenure as Prime Minister has been characterized by significant transformations, it is also marked by substantial challenges that threaten his power. The interplay of ethnic tensions, economic difficulties, political repression, and evolving public sentiments will be critical factors shaping the future of his administration. As Ethiopia continues to navigate these complex issues, the potential for Abiy to lose power looms, demanding both immediate attention and long-term solutions to foster stability and unity in the country. Each of these points underscores the necessity for reform, dialogue, and responsible governance in addressing Ethiopia’s multifaceted crises.

By Mustefa Musse Ebro

In Western democracies, even minor questions about a politician’s credibility can have significant consequences. Any inconsistency in their positions, no matter how small, is often seized upon and exploited by their opponents. For instance, U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris has faced criticism for perceived inconsistencies in her political stances. Similarly, in Canada, a leadership contender for the Liberal Party aiming to replace Justin Trudeau may face scrutiny for any deviation in their positions.

This dynamic is particularly relevant in the Oromo political context. Jawar Mohammed, a prominent Oromo leader, has argued that Ethiopia is on the brink of collapse and portrays himself as the leader who can prevent this outcome. While some agree with his assessment, others view his position as mere rhetoric. Jawar’s shifting stance on Oromia’s relationship with Ethiopia has further fueled this debate. At one point, he advocated for Ethiopia’s withdrawal from Oromia. More recently, however, he has suggested that Oromia’s independence is not viable without Ethiopia. While this revised perspective resonates with some, a significant portion of Oromos continue to believe in the possibility of an independent Gadaa Republic if given the opportunity.

Political theory teaches us that for a seceding region to establish a sustainable and viable nation-state, it must meet several key criteria:

1. Sufficient Geographic Landmass: Does the new country have adequate territory?

2. Population Size: Is there a large enough population to sustain the nation?

3. Natural Resources: Does the region have sufficient natural resources, both above and below ground, to support its economy?

4. Distinct Identity: Does the region possess a unique culture, identity, and language that differentiates it from the larger state it seeks to leave?

In the case of Oromia, the answer to all these questions appears to be affirmative. Oromia has vast land, a substantial population, abundant resources, and a distinct cultural and linguistic identity. Therefore, it is challenging for Jawar to convince a majority of Oromos to abandon their right to self-determination, including the possibility of secession.

Further complicating matters is Jawar’s relationship with the current government. Since his release from prison, he has appeared to tacitly support the ruling party, arguing that it represents the Oromo nation and deserves support for its efforts. Jawar justified his lack of active opposition by claiming that his involvement might exacerbate Ethiopia’s already volatile situation, likening it to adding fuel to a fire.

However, his recent shift to openly campaigning against the ruling party and, in particular, the Prime Minister, has led many to question the sincerity of his motives. Some critics argue that Jawar’s newfound opposition stems from a personal loss of benefits, respect, or agreements he may have previously had with the government. These critics suggest that his current actions are less about genuine political reform and more about reestablishing his political influence within the Oromo and Ethiopian political spheres.

Yet, despite these questions and criticisms, Jawar has once again demonstrated his unmatched ability to mobilize, organize, and deliver his messages with clarity and force. His recent actions have also served as a reminder to the Ethiopian government that he remains a formidable political force. Regardless of the doubts surrounding his intentions, Jawar has proven that he is not a figure to be underestimated.

Ultimately, the hope remains for peace and stability for the Oromo people and for Ethiopia as a whole.

(A4O, 12 January 2025) OLF members and supporters celebrated the New Year and WBO Day in Melbourne today.
The celebration began with the blessing of the elders.
The festival commemorated the heroes of the Oromo struggle for freedom.

The Victoria Konyaa ABO Chairman, Jaal Daanyee Dafershaa and the Kutaa ABO Chairman, Jaal Toofiq Abdushikur delivered messages on the occasion.
The ex vice-chairman of the OLF, Jaal Bultum Biyyoo, said it is necessary to fight oppression and injustice with understanding and determination.
“Your contribution to celebrating together like this is great. This should continue to be strong in the future,” he said.
The member of the Shanee Gumii OLF, Jaal Gaashuu Lammeessaa, on his part, explained the state of the Oromo Liberation Front to the participants.
“Despite the enemy’s continuous campaign to hinder the Oromo Liberation Front in various ways, the Oromo Liberation Front has endured and continued with the strength of the fighters,” he said.

Financial assistance was also donated to the Oromo Liberation Front.
The WBO Day and New Year’s Eve celebrations have been celebrated in the Oromo struggle camp since 1980.

The Victoria ABO District will be celebrating the New Year and WBO Day with the Melbourne community on Sunday 12 March 2025 afternoon.

The ABO district has issued an appeal to the community to celebrate the New Year and WBO Day with the community.

The ABO District respectfully invites the Oromo community in the Melbourne area to attend the event and show their support for the Oromo liberation struggle.

The Amajjii celebration, known as WBO Day, has been celebrated at various levels since the 1980s.

“ለእኔ ኢትዮጵያዊነት ሌላ፤ ኦሮሞነት ደግሞ ሌላ ነው፤ ኦሮሞነቴ ከኢትዮጵያዊነቴ ጋር ተጋጭተውብኝ አያውቁም” በማለት ይታወቃሉ። የካበተ ልምዳቸውን ለሀገራቸው ለማዋጣት አልሰሰቱም። “ኢትዮጵያ ከፍ የምትለው ተባብረን ስንሠራ ነው” ሲሉም ብዙ ጊዜ ይደመጣሉ። ሕዝብን ከሕዝብ ጋር የሚያጋጭ የፖለቲካ አካሄድ ከውድመት ውጭ ለውጥ እንደማያመጣ ከመናገርም አልፈው በሰላማዊ የፖለቲካ መድረክ ተወዳድረው ፓርላማ በመግባት ለሕዝባቸው ድምፅ ለመሆን በቅተዋል።

በዛሬው ዕለት በ94 ዓመታቸው ያረፉት አቶ ቡልቻ ደመቅሳ በኢትዮጵያ የኢኮኖሚ እና የፖለቲካ እንቅስቃሴ ውስጥ ጉልህ ስፍራ አላቸው። በአጼ ኃይለሥላሴ ዘመነ መንግሥት የገንዘብ ሚኒስቴር ምክትል ሚኒስትር እንዲሁም የዓለም ባንክ የአፍሪካ ተወካይ በመሆን ሠርተዋል። በተባበሩት መንግሥታት ድርጅት ተቀጥረው በተለያዩ ሀገራት አገልግለዋል።

አቶ ቡልቻ በምዕራብ ወለጋ ዞን ቦጂ ቢርመጂ ወረዳ ከአባታቸው አቶ ደመቅሳ ሰንበቶ እና ከእናታቸው ወ/ሮ ናሲሴ ሰርዳ በ1923 ዓ.ም ተወለዱ። አባታቸውን በልጅነት በሞት ቢያጡም አጎታቸው ጎቡ ሰንበቶ አሳድገዋቸው ትምህርታቸውን እንዲከታተሉ አቅማቸው የፈቀደውን ሁሉ አድርገውላቸዋል። የመጀመርያ ደረጃ ትምህርታቸውን በጊምቢ አድቬንቲስት እንዲሁም የሁለተኛ ደረጃ ትምህርታቸውን በኩየራ አድቬንቲስት ተምረዋል።

ከአዲስ አበባ ዩኒቨርሲቲ በኢኮኖሚክስ እና በሕግ ዲግሪዎች ተመርቀዋል። በወቅቱም በዩኒቨርሲቲው ከፍተኛ ውጤት በማምጣት ከተመረቁ 10 ተማሪዎች መካከል አንዱ በመሆን ወደ አሜሪካ በመሄድ በሲራኪዩዝ ዩኒቨርሲቲ የሁለተኛ ዲግሪ ትምህርታቸውን ተከታትለው ወደ ሀገራቸው ተመልሰዋል። ወደ ኢትዮጵያ በመመለስም በኢኮኖሚው መስክ የራሳቸውን አሻራ አኑረዋል። አቶ ቡልቻ በዘመናዊ የግል ንግድ ባንኮች ምሥረታ ታሪክ ተጠቃሽ የሆነው የአዋሽ ባንክ መሥራች ናቸው።

በምጣኔ ሀብቱ ያካበቱትን ልምድ በመያዝም የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካ ውስጥ ሰላማዊ እንቅስቃሴ ለማድረግ ተቀላቅለዋል። የኦሮሞ ፌዴራሊስት ዴሞክራቲክ ንቅናቄን በመመሥረት እና ሊቀመንበር በመሆን በፖለቲካው ላይ የራሳቸውን አሻራ አሳርፈዋል።ፓርቲያቸውን ወክለው በፓርላማ አባልነት ለአምስት ዓመታት አገልግለዋል።

አቶ ቡልቻ ኢትዮጵያን ሲገልጹ፣ “ባህሏ እና ታሪኳ ራሱን የቻለ ልዩ ስለሆነ ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የሚከሰቱ ነገሮች ከሌላው ዓለም ጋር ለንጽጽር መቅረብ የለባቸውም” ይላሉ። ይህን ጉዳይ አስመልክተው በአንድ ወቅት ከአዲስ ዘመን ጋዜጣ ጋር ባደረጉት ቃለ ምልልስ፣ “ኢትዮጵያ እንደ ሌላው የአፍሪካ ሀገር ዓይነት አይደለችም፤ የፈረንጅ ሀገርም አይደለችም፤ ባህሏም ኑሮዋ እና ታሪኳም የሌላ ሀገር አይደለም። ራሷን የቻለች ብቸኛ ሀገር ነች፤ በሌላ ሀገር የሆነ ሁሉ በሀገሪቱ ይሆናል ማለት አይቻልም፤ ስለዚህ ኢትዮጵያ ልዩ ሀገር ነች” ሲሉ ገልጸዋት ነበር።

አቶ ቡልቻ በአጼ ኃይለ ሥላሴ ዘመነ መንግሥት የገንዘብ ሚኒስቴር ምክትል ሚኒስትር ሆነው ከቆዩ በኋላ ወደ አሜሪካ ሀገር ሄዱ። ደርግ ሥልጣን ሲይዝ ውጭ ስለነበሩ ወደ ሀገር ቤት ሳይመለሱ በዚያው ቆዩ። በኋላም ኢትዮጵያን እና ሌሎች 18 የአፍሪካ ሀገራትን ወክለው በዓለም ባንክ ውስጥ ሠርተዋል፡፡ በባንኩ ኢትዮጵያን በመወከል የቦርድ አባል፣ እንዲሁም የመጀመሪያው የዓለም ባንክ የኢትዮጵያ ተወካይ ሆነው ሠርተዋል። በዚህ ውክልናቸውም ባንኩ የሚያበድረውን ገንዘብ ከፍ ለማድረግ፣ ገንዘቡ ለታለመለት ሥራ መዋሉ እና ሥራው መካሄዱን መከታተል፣ ብድር የተሰጠው ፕሮጀክት በተባለው ጊዜ እንደሚያልቅ ለማረጋገጥ ክትትል ያደርጉም ነበር። እርሳቸው በባንኩ በነበሩበት ጊዜ “አውራ ጎዳና” ይባል በነበረው ፕሮጀክት አማካኝነት ብዙ መንገዶች በኢትዮጵያ የተገነቡ ሲሆን፣ ኢትዮጵያ የጠየቀችው የብድር ጥያቄ እንዳይቀነስ ይታገሉም ነበር።

ኢትዮጵያ ሰላም ስታገኝ ሁሉም ነገር እንደሚሻሻል የሚናገሩት አቶ ቡልቻ፣ ያሉትን ግጭቶች እና ጦርነቶችን ለማስቆም አዋቂዎች መሪዎቻቸውን በማነጋገር እንዲስማሙ እና እንዲታረቁ ማድረግ እንደሚጠበቅባቸው ይመክራሉ።

ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ሊደረግ የሚገባው ትግል ሰላማዊ እና አንድነቷን የሚያጠናክር መሆን እንዳለበትም አጽንኦት ሰጥተው ይናገራሉ። ወደ ፖለቲካ ሲመጡ የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ግንባርን (ኦነግ)ን ያልተቀላቀሉት በዚሁ አመለካከታቸው ከወቅቱ አመራሮች ጋር ስላልተስማሙ እንደሆነ ተናግረው ነበር። ሁኔታውን ሲገልጹም፣ “ኦሮሞ ከኢትዮጵያ ተለይቶ መኖር አይችልም አልኩአቸው፤ እነርሱ ጋር ያልገባሁትም ‘ኦሮሞ ከኢትዮጵያ ተገንጥሎ ሌላ ሀገር ይሆናል’ የሚለውን ሐሳባቸውን ተቃውሜ ነው” ብለዋል። የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ የታገለው ጭቆናን ለማስቀረት ነው የሚሉት አቶ ቡልቻ፣ “ኦሮሞ ለብቻው ተገንጥሎ በየት በኩል የውጪ ንግድ ሊሠራ ይችላል? ባህሉን እንዴት ሊያስተዋውቅ ነው ወይስ ዘግቶ ሊቀመጥ? ለሁሉም የሚበቃ ሀብት ስላለን ከሌሎች ጋር በአንድነት አልምቶ መጠቀም ይሻላል” ይላሉ።

አቶ ቡልቻ በኢትዮጵያ አንድነት ላይ የፀና አቋም እንዳላቸው በተለየዩ ወቅቶች ባደረጓቸው ንግግሮቻቸው አሳይተዋል። ይህንኑ አቋም ሲገልጹም፣ “ኢትዮጵያ እንዳለች፣ እንደ ነበረች፣ አንድ ሆና እንድትቆይ እፈልጋለሁ፤ ሁሉንም የሚጠቅመው ይኸ ነው” ይላሉ። የግል ማንነት ከሀገር ማንነት ጋር ፈጽሞ መጋጨት እንደሌለበት አቶ ቡልቻ ይናገራሉ። ሁለቱንም አስማምቶ ለሀገር ዕድገት መሥራት እንደሚቻል እንዲህ በማለት የራሳቸውን ልምድ ያካፍላሉ፣ “ኦሮሞነቴ እና ኢትዮጵያዊነቴ ተጋጭተውብኝ አያውቁም፤ ለእኔ ኢትዮጵያዊነት ሌላ፣ ኦሮሞነት ደግሞ ሌላ ነው። ኢትዮጵያዊነት ለሌላ ነገር ነው የሚያገለግለው። ውጭ ሀገር ስሄድ ‘ምንድን ነህ?’ ተብዬ ስጠየቅ ኢትዮጵያዊ ነኝ ብዬ እመልሳለሁ። ኦሮሞ ነኝ ብል አይገባቸውም፤ ይህ ደግሞ ለእኔ በጣም አስፈላጊ ነው። ኢትዮጵያዊነት ለእኔ በጣም ከፍተኛ ነው” በማለት።

“ካለፈው ታሪክ መልካሙን በመውሰድ የሚታረሙትን በማረም ለቀጣይ ዕጣ ፈንታችን መሥራት እንጂ በታሪክ መጣላት የለብንም” ይላሉ። “ከዛሬ መቶ ዓመታት በፊት የነበሩ ሰዎች ስህተት ሠርተዋል ብለን እነሱን መውቀስ ውስጥ ከገባን እንሳሳታለን፤ እነሱ ያኔ ያስተዳደሩበት፣ የቀጡበት፣ ያስገበሩበት ስልት ዘመኑ የሚጠይቀው እና አሁን ሠለጠኑ የምንላቸው እነ አውሮፓ ይጠቀሙበት የነበረውን ስልት እንደሆነ በመጥቀስ ወደኋላ ተመልሰን እንደነዚህ ዓይነት ጉዳዮች ላይ የምንወዛገብ ከሆነ ከእውነታ ጋር እንጣላለን” በማለት ያስረዳሉ።

አቶ ቡልቻ ስለ ምጣኔ ሀብት ዕድገት መመዘኛ ሲናገሩ፣ ለውጡ በሰዎች ተጠቃሚነት ላይ መታየት እንዳለበት ይገልጻሉ። ሰዎች መሠረታዊ ፍላጎታቸውን ሳይጨናነቁ ማሟላት ከቻሉ፣ ከታመሙ ታክመው መዳን ከቻሉ፣ የመሠረት ልማቶች ፍትሐዊ ተጠቃሚ ከሆኑ ያኔ ምጣኔ ሀብቱ ማደጉ በተግባር ይታያል ይላሉ።

እንደ ምሳሌም ሲያነሱ፣ “ታይዋን፣ ቻይና፣ ኮሪያ፣ ጃፓን በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ አድገዋል። ይህ ዕድገታቸውም በዜጎቻቸው ሕይወት ውስጥ ይታያል። አፍሪካ ውስጥም ናይጄሪያ እና አንጎላ ነዳጅ በማግኘታቸው አድገዋል። እነዚህ በዜጎች ሕይወት እና በአጠቃላይ በሀገር ደረጃ በሚታዩ ለውጦች ያደጉ ሀገራት ለትክክለኛ የምጣኔ ሀብት ዕድገት ምሳሌ ይሆኑናሉ” በማለት ይናገራሉ።

“የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ኑሮ እንዲሻሻል እመኛለሁ” የሚሉት አቶ ቡልቻ፣ ዋናው የሕዝቡ በሽታ ድኅነት እንደሆነ ይገልጻሉ። ለዚህ ደግሞ ግብርና እንዲስፋፋ ፈጣሪ የሰጠንን መሬት በደንብ መጠቀም ያስፈልጋል ይላሉ። “ይህ ከሆነ አርሶ አደሩ ብዙ እንስሳት ይኖሩታል፤ ተሽከርካሪ ይገዛል፤ ቴክኖሎጂ ይጠቀማል፤ ልጆቹን በአግባቡ ያሳድጋል፤ ኑሮው ይሻሻላል፤ ዘመናዊ ቤትም ይገነባል። ይህ በኢትዮጵያ እንዲሆን እመኛለሁ” ይላሉ። ይህ ሁሉ እውን እንዲሆን ግን መንግሥትም ሰላም አግኝቶ ወደ ሥራ እንዲመለስ ሰላም ማውረድ እንደሚያስፈልግ ይናገራሉ።

አሁን ያለው የፖለቲካ ሁኔታ መናናቅ የመበዛበት እና መከባበር የራቀው መሆኑን የሚገልጹት አቶ ቡልቻ፣ እንደዚህ ዓይነት አካሄዶች ከ60ዎቹ ጀምሮ ብዙ ዋጋ ስላስከፈለን ስክነት ያስፈልጋል በማለት ስለ ሰላማዊ የፖለቲካ አስፈላጊነት ይናገራሉ። በመናናቃችን እና በመገዳደላችን ምክንያት ብዙ ምሁራን ሸሽተው ሀገር ለቀው ተሰደው ሀገራችን የተማረ ሰው እንድታጣ አድርጓታልም ይላሉ።

“መከባበር ከሌለ፣ ሕዝብ ካልተባበረ፣ መነጋገር እና መደማመጥ ካልቻልን፣ ዋናው ችግራችን ድህነታችን መሆኑን አምነን እሱን ለመታገል ካልወሰንን ውኃ ላይ ቁጭ ብለን እንጠማለን፤ ሀገርም በምንም ሁኔታ አይረጋጋም በማለት ችግሮቻችንን በስክነት መፍታት አለብን” በማለት ይመክራሉ።

በሕዝቦች መካከል የሚዘራ ጥላቻ በጣም አደገኛ መሆኑን በማውሳት ተጎራብቶ፣ ተጋብቶ፣ ተዋልዶ የማይበጠስ ኅብር የፈጠረውን ሕዝብ ከማለያየት ይለቅ ችግሮች ካሉም ሕዝቡን አነጋግሮ መፍትሔ ማበጀት በእንሚያስፈልግ ይናገራሉ።

አቶ ቡልቻ ለኢትዮጵያ ምጣኔ ሀብት ዕድገት ላበረከቱት አስተዋፅኦ የኢትዮጵያ ብሔራዊ ባንክ እና አዋሽ ባንክ ሽልማት አበርክተውላቸዋል። በዚህም የኢትዮጵያ ብሔራዊ ባንክ በቅርስነት የሚያዝ የልዩ ታሪካዊ ሁነቶች ማስታወሻ የወርቅ ሳንቲም የሸለማቸው ሲሆን፣ አዋሽ ባንክ ደግሞ የምስጋና የምስክር ወረቀት፣ ካባ እና የወርቅ ሜዳሊያ አበርክቶላቸዋል።

ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዐቢይ አሕመድ (ዶ/ር) ዛሬ በ94 ዓመታቸው ከዚህ ዓለም ያለፉትን አቶ ቡልቻ ደመቅሳ ለገር የሚችሉትነ ሁሉ ማበርከታቸውን በማውሳት፣ አሳቸውን የመሰሉ ታላቅ ሰው ማጣት ለሀገር ጉዳት እንደሆነ ገልጸዋል፡፡ በእሳቸው እረፍት የተሰማቸውን ሀዘንም ገልጸዋል፡፡

የኢትዮጵያ ብሮድካስቲንግ ኮርፖሬሽንም በአቶ ቡልቻ ደመቅሳ ህልፈት የተሰማውን ሀዘን እየገለጸ፣ ለቤተሰቦቻቸው፣ ለዳጅ ዘመዶቻቸው እና ለአድናቂዎቻቸው መጽናናትን ይመኛል፡፡

በለሚ ታደሰ

This report includes an analysis of Fano groups operating in North Showa (pp.3-5) and Wallega (p.15), as well as the abuses committed by Fano and ENDF.

Using troops trained to masquerade as OLA and Fano groups which it supports, the Ethiopian government is deliberately promoting violence and hatred between Amhara and Oromo.

Please distribute the information contained in the report. Much of it is supplied at great risk to informants.

Comments and suggestions are welcome.

Please find attached Report 68 from the Oromia Support Group.