By Arne Wulff, Emelie Braun, July 29, 2020
Source: Germany (Konrad Adenauer Stiftung)
The Democratization Of Ethiopia On A Fine Line Between Success And Failure
Parliamentary elections were supposed to be held in Ethiopia in August 2020. But in view of the Corona pandemic, these have been postponed indefinitely. Thus, the question of democratic legitimacy for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali’s ambitious reform policy remains outstanding. True, the reforms that have begun seem to have put the country on the right track in many ways – and they are receiving a lot of international support and support. But, however promising the projects may be, the country continues to face major challenges.
In addition to the peace with Eritrea, the continuation of democratization and the fight against high poverty, this concerns above all the continuing strong ethnic tensions. Most recently, these escalated again when violent clashes broke out in the wake of the assassination of a popular Oromo singer, in which more than 200 people died. Ethiopia is at a crossroads: is Abiy succeeding not only in opening up the country, but also at one another? Or does its failure threaten the nation’s disintegration?
Early laurels for the hopeful
Since Prime Minister Abiy took office, he has worked his plans to reform the country – not only domestically, but also with regard to external relations. In the summer of 2018, just a few months after taking office, neighboring Eritrea signed a peace agreement that, after decades of hostility, was supposed to normalize the relationship between the two countries – starting with the opening of borders. In foreign policy, Abiy also acts as a peace broker in the region, for example in the maritime dispute between Kenya and Somalia and in the commitment to a peaceful transition of power in Sudan. In December 2019, Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, in particular because of the peace deal with Eritrea. Many wondered if the award ceremony was not too early. The border with Eritrea has since been closed again, and Ethiopia’s transition to democracy is on a fine line between success and failure.
The ever-increasing ethnic tensions with a large number of deaths threaten to jeopardize the country’s progress. Democratizing a multi-ethnic state like Ethiopia with more than 80 different ethnic groups while at the same time peacefully unifying it is a mammoth task. For more than 30 years, Ethiopia was ruled by a socialist, repressive regime, dubbed by some as a “development dictatorship.” Ethiopia was a long way from true democracy until the political upheaval of 2018. To date, the opposition, the press and civil society have been severely repressed. Opposition candidates and their supporters were intimidated, political opponents were deliberately denied ballot papers, and voter fraud was commonplace. Abiy is committed to changing this. But his reform course seems to have stalled, and in the context of current developments, skeptical voices are growing – and with it, the fear of the consequences of a failure of the reform agenda is growing.
The political upheaval
Ethiopia is experiencing a political upheaval under Abiy with the potential to set the course for sustainable democratic development. The upheaval was the result of ongoing protests against the previous government, which began in 2015 and culminated in 2018. People took to the streets mainly because of the unequal balance of power. The anger was directed in particular at the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which represents only a small part of the Ethiopian people ethnically, but dominated the ruling coalition of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). More and more, many Ethiopians rebelled against the oppression of ethnic minorities and political opponents and were willing to fight for the right to freedom of expression and freedom of the press.
Added to this was growing economic dissatisfaction against the background that few benefited from Ethiopia’s economic boom. Hundreds of people were killed in these protests. Former Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn finally resigned in February 2018, and Science Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed Ali was elected as his successor a short time later. As a result, many representatives of the old regime were replaced, and the new president became a woman with the experienced diplomat Sahle-Work Zewde for the first time in the country’s history.
Ambitious reform course
After Prime Minister Abiy came to power in the spring of 2018, he initiated profound changes. Especially in his course of democratization and reform, he surprised with his courage in rapid reforms, some of which had already been implemented and which included, above all, the following innovations:
“The centrifugal power of liberalization”
The Prime Minister’s reform ambitions are undoubtedly promising and have been very popular from the outset. But they also face significant risks and numerous obstacles. Perhaps the greatest challenge, despite liberalization, is to ensure the cohesion of the people and to avoid fragmentation of the country. Because there are still strong ethnic tensions and conflicts within the population. To date, these have been nipped in the bud by arresting and isolating government opponents. But the new political freedom that has been won risks ethnic groups pursue regional autonomy and the ambitious prime minister slips away from political control. Many of the ethnic groups do not feel equal or adequately represented.
Although the Oromo ethnic group is the largest in the country with 34 percent, the Amhars (27%) dominate and the Tigray (6%) political life. With Abiy, an Oromo (in fact, his father Oromo, but his mother Amhare) came to power for the first time, but according to his own information – probably also against the background of his mixed lineage – he sees himself as an Ethiopian and not as a representative of a certain ethnic group. As much as this self-image characterizes him, it seems difficult for him to integrate the Oromo, whose anger stems from more than a hundred years of political oppression, into a policy of national unity without ethnic patronage or preference.
The desire of this ethnic group in particular for more autonomy and political influence is gaining momentum and seems to be breaking ground in the course of the newly gained freedoms, even on threatening paths. In the first year and a half after the new prime minister took office alone, more people are said to have been victims of politically motivated violence than at the time of the riots before. Abiy’s idea of liberalizing and democratizing the ethnically divided country, on the one hand, and as a nation on the other, is a ride on the razor blade. If he succeeds in this step without violence, he could go down in history as a trailblazer for a new Ethiopia. If, on the other hand, he fails, the disintegration of the state and the violence that accompanies it could be hard to stop. The political art of the Prime Minister will have to be to steer the ethnic centrifugal forces of liberalization in the direction of a sense of common belonging. Doubts are growing as to whether this can really succeed.
Challenges and dangers of current developments
However, these are not the only challenges facing the government. The weak institutional capacity makes it difficult to implement the reform projects. It is also problematic that many positions of the government apparatus continue to be made up of people from the old repressive regime. Their loyalty to the new course seems dubious.The country’s industrialization and infrastructure improvement are high on Abiy’s reform agenda.
In return, the country has accumulated enormous debt in the past: the national debt amounts to USD 52.57 billion (of which USD 26.05 billion is external government debt). [1] This is about 66 percent of gross domestic product (the average sub-Saharan Africa is about 57 percent of GDP[2]). Ethiopia is particularly indebted to China. This has led to dependencies that could strain the course of reform. This is one of the reasons why the new government is seeking greater ties with Europe, the US and the Arab states. It is clear that Ethiopia can no longer afford greater debt. Instead, Abiy must focus on attracting foreign investors.
In principle, Ethiopia has the potential for an attractive growth market and, above all, the rapidly developing industrial sector offers many opportunities. But it remains questionable whether economic transformation can keep up with high population growth and whether sustainable economic prospects emerge for the majority of the population. Economic and political transformation are interdependent. The necessary investment requires political stability and reliable constitutional structures. At the same time, acceptance of the course of political reform can probably only be guaranteed if the economic situation is positively perceived. [3]Although some successes and progress are already clear, the mood of the Ethiopians is only partially optimistic.
Because of their historically poor experience with political leadership, popular impatience is on the increase. The small successes do not always seem to be perceived and appreciated at home. Many are already lamenting, after only two years, the slowness of reforms and the lack of jobs and career prospects. The pressure on Abiy to translate his visionary announcements into tangible successes is thus growing. The fact that, in these times, the Corona pandemic is bringing public life to a virtual standstill is likely to prove to be another obstacle for the Prime Minister.
The planned elections in 2020 and the Corona pandemic
The first truly democratic elections in Ethiopia have so far failed to take a good turn. Parliamentary elections were originally scheduled to take place in May 2020. At the beginning of the year, they were postponed to 29 August 2020. The reason for this was the too short preparation time for the National Electoral Commission in view of the necessary voter registration and efforts by politicians to regroup in the course of liberalization in the form of new political parties and possible coalition alliances. While the EPRDF still has all 547 seats in parliament, other parties and party alliances now have the opportunity to come to power or participate politically through democratic elections in Ethiopia.
The holding of general, equal and free elections is extremely important for the democratic legitimacy of the Prime Minister. Only then can he succeed in continuing his reform course. In order to reinforce this, he has also worked hard to free himself from old party alliances such as the EPRDF and to form a new party. The Ethiopian Prosperity Party (EPP) is to stand for the political goals of the Prime Minister in the future and pursues above all an economically liberal programmatics. However, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), formerly dominant of the EPRDF, has chosen not to join the new party. Overall, the political opposition in the country, which exists in particular in the Oromo and Tigray ethnic groups, deplores not being involved in politics. They feel increasingly excluded from the transformation of Ethiopia into a true democracy promised by Prime Minister Abiy.
The prolonged pause in political competition, now prescribed in the light of the Corona pandemic, further increases frustration. The course of democratic renewal through elections is interrupted for the time being. After the first Covid-19 case was registered on 12 March, the general election, now scheduled for August, was postponed again – this time for an indefinite period[4].Ethiopia now has more than 14,500 infected people and more than 200 deaths (as of 28.07.2020). However, it is assumed that the number of unreported cases is much higher, as there is little testing capacity in the country. And although the number of infections seems quite low compared to other countries such as South Africa (over 450,000 cases, as of 28.07.2020), it has to be noted that the treatment capacities (according to the government about 1,500 intensive care beds and about 400 artificial ventilation options) are very low, at least for seriously ill people, and are now at their limits.
The situation is particularly critical in Addis Ababa. In addition, as a result of the brain drain, many well-trained Ethiopian doctors work abroad for the benefit of earning opportunities. Qualified staff to treat Covid-19 are available to a limited extent.As early as 8 April 2020, Abiy declared a national emergency for an initial period of five months, which is associated with a number of restrictions. Among other things, land borders were closed, more than four people had gathered, schools and educational institutions were closed, travel restrictions were imposed in the country and strict quarantine regulations were imposed, and an obligation to wear masks in public spaces was introduced.Politically, the rescheduling of the elections weighs heavily on the government – this is already the second far-off in six months.
In addition, the parliamentary term, and thus the government’s term of office in the summer of 2020, will end constitutionally under normal circumstances. The forthcoming elections are so crucial for Ethiopia and its future, because these elections set the course for the country’s further development; they are to be regarded as a ‘democratic premiere’. Whether the country will continue to pursue Abiy’s ambitious reform plans, and whether it continues to move toward liberalization and democracy, depends largely on these elections. They serve to give democratic legitimacy to the Prime Minister and his reform plans and are therefore seen as a test.
Artist’s murder sparks unrest
On June 29, 2020, singer and activist Hachalu Hundessa was gunned down in Addis Ababa and succumbed to his injuries a short time later. Hachalu belonged to the Oromo ethnic group and was celebrated in his homeland as a voice of protest. His songs are closely linked to the protests between 2015 and 2018 that led to the resignation of Abiy’s predecessor. In the aftermath of his assassination, violent clashes broke out between demonstrators and security forces in the capital Addis Ababa and in the state of Oromia. They were accompanied by roadblocks, several explosions in Addis Ababa, burning cars, smashed windows and looting.
Over two weeks, Internet connections in the Addis Ababa area were shut down and telephone calls were also blocked. Many people were killed in the riots: according to the police, there were at least 239 dead. The government reacted with a hard hand, arresting opposition figures, including the well-known Oromo nationalist Jawar Mohammed. The charges against him include involvement in the murder of a police officer during the riots. His supporters deny this and accuse Abiy of trying to get rid of a political opponent by arresting Jawar. The Oromia Media Network (OMN), founded by Jawar, was also closed. Meanwhile, two suspects were arrested, who eventually confessed to being involved in Hachalu’s murder. According to the Ethiopian Prosecutor General’s Office, the act was part of a conspiracy to overthrow the government.
Further background remains unclear.These recent events show how fragile the situation in the country is and the risk of escalating political and ethnic tensions. It is also striking that, in the face of the unrest, Prime Minister Abiy apparently used the same instruments as his political predecessors: shutting down all communication facilities and arresting opponents. Observers condemned the government’s response to the protests and unrest as excessive and counterproductive. They are in stark contrast to Abiy’s much-maintained image as a liberal reformer. There are now growing fears that a larger oromo protest movement could occur again. The developments strain the Oromo’s already tense relationship with the government and strengthen a mistrust of Abyi. Critics from his own ethnic group have long accused the prime minister of not doing enough to protect the interests of his home region.
View
Given the expiry of democratic legitimacy of the Ethiopian Parliament and the Abiy government, as well as the elections postponed indefinitely, political instability in the country is expected to continue. The existing ethnic conflicts have not yet been resolved by the new government. If elections had taken place in August, Abiy would probably have been confirmed as Prime Minister by Parliament as a result. Whether this will also be the case if the elections do not take place until 2021 or, at worst, 2022, is increasingly questionable.So Ethiopia’s future remains uncertain. The horn of Africa country has enormous potential, but it cannot be called up without further reforms.
Right now, positive developments, visible above all to the population, would be necessary – developments that benefit all ethnic groups. At the political level, the question also arises as to how the present and future governments can pursue the desire of the regions for greater autonomy, in order, on the one hand, to preserve national peace and, on the other, not to jeopardize national unity. A redefinition of ethnic federalism is envisaged, in which Germany could provide support and advice with its federalist expertise. At the economic level, the country’s goal is to sustainably secure and expand the economic recovery that has been going on for years, with growth rates of between nine and ten percent per year.
First and foremost, the individual citizen and his education and social position should be in the foreground. The issues of gender equality, ethnic inclusion and the scope and quality of education will determine Ethiopia’s future. At the same time, unemployment must be removed and employment and infrastructure developed in parallel with the problem of a rapidly growing young population. This requires further financial resources and programms, as well as the recruitment of investors. However, borrowing further, especially from China, seems dangerous and should be avoided in order to avoid even greater debt and dependence on the country. To make matters worse, the Corona pandemic will set the entire global economy – and African countries in particular – back for years to come.
There are two alternative scenarios for the future of the country. On the one hand, an optimistic future scenario, in which an inclusive policy change takes place, followed by further economic growth, internal and external peace and the improvement of living conditions. On the other hand, there is also a pessimistic future scenario in which the country could experience an abrupt end to political stability and the disintegration of the state order, with the result that dictatorial forces once again seize power. At the moment, it is not possible to say which scenario is more likely.
All the more reason for the democratic states of the world to give political support to the path of democratization taken by Abiy Ahmed and to help the country economically. It is also a question of strengthening all democratic forces in the country. Abiy Ahmed, as a much-praised hopeful, will not be able to implement his reform agenda on his own. It must get the various forces in Ethiopia’s multi-ethnic state at the same table and initiate a genuine national dialogue. Only then can a national sense of belonging be developed, which forms the basis for stability.
[1] Nora Kiefer, Sabine Odhiambo in “Ethiopia at the Crossroads”, Berlin, 27.December2019; http://www.deutsche-afrika-stiftung.de/files/afrikapost_aktuell_aethiopien_am_scheideweg.pdf (May 12, 2020)https://www.indexmundi.com/g/g.aspx?c=et&v=94&l=de; https://wko.at/statistik/laenderprofile/lp-aethiopien.pdf (May 12, 2020)[2] Maria Scurell in “The Country Information Portal” on Ethiopia, March 2020: https://www.liportal.de/aethiopien/wirtschaft-entwicklung/ (12.05.2020)Paloma Anos Casero (IDA), Zeine Zidane (IMF), Kevin Fletcher (IMF) in Joint Bank-Fund Debt Sustainibility Analysis 2018: http://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/690431545161133088/pdf/wbg-ethiopia-debt-sustainability-analysis-2018-update-final-dec0718-12142018-636805946102250783.pdf (12.05.2020)[3] Cf. Tim Heinemann: “Ethiopia 2025: an emerging industrial location in Africa?”, KfW Research No. 249, 27 March 2019: https://www.kfw.de/PDF/Download-Center/Konzernthemen/Research/PDF-Dokumente-Fokus-Volkswirtschaft/Fokus-2019/Fokus-Nr.-249-Maerz-2019-Aethiopien-2025.pdf (12.05.2020)[4] In the meantime, Parliament has specified the postponement in such a way that the elections are to take place in a period of 9-12 months after the end of the Corona pandemic.
July 26, 2020
The Ethiopia’s barbaric ruler PM, Colonel Abiy Ahmed, who is supported by the opportunistic Oromo and Amhara elite politicians has done all at his capacity to remove the Oromo’s lifelong freedom fighter (the current original OLF leader), Obbo Dawu Ibssa from his position to replace him with tripartite selected opportunistic OLF deserters.
The plot is believed to be masterminded by all those who wish to benefit from the subjugation of the Oromo nation that is already paying heavy prices and the entire subjugated nations and peoples of political south in Ethiopia in general.
The OLF’s chair, Obbo Dawud Ibsa and his OLF office’s 24/7 guards who work on three shifts were all removed since the afternoon of July 25, 2020 from his Finfinnee office.
The plan was similar with Colonel Abiy’s regime October 2019 failed attempts to assassinate Obbo Jawar Mohammed due to the bravery of his body guards who have refused to be removed in the middle of night. In the case of Obbo Dawud Ibssa, the culprits used different method by deploying the enemies within the OLF to claim that Obbo Dawud has been replaced by the OLF deserters to justify the transfer of power is a genuine party decision.
The plotters however failed to assert that, at this difficult time not only for the Oromo nation, but also for the entire country- as citizens are executed day and night, no Oromo imagines this will be plausible. Therefore, any sane person can assert the plot is the dirty work of the Oromo’s national enemies.
Therefore, it is imperative to rationalise that the plot of the tripartite quislings against the Oromo’s national interest came into effect in the midst of war waged on the nation by the unionist incumbent that is hell bent on dehumanising Oromo; after masterminding the assassination of the Oromo national icon, poetic singer, song writer and staunch Oromo’s human rights defender, Hacaaluu Hundessa on the 29th of June 2020.
It is also worth mentioning, following Hacaaluu’s PM and his unionist advisers masterminded assassination, numerous Oromo’s high profile politicians including Obbo Bekele Gerba, Obbo Jawar Mohammed, OLF leadership including Abdi Ragassa (for over 2 months), Michael Boran, Dr Shigut Geleta, Lemi Benya, Kenessa Ayana, and Colonel Gemechu Ayana following Hacaalu’s assassination. Moreover, over 15,000 Oromo civilians are unlawfully incarcerated and the entire Oromia is made a war zone.
The Oromo citizens are denied fundamental freedom to movement and existence in their own soil as state of emergency and concomitant state terrorism takes its toll.
As we speak, the Oromos are hunted like predators hunt on their pray; extremely barbaric action that all mankind should denounce and demand the Ethiopia’s PM who is acting like mad dog as he behaves like a psychopath to unconditionally stop!
As the Oromo people of all walks of life globally with like minded federalist groups is united to defend their national interests; its enemies within have inadvertently exposed themselves as they plot to derail the hope of the nation at this difficult time by planning to remove the Oromo’s lifelong freedom fighter from his leadership position.
Parts Of The Indicated Tripartite Plotters From OPP/PP Include;
1. PM colonel Abiy Ahmed, 2) Obbo Lema Megarssa, 3) Obbo Abadula Gamada (Minase) and numerous others.
Parts Of the Indicated Tripartite Plotters From Oromo Democratic Front (ODF):-1. Obbo Lenco Leta (embarrassing life ling opportunist who is also responsible for dismantling OLF’s army during 1992 transition by conspiring with the enemy) 2. Lenco Bati (who is also one of the OLF’s former leaders who has deserted the cause to join the very project that he has claimed was fighting against)3. Dr Beyan Assoba (who is also one of the OLF’s former leaders who has deserted the cause to join the very project that he has claimed was fighting against)
Parts of The Indicated Tripartite Plotters From OLF Include:-1). Ibsa Nagaw (group leader), 2) Tolera Adaba, 3) Atomsa Kumsa 4) Qajjeela (Kajela) Merdasa, 5) Ararsso Bikila, 6) Jawessa Gabissa, 7) Milikias Irko, 8)Waqo (Wako) Kune All three parties have betrayed the Oromo nation and its national cause.
While the Oromo nation and the supporters of the Oromo cause move hand in hand in rejecting state terrorism in Oromia by unanimously denouncing the ongoing executions of hundreds and incarcerations of the Oromo politicians; the surrender of the OLF’s leadership is double crime although no Oromo expected any good from group one and two.
The actions of the third group defy sane beliefs therefore beyond comprehension. The Oromo nation is on war and the nation and their closest allies such the Sidama and the rest are yet in the process of mourning the assassination of the Oromo iconic son, Hacaaluu. Additionally, the Oromo’s noble sons are unlawfully incarcerated and are taken to unknown places.
During such national upheaval for the Oromo nation, the actions of the third party are beyond belief. Paradoxically such coward and egoist actions of the OLF’s deserters are one of the top betrayals of the century in the struggle of the Oromo nation. The leader of the second group is known for his betrayal since 1992 and no one cares about thuggish actions. However, it is difficult to swallow the hardest truth when the comrades who have fought for decades for the same cause along with their comrades during both difficult and good times betray all together.
These groups have betrayed:-
1. The Oromo’s national cause
2. The OLF’s comrades as they remain unlawfully incarcerated – some of them taken to unknown locations
3. The OLF’s lifelong freedom fighter and their leader
4. The heroic and selfless sacrifices of the Oromo’s icon Hacaaluu Hunbdessa.
We denounce with all possible terms the selfish actions of the reckless plotters and demand the Ethiopia’s regime to unconditionally stop state terrorism in Oromia by freeing all Oromo’s political prisoners.
We demand the regime to unconditionally stop its plots to remove obbo Dawud Ibsa.
We denounce the actions of tripartite coalitions and advise them that their reckless actions only add to the ongoing volatility in Oromia and in the country with wider regional ramifications.
Finally, once again we, the Sdiama nation assure the Oromo that, we always stand by you – the Oromo nation, our closest brother and fight together for a common good to the last drop of our blood.
Justice For The Oromo Nation!
May Justice Prevail on Behalf of the Victims!
July 26, 2020
A press release by members of the OLF leaders in the Diaspora
The current political turmoil and security crisis in Oromia as well as Ethiopia is worsening from time to time, severely straining the daily life of citizens. The current machinations to turn Oromia in to a war zone and the catastrophic consequences in terms of human and material destruction is becoming unbearable. In the aftermath of the assassination of our beloved artist Hacaaluu Hundessaa, members of Ethiopia’s armed forces deployed throughout Oromia are tasked with the duty of killing, maiming, imprisoning, and torturing the Oromo people for their alleged membership or support of the OLF.
The OLF had repeatedly issued press releases regarding the worsening situation in the country. Among the alarming signals regarding the immediate jeopardy that the OLF and OFC are about to face include;
1. The residence of Mr. Daawud Ibsa, Chairman of the OLF, is currently under siege by members of the Ethiopian security and armed forces. Mr. Ibsaa’s telephone line is completely disconnected at this time.
2. Government security vehicles are seen driving in and out of the compound of OLF headquarter in the Gullalle subdistrict of Addis Ababa. The surroundings of the OLF head quarter are also under strict surveillance.
3. Reliable sources are indicating that a number of government media outlets are directed to be at the OLF office in Gullallee on Sunday for the purpose of airing a would-be breaking news.
4. Members of the OLF are being deprived of freedom of movement and unable to perform their daily routines of duty.
5. Almost all OLF branch offices throughout Oromia have been destroyed & plundered while leaders and representatives of the organization are jailed.
6. All OLF offices in the suburbs of Finfinne are looted and ransacked.
7. OLF headquarter offices in Gullalle are being searched without any warrant and the imprisonment of members occupying these offices has continued unabated.
8. Ethiopia’s ruling party has embarked on luring some of the gullible and the vulnerable among OLF and OFC rank & file to some petty benefits as a mechanism to divide the integrity of the OLF with an ultimate goal of forcing the Oromo people’s quest for freedom to succumb to the aspirations of the Neo-Naftagna.
9. Oromo intellectuals and business owners are being imprisoned for their alleged support of the OLF.
10. Some members of the government’s police force and the army suspected of supporting or sympathizing with the OLF are being imprisoned while others are being fired from the government structure as employees.
In conclusion, the overall situation of the Oromo peoples’ struggle for freedom, the Oromo Liberation Front and the Oromo Federalist Congress is worrisome. Therefore, we call upon the Oromo people to be vigilant about the machinations of our enemies and to protect the national interest of Oromia, safeguard the integrity of its lead organizations, the OLF & OFC, and the unity of the leaders of our struggle for freedom.
The heroic deeds the Oromo people, both at home and abroad, had hitherto exhibited are very much appreciated and unparalleled by any account. We reiterate the imperative for the Oromo people to stay the course and remain the vanguard of the Oromo Peoples’ struggle for freedom in unison.
Victory to the Oromo People!
July 25, 2020
(A4O, 19 July 2020) Oromia Global Forum held its frist conference over webnar on 18 July 2020.
Many Oromo intellectuals presented thier valuable presentation on this unique conference.
Oromia Global Forum is a global alliance of Oromo Civic, Professional and Faith-Based Organizations and individual proponents of Human Rights, residing in North America, Europe, Australia, Asia and Africa.
Here below is Dr Asafa Jalata’s, The University of Tennessee at Knoxville, presentation on ‘Institutionalizing the Oromo Movement’: PREREQUISITES FOR BUILDING A DEMOCRATIC OROMIA STATE.
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE CONTACT:
18 July 2020
The #OLF flag (aka Oromo flag) consists of three horizontal stripes of red (top & bottom) & green (middle).
At the center of the flag are a rising yellow sun & an Odaa tree, above which seats a five-pointed red star.
The colors & the symbols represent:
The green stripe symbolizes the riches & the nature of Oromo land.
The red stripes represents the sacrifices paid during the long Oromo struggle for freedom.
The rising sun symbolizes the dawning of freedom.
The Odaa tree is a hallmark of the indigenous Gadaa democracy of the Oromo people.
The five-pointed red star symbolizes Oromo struggle for peace, prosperity, freedom, democracy & unity.
Press Release on the Assassination of Haacaaluu Hundeessaa
and the Current Situation in Oromia, Ethiopia
The Oromo Studies Association (OSA) joins millions of Oromos and allies of Oromos in strongly condemning the senseless assassination of the famous artist and political activist Haacaaluu Hundeesaa. Through his music, oratory, and activism, Haacaaluu played a vital role in articulating and communicating the essence of Oromummaa and the objectives of Oromo
struggle for liberation and social justice. Consequently, as an Oromo cultural hero, he has captured the hearts and minds of millions of Oromos as the demonstrations of Oromos in Oromia and in the different parts of the world revealed.
The Oromo Studies Association denounces the brutal killings, imprisoning of thousands of Oromos for protesting against the assassination and government policies of labelling, attacking, and destroying the Oromo movement for self-determination, freedom, and democracy. Th Association finds the steps the Ethiopian government has taken to investigate Haacaaluu’s death unsettling. OSA also finds the government’s violent suppression of the peaceful protesters undemocratic and lacks legal credibility. Instead of carrying out a thorough investigation to find
out the the killers of Haacaaluu, the investigating team is focusing on the political opponents of the regime and publizing unconfirmed conspiracy theories to deflect the attention from the real assassins.
Furthermore, instead of addressing genuine Oromo demands, the regime of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has collaborated with the forces that are subjugating the Oromo, and has taken ideological, political, and military measures that are intended to delegitimize, discredit and destroy democratic Oromo leadership and institutions. We believe that these anti-Oromo forces are after all responsible for the current violence and crisis in Oromia.
The day after Haacaaluu’s assassination, the Ethiopian government blocked the Internet and telephone services, and independent Oromo media in the state of Oromia to restrict the flow of information. This was followed by a violent crackdown on thousands of civilians who wanted to give Haacaaluu a hero’s send off. It is disheartening that government security forces summarily executed members of Haacaaluu’s family as if the assassination of the artist was not enough. On the very same day, prominent political activists and opposition leaders like Jawar Mohammed, Bekele Gerba, Hamza Borana and thirty-five other Oromo leaders were arrested.
Later Dr. Shigux Galata, Michael Booran, Kennesaa Ayaanaa and several others were arbitrarily arrested. These actions were the continuation of imprisoning prominent OLF leaders such as Yasoo Kabada, Lammii Beenyae, Kaayyo Fufaa, Professor Bayana Ruudaa, Gadaa Bulti, and
Abdii Raggaasa. They also imprisoned several members of the Oromo Federalist Congress including Dajanee Taafaa. Interestingly, some of those detained hold foreign passports. For example, Dr. Shigux Galata is a citizen of Germany, while Redwaan Amaan, Yuusuf Bashir, and Micah Chiri are United Stated citizens. A Kenyan journalist, Yasin Juma was also arrested while covering the protests and government crackdown in Ethiopia. Trusting the prime minister’s initial promise to lead the reform process, Jawar Mohammed renounced his US citizenship only to fall into the prime minister’s trap and find himself in the notorious Ethiopian prison.
The Oromo Studies Association finds these arbitrary arrests and extra judicial killings extremely concerning. Such violent actions by the government illustrates a complete disregard for freedom of speech and human rights, which are the corner stone of a free and democratic society. It is a breach to the prime minister’s promises to the nation in his inaugural speech. It is contrary to the core principles of the Nobel Peace Prize which was given to him in 2019.
OSA strongly and resoundingly condemns violence perpetuated by the state against political opposition and civilians alike. Therefore, we demand the government of Ethiopia to:
Finally, OSA expresses its utter disappointment with hostile media outlets who, in their broadcasts, portray the Oromo people as hatemongers and killers. We are particularly concerned by the way tax-payer funded and government-supported media outlets such as VOA, Deutsche Welle, and BBC Amharic programs are presenting news stories and analyses about the current violence in Oromia. We believe that the interviews are staged, the sources are unbalanced and unverified; and contrary to journalistic professional ethnics their questions are leading to draw a desired conclusion.
In so doing, the journalists at these media outlets are not only propagating baseless and hostile propaganda against the Oromo people, but they are also complicating Ethiopia’s already too complicated problems. We demand that the journalists covering the Amharic program at of VOA, DW and BBC adhere to true professional principles of journalism by being fair and balanced. We plead to the respective boards of directors of these outlets to take all necessary measures to restrain their journalists from targeting the Oromo people.
The Oromo Studies Association
July 15, 2020
Dabessa Gemelal is one of many refugees in Australia who have been working in their communities to tackle COVID-19.
Through community education and information program and other initiatives he has been providing valuable community education and information about COVID-19 in Oromo language to make sure people know about and understand government measures and support services.
Dabessa is director of Advocacy for Oromia, which started the community education and information program to share verified information with refugee communities, especially Oromo community, about the coronavirus.
Dabessa believes we will get through these times because we are working together.
“A4O community education and information program showcases the positive contribution of our community and how they have come together in this unprecedented time to help everyone,” he said.
In addition to the community education and information program Dabessa has been organising online conversations with various Oromo community organisations and members to give information in Oromo language.
“I am working with the various Oromo Community associations, running online workshops to build the capacity of our people from refugee backgrounds in accessing timely and accurate information during COVID-19.”
Dabessa has experienced more in his life than most people can say from a lifetime of experiences. Dabessa fled Oromia in fear of political persecution.
He landed in Kenya as refugee, with no rights or access to work, education, health care or housing.
“I was always under threat of being arrested. I never felt safe in Kenya,” Dabessa said.
While Dabessa was in Nairobi, applying for refugee status, his worst fears were confirmed: “I got the news my wife was arrested.”
Just like her husband, Lelisse was falsely imprisoned for three years. In that time, Dabessa arranged for their children to be brought to Nairobi, and the family made their way to Australia — without Lelisse — as refugees.
After registering with the UNHCR and after three years, Dabessa’s family received a humanitarian visa for Australia and resettled in Adelaide in September 2009.
“I had mixed feelings the first few months after my arrival, however, I was very relieved that I was finally safe from harm and be an active citizen and get an education.”
Dabessa was thankful for the safety and freedom his new home afforded him. But his continued separation from Lelisse made it hard to settle in or get ahead.
“Until Lelisse arrived, I never think about a job because I’m caring [for the] children,” he explains. “I need to be home when the children come home. I’m going shopping, cooking, and making them to be stronger.”
Dabessa believes Australia has given him so many chances to succeed with challenges.
“The biggest success for me was that Australia gave me the opportunity to further my education. Within the 10 years, I hold Diploma of Community Services Work, Diploma of Case Management and recently hold a Bachelor of Social Work.”
Through his own personal experiences, Dabessa is determined to contribute in influencing change where people with lived experience are part of the decision-making process so that we better address the needs of refugees and people seeking asylum in Australia and around the world.
Advocacy for Oromia 