Author Archives: advocacy4oromia

Neglected Identity – A Special Issue of Biftuu – Barii: Seenaa as Sanait

By Seenaa Jimjimo* | April 10, 2014

Even though my story is not as compelling and thrilling as the story of “Chaltu as Helen,” I still find it perplexing to see some Oromos introduce themselves in two characters. Perhaps, you are wondering what I am referring to. Let me take you through the story. It was just this past Sunday; I ran into a beautiful young Oromo woman. Just after she had walked in through the doors with her husband, she introduced herself to me with a typical Habesha name. I couldn’t pronounce her name, but I introduced myself as well. With excitement on her face, she told me her real name was … (let me just say, another typical Oromo name). Now, I am not in any way denigrating her for falling short of stating her real name to herHabesha friends; I was rather heartbroken and saddened by the fact this happened too often.

It is no surprise to me, as it is no surprise to you, that there are too many Oromo men and women who simply want to blend with Habesha identities easily by neglecting who they are. In fact, I have no problem using the name Ethiopia to define where you have come from. I understand it is the easiest and shortest thing to say to non-Ethiopians, and to receive warm welcome from your best “Habesha” friends, whom some of us dearly want.

However, have you considered the other side, the damages you are causing? Perhaps not; if you have done that, I believe that you will most likely make a better choice. The simple statement of your Ethiopianizationdoes not only renounce your Oromummaa, but it also leads you to lose the priceless opportunity to teach your true identity to others. Your statement makes you to acknowledge that you are indeed just another Habesha from that country. Remember the notion of “Ethiopianization” will force you to lose the noble opportunity of becoming a role model to the young generation, that looks up to you and to your peers, to claim who they are as Oromos. You know more than anyone, your people and your nation were (are being) persecuted and killed for simply being Oromos. In fact, most us come to this country claiming the Ethiopian government persecuted our parents or us ourselves.

I recommend each Oromo person to speak your mother tongue aroundHabeshas. For some reason, the best-friend, whom you have known too well, will show you their different side, the side you have never thought they have in them; perhaps, you already know that, maybe that is why you want to avoid bringing up your identity. For me, I have seen it too many times;Habeshas acting surprised that I am an Oromo, and that I don’t speak their language, or even worst, giving me the “eye” because I have announced I am proud to be an Oromo.

On the other hand, I’m a witness to the changes in the country so calledEthiopia. It was just eight years ago that the Ethiopian embassy staffer thought it was funny an Oromo person requested for a translator. Eight years later, I have witnessed great changes and pride to be an Oromo. Here at home, where I have lived for over half of my life, I have met so many young Habesha men who claim to be mixed/half-Oromos. Perhaps, some of these men are motivated to get my number; nevertheless, it makes me happy to know that the once-illegal identity has finally become a popular thing. I just want to acknowledge those changes have come with so much blood and struggle of the Oromo.

While our battles are far from being over, I would like to state that I understand the argument some of us (Oromos) make. Some of us will say, “Our problem is not with the name Ethiopia, rather the Ethiopian government, or even worst, not the Ethiopians, rather their leaders.” I say to you that the name Ethiopia and the government are one and the same. Whether it is the Tigrayan or the Amhara leaders, or their kin foot-soldiers, all have committed the same crimes against the Oromo. When their leaders mutilated and murdered our innocent men and women in such places as Aannolle and Calanqoo, their kin foot-soldiers supported them. Even today, over a century later, their kin foot-soldiers celebrate the leader that had committed numerous crimes against humanity against the Oromo people. Habeshas want the millions of Oromo lives lost by their genocide to be forgotten; our identity to be lost so we can accept Ethiopianization to become Amharas when they dream wildly. Remember, not a century ago, but today, Oromos are still being persecuted for simply being born as Oromos.

Amazingly, here in the West, far away from home, they still seem to control some of us with their spell. The American saying goes, “if it looks like a pig, smells like a pig and tastes like a pig, chances are ‘it is a pig’.” Remember, if we talk like them; dress like them or name our kids like them, then we have become them. The difference between them and us is just our culture, language and religions. With so much complexity in modern religions; truly, it is just our culture and language that differentiate us. In 2014, Habeshas expect us and our kids to speak their language. When we don’t, they ask “Why?!” – as if we are one and the same; worse, they make us feel inferior as we have failed to learn some important language. More importantly, we fail to ask them how come they don’t speak Afan Oromo when they were born and raised with Oromian milk and honey. What happens to the audacity, learning the culture and language of the country you reside? Of course, that does not apply to the Habeshas; they are the “chosen.”

The hardcore that I seem …
To give you an example of my experience, which had led me to who I am today, I would like to take you back to the Spring of 2013. As a last year graduate student in small town Illinois, I ran into a group of students – some of whom I knew, and others new faces. As I got close to the group of students, I noticed an unfamiliar face speaking directly at me in the language that seemed too familiar. Shortly after he had finished his statement, I told him that I did not speak that language. Angry and disappointed as he was, he walked away really fast. Everyone in the group (six people to be exact) smiled. Two second later, he returned with more of his language. Again, I said to him, “no offense, but I think I have told you I do not speak that language.” A good friend of mine, who knew me for almost three years, said, “I told you; she is not an Ethiopian; she is an Oromo.” Surprised and amused, he started laughing.

My colleagues and friends were so surprised by his act; they asked if we knew each other. While I understood my colleague’s confusion, I knew too well what his real aches were. I walked away with a smile on my face, saying to my friend, “clearly, he has a problem.” My friends shook their heads in agreement. Later that evening, two of my colleagues told me some of the things he was saying about me. He said, “He knows I speak the language, but I am trying to act American.” What he did not realize was that those people knew me, way long before he came, and everyone who had a chance to interact with me either as a classmate or a Student Representative (a Senator at Large) knew that I was always Oromo. Even though he failed to learn I was Oromo from his fellow classmates, the following week I taught him a lesson he would never forget. I am sure he had taken the lesson well, and he would never violate anyone else’s identity.

We are in America – the land of the free. It should not be up to someone, like the guys I mentioned, to tell us who we are. No one should define you; that time has passed. We should never alter our identity to please someone, and become something we are not. To some of us, it is time we face our darkest fear. There are far too many of us that believe in being Oromo, but continue to claim someone else’s identity. Our reasons might be different, perhaps many, but if not now, then when? Always remember, you can only overcome your fear only by facing it. To go back to my “little friend,” he later tried to tell me that he was in fact an Oromo from his dad’s side. He didn’t speak the language because he was born and raised in “Addis.” I think we all know what that means.

If you have read this far, you are probably wondering why I am writing about this now. I guess my answer would be, it is because of my recent encounter with the young Oromo lady whom introduced herself asHabesha, I mentioned above, and the place this month holds in my heart. I am not sure if everyone knows what the month of April represents. As the saying goes, it is no brainer to know little about your history. April 15th is the day all Oromos should remember. It is Oromo Martyrs’ Day, or the day we commemorate those who had fallen while paving the path to freedom for us. If you cannot celebrate this day for whatever reason, it is your duty to remember the men and women who sacrifices their precious lives to survive our identity, which we enjoy today. It is your responsibility to educate your fellow Oromos and non-Oromos what this day means to you and your people. The best way to represent your identity is through culture; culture is best kept by practice. As an Oromo, if we cannot agree on everything politically, I am certain that we can all come together to celebrate the national April 15th.

Happy “Guyya Gootata Oromoo!”

——————
Seenaa Jimjimo is an Oromo Activist and can be reached at sjimjimo@gmail.com

AFO urges to uphold Human Rights of Refugees in Kenya

(Advocacy for Oromia, Press Release, 9 April 2014) Advocacy for Oromia requests the Government of Kenya to ensure that the law enforcement agencies to uphold the rights of all those arrested and to treat them in a humane and non-discriminatory manner.

The press release also emphasizes  the need of  internal investigations for the breach of the police department orders as issued by the department.

Advocacy for Oromia understands the security concerns of the Government of Kenya and the steps taken to protect the people who live in the country including asylum-seekers and refugees.

As the government does its search to secure the country, at the same time,  they have to “to uphold the rights of all those arrested and to treat them in a humane and non-discriminatory manner.”  to respect the International law and  human rights.

Advocacy for Oromia has been informed that those arrested are held at various police stations as well as at the Kasarani Stadium in a very poor harsh condition.

Press Release Advocacy for Oromia

 

 

A Tribute to Oromo Martyrs’ Day – April 15, 2014

AANOLEE: ‘A TRAGEDY ON WHICH ETHIOPIAN SOURCES ARE SILENT’

Aanolee(OPride) – Hundreds of thousands gathered in Hetosa, Arsi zone of Oromia, the largest of Ethiopia’s nine federal states, for the unveiling of the Aanolee Cultural Center on April 6, 2014, local media reported.

The cultural center houses the Oromo Martyrs’ memorial monument, an ethnographic museum and a mural. Standing several inches on top of a tomb, the monument shows a severed hand stretched upward holding a women’s breast, also severed. It is erected as a tribute to the Arsi Oromo whose hands and breasts were mutilated by 19th century Ethiopian emperor Menelik II.

Located 150kms from the capital Addis Ababa, Aanolee is a site steeped in Oromo history. As Madda Walaabuu stood as the cradle and greatness of the Oromo, Aanolee came to represent its humiliation. For centuries, the Oromo were organized under an egalitarian Gadaa system. It was at Aanolee that power transfer took place among generations of Arsi Abba Gadaa leaders under Odaa Rooba, one of the five Gadaa Oromo assemblies.

In late 19th century, roughly at the same time as the scramble for Africa, emperor Menelik II set out to forcibly incorporate independent Oromo territories into his “nascent empire.” Having conquered the Wollo, Tulama and other Oromo tribes, Menelik faced a fierce resistance from the Arsi.

The Arsi were not new to their Amhara neighbors to the north. In their encounters in battle, the Arsi did not consider their future nemesis to be much of a contender. The Arsi had, as they still do, much respect, both in war and in peace, for their southern neighbors – particularly the Sidama who are known for their fiercely warrior tradition. Besides, the Amhara did not then know how to ride horses, and the Arsi did not see any reason to be worried about loosing in battle to them. When news came that an invading army was arriving, the Arsi simply asked, “Is this the Sidama?” When told it was not, the Arsi scoffed, lowering their guards.

When Menelik’s army of conquest, equipped with modern firearms acquired from western powers, arrived in early 1880s, the Arsi was in for a rude surprise. However, buoyed by a tradition that bestowed Wayyooma (an almost sacred high honor) accorded to those distinguished in war as in peace, the Arsi waged a valiant war of resistance. The Arsi repeatedly ambushed and kept Menelik’s forces at bay for six years between 1880-86 — winning all 38 running battles. In one instance, in 1885, after Arsi warriors wiped out his elite imperial guard in a nightly ambush at the battle of Doddota near Mount Albasso, Menelik was forced to flee for life, leaving behind his wife and Negarit (the imperial drum). Menelik’s remaining soldiers, awed by the bravery of their opponents, reportedly sung: Doddota ye wandoochu bootaa (Doddota land of the brave).

‎On Sep. 6, 1886, the ferocious Arsi fighters succumbed to Menelik’s state of the art of the arts armaments with their spears and shields outmatched. An armistice was declared after an estimated 12,000 Oromo fighters, who faced off against a superior force led by general Ras Darge, perished in a single day battle. The Arsi “suspended their struggle to save whatever could be saved,” according to Oromo historian Abbas H. Gnamo, author of a recently published book, “Conquest and Resistance in the Ethiopian Empire, 1880-1974 – The Case of the Arsi Oromo.”

But the suspension of open hostility did not end Menelik’s appetite to crush and humiliate the Arsi. In 1887, Menelik’s forces came back to avenge their repeated defeat at the hands of local Oromo fighters and to terrorize the remaining populace into total submission. Ahead of a scheduled Buttaa event, a power transfer ceremony under the Gadaa system, Ras Darge called for a meeting to “make peace” with the Arsi and “deliberate” on future administrative matters. Thousands gathered at Aanolee. Aanolee was strategically chosen because it was a symbolic site of Arsi power and what is reverently referred to as Arsooma, a custom by which the Arsi Oromo made laws, deliberated on war and peace, elected their leaders and settled their inter and intra clan disputes — the super glue that held the Arsi tightly together.

Menelik’s scheme was to divide the Arsi so as to dismantle their Gadaa government structure and communal unity. Along with other Oromo speakers who served the system, the emperor enlisted local elders such as Tuke Mama and Bitee Dilaato. Mama was installed as the interim governor of sort. But the Arsi refused, not least citing the fact that Mama had outlived his Gadaa and was by then a Gadamojji (way past the retirement age under the age-based Gadaa grades).

The debate then centered on “qubaan moo lubaan bulla” — whether to accept Menelik’s rule or maintain their Gadaa structures. The proud Arsi chose the latter. Menelik himself then arrived to deliver the ultimatum that they would be annihilated if they don’t accept his rule. The Arsi was not ready to do so even long after accepting inevitable military defeat. The Arsi insisted on maintaining their Gadaa while accepting, even if begrudgingly, Menelik as a king. “Nugusummaa fudhannee, seeraa keennan bula,” they proclaimed according to local elders.

In what was to go down in Oromo history as Harmaaf Harka Muraa Aannolee, Ras Darge and Menelik’s army ordered those in attendance at the “peace” gathering to enter a narrow pass one by one. “The right hands of all male that entered were cut off on orders of Ras Darge. The Shoans tied the hand they cut to the neck of the victim. In the same manner, the right breasts of the women were also cut and tied to their necks,” according Gnamo. “As a further form of humiliation, fear and terror, the mutilated breasts and hands were tied around the necks of the victims who were then sent back home.”

As a result, all the men and women who went to Aanolee, the estimates ranging from a low of a thousand to thousands more, returned short of their right hands and right breasts.

That was not all. The local Abbaa Gadaas, the highest-ranking Arsi officials, including those in line to take the reign of power, were castrated. Menelik’s soldiers cut the tongues of those who spoke out against Abyssinian invasion. They went door to door collecting cultural artifacts, including Boku, Caaccuu, waraana, wonte, Siinqee and other relics. In a bid meant to destroy and remove Oromo culture from the people’s psyche, the artifacts were torched. It burned for eight straight days, according to descendants of the survivors.

Arsi oral historiography is replete with the story of the tragedy of the cold-blooded massacre at Aanolee. Told and retold by grandmothers and grandfathers for generations since, Aanolee served to this day as a symbol of Oromo resistance against Abyssinian expansion and its continuing legacy of subjugation. The Arsi saga of the 1880s gave birth to two stories — that of Aanolee and Lenjisoo Diigaa. According to Gnamo, Leenjiso was instrumental in organizing the Arsi resistance against Menelik’s invading army.

Among the Arsi, mention the word Aanolee and the blood of the Arsi boils and its trauma curdles into a rock of determination to see to it that justice is restored. Talk about the bravery of Lenjisoo and the knowledge of the massacre of Aanolee becomes a clarion call for spirited action against injustice and the willingness to pay whatever cost is necessary to re-empower the Oromo and relive the glory of its past patriotism and bravery.

Lenjisoo’s bravery was so well known that one of his earliest Geerarsa’s became part of the Arsi folklore. Gnamo writes,

Koloobni gadi gatee
Abeetni guddifatee
Waan boru biyyaa tayuu
Waan boru Arsii tayuu
Leenjoon ardhumaa mul’dhifatee.

Which means:

Forsaken by the Kollobaa, reared by the Abeeta,
 What he will do tomorrow for the country
 What he will do for the Arsi
 Leenjiso showed it all today.

The fall of the Arsi marked a turning point in Abyssinia’s southern conquest. Although Menelik’s imperial army faced furious resistance at Cali Calanqo, in Eastern Oromia, by that time, a vast swath of the Oromo country was already annexed.

The Aanolee memorial was constructed with a cost of 20 million birr, according to the Oroma Culture and Tourism Bureau. The monument stands erect as a reminder of the tragedy about which, in the words of Gnamo, “Ethiopian history was largely silent.” Even today, some right-wing Ethiopianists, akin to holocaust deniers, claim the incident was a fiction. Aanolee stubbornly stands to remind Ethiopia’s rulers, who refuse to deal with mounting Oromo grievances, that the Oromo issue remains an open wound, a latent volcano — with only the day and time of its eruption uncertain.

Chinese- and European-made spyware is enabling Addis Ababa to silence dissent

                                               by  @FelixHorne1

I met Abdi (not his real name), a 32-year-old primary school teacher from Ethiopia’s Oromia region, last July while in Nairobi. Abdi had been arrested a year earlier in his hometown for organizing a protest against local government corruption. He was already under the eye of Ethiopian security officials because he refused to provide information on the activities of his students to local authorities.

Over the course of two weeks in detention, Abdi was repeatedly beaten and accused of belonging to the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which originated in nationalist movements fighting for increased autonomy in the 1960s. The Ethiopian government considers the OLF a terrorist organization and uses the threat of an armed struggle to justify repression of ordinary Oromos, who constitute Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group.

The harassment continued after Abdi was released. Eventually, like thousands of other Ethiopians, he felt compelled to flee to Kenya, leaving behind his wife and two children. After some time in Kenya he called home and spoke to his wife, who told him that security officials had been harassing her since he left. That was the last time he spoke to her.

Abdi later learned from neighbors that security officials came to their house hours after his call, demanding to know who was calling her from Kenya and accusing her of being in contact with rebel operatives there. He no longer calls Ethiopia and does not know the whereabouts of his family.

Abdi’s story is not unique. In the last two decades, tens of thousands of Ethiopians have fled their country because of government repression or limited economic opportunities. Most of these migrants, especially those living in neighboring African countries, fear that if they communicate with their families back home, their calls will be traced and their relatives will face repercussions. As new research by Human Rights Watch shows, their fears are well founded. The fear that permeates the lives of many inside Ethiopia has been successfully exported to other countries.

Ethiopian expats, including those living in the United States, have become targets of Addis Ababa’s global espionage.

The state-run Ethio Telecom is the sole provider of phone and Internet services in Ethiopia. The Chinese telecom equipment and systems company ZTE is helping Ethiopia modernize its telecommunications infrastructure. The Ethiopian government uses a Chinese-developed telecom system to monitor and control the communications of its citizens and to silence dissenters both in Ethiopia and abroad. Security officials have unlimited access to the phone records of everyone in the country who owns a phone. During abusive interrogations, security officials often play back recorded phone calls to people in their custody. Those calling or receiving calls from foreign numbers are particularly at risk of reprisals by a government keen to punish those it considers a threat.

But Ethiopia goes even further to monitor dissenting voices outside its borders. The government has acquired and is using commercially available European-made spyware — namely the U.K.- and Germany-based Gamma International’s FinFisher and the Italy-based Hacking Team’s Remote Control System — to monitor dissenters in other countries, effectively extending its surveillance capabilities far beyond its borders. These tools provide security and intelligence agencies with full access to files and activity on an infected target’s computer. They can log keystrokes and passwords and switch on a device’s webcam and microphone, turning a computer anywhere in the world into a listening device. Ethiopian expats, including those living in the United States, the United Kingdom, Norway and Switzerland, have become targets of this global espionage.

In late 2012, security officials detained the wife of Yohannes Alemu, a Norwegian citizen and member of a banned opposition group, as she was visiting family in Addis Ababa. They questioned her about her husband’s political connections. Then the security officials demanded information from Yohannes via phone and email about his opposition party colleagues. He refused; after 20 days his wife was finally released and returned to Norway.

But the incident did not end there.

One of the emails he received contained an attachment infected with FinFisher spyware. Once he had downloaded this spyware, the Ethiopian security agencies had unfettered access to all the information on his computer.

While people around the world are right to be shocked by former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden’s revelations of mass surveillance by the U.S. government, they should also be concerned that repressive governments such as Ethiopia’s are purchasing and using advanced technologies to target independent voices beyond their borders. The export and use of these European-made commercial products remains virtually unregulated. This is particularly worrying given that evidence exists that similar technologies may be in the hands of authoritarian regimes throughout the world.

These technologies enable repressive governments to monitor dissenting voices in other countries — even in countries where privacy rights are stronger and legal protections are in place to limit state-sponsored surveillance.

The United States, European Union and other donors that together provide an estimated $4 billion in annual aid to Ethiopia should take concerted steps to stop this abuse. They should support global efforts to regulate the export and use of such technologies to governments with poor human rights records. African governments should also speak out and make it clear to Ethiopia that it is an infringement on basic rights to use these technologies to spy on citizens outside of Ethiopia’s borders — people who are all too often seeking protection from repression back home.

Felix Horne is an Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch and co-author of a new report, “‘They Know Everything We Do’: Telecom and Internet Surveillance in Ethiopia.”

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera America’s editorial policy.

http://america.aljazeera.com/opinions/2014/4/ethiopia-s-borderlesscyberespionage.html

THE EXPANSION OF THE AMORPHOUS ADDIS ABABA, THE ENDLESS PERSECUTION AND EVICTION OF TULAMA OROMOO

By Bulbulaa Tufaa | April 6, 2014

Around FinfinneeAmong the major Oromo descent groups, the Matcha-Tulama group has got one of the largest populations, stretching on vast area of land in central and western Oromia. As we are able to learn from our fathers, Matcha and Tulama are Borana brothers, being Tulama angafa (first born) and Matcha qixisuu (second born son). As common to all Oromo ethno-history, the tradition that governs the social role of “angafa and qixisuu”, which begins right from the immediate family unit, has a deep genealogical meaning and social role in re-invigorating the solidarity of the nation. From the earliest time of which we have a tradition hanging down to us,

Matcha-Tulama Oromo has had a supreme legislative organ known as Chaffe. The Chaffe legislates laws which will eventually be adopted as Seera Gadaa. They have a senatorial council known as “Yaa’ii Saglan Booranaa”, in which elected individuals from major clans are represented. The function of Yaa’ii Saglan Booranaa is to deliberate on issues pertaining to regional issues, resolve inter-clan disputes and oversees how interests of each clan in the confederacies are represented; how local resources are fairly shared and wisely utilised according to the law.

These two northern Boorana brothers are historically referred to as Boorana Booroo or Boorana Kaabaa
Among the known five Oromo Odaas, Odaa Nabee and Odaa Bisil are found in Boorana Booroo
However, beginning from the 13th century onward, the Match-Tulama country (Boorana Booroo), adjacent to Abyssinian border, has begun to be ravaged by a group of individuals whose legendary genealogy connects them to a certain King Solomon of non-African origin. They came and settled at a place they call “Manz”.They organised themselves at this place, and started to attack neighbouring villages of Cushitic Oromo family stock of Laaloo, Geeraa and Mammaa. The attacked villages were gradually incorporated into the expanding Manz, which eventually developed to a military outpost known as Showa in the late 18th century. Hereafter, they declared themselves “Ye Negasi Zer, the root of Showa Amhara Dynasty.

After vanquishing Agaw people’s identity and sovereignty on the northern frontier, the Solomonic Negasi Dynasties of Showa intensified their attacks against the Match-Tulama of Borana and the Karrayyu of Barantu Oromos. In such turbulent situation, the rule of yeNegasi Zer entered nineteenth century era, which ushered the era of the Scramble for Africa by European imperialist powers. From Africa, it was only King Minilik of Showa (1866-1889) who was recognised as a partner and invited to attend the Berlin Imperialist Conference of 1884. In this conference, Minilik was represented by his cousin, Ras Mekonnen Tenagneworq Sahile-Sellasie (1852-1906). After completing their mission, King Minilik and the European imperialist powers made concession on border demarcation. After the border demarcation had been completed, a systematic elimination of his prominent general, Ras Goobanaa Daacci (1819-1889), was meticulously carried out. Minilik was so confident to declare himself Emperor of Ethiopia (1889- 1913).This was the Ethiopia, the first time in the history of the region, that brutally annexed and included Oromo, Sidama, Walaita, Kaficho, Beneshangul, Gambella, and others to the expanding of Abyssinia.

The years 1887-89 were the boiling point for Minilik’s declaration of being “Emperor of Ethiopia, ye Itiyophiya Nuguse, nägest. Why?

Because, it was the time when he exterminated the Gullallee Oromo from the marshy-hot spring and pasture land of Finfinnee and collectivised the place under a new colonial name Addis Ababa.
Because, it was the time when he built full confidence in himself and built his permanent palace at Dhaqaa Araaraa, a sacred hill, where the evicted Oromos peacefully used to sit together and conduct peaceful deliberation for reconciliation.
It was the time when he annexed three-fourth of southern peoples’ territories, including the Oromo territory, to the expanding Showan Dynasty and put under the iron-fist of his inderases (viceroys).
It was the time when he assured un-shivering confidence of being continued to be assisted and advised by his European colonial partners: militarily, diplomatically and technically.
Here is the question: What happened to those Oromos who were living in Finfinnee for centuries? Particular mention has to be made about those Tulama Oromo groups of Gullallee, Eekkaa, Galaan, Aabbuu, Jillee. The answer is very simple: They were mercilessly decimated; their villages burnt down, their pasture and arable lands confiscated and shared among the invading Manzian Nagasii families of whom the Dejazmach Mangasha Seifu and the Ras Birru families were the most notorious ones. Thereafter, the Oromo territory occupied by Matcha-Tulama was officially changed to the expanding Kingdom of Showa, a detached enclave from Gonder, Abyssinia. Finfinnee was given a new colonial name “Addis Ababa”, just like Zimbabwe was changed to Rhodesia, Harare to Salisbury. Under this excruciating condition, the conquered Matcha-Tulama region had to lose its historic significance and had to be involuntarily submitted to the colonial name Showa.

In addition to the former derogatory term “Galla”, imposed on the conquered Oromos as a whole, the new regional name of Showa is prefixed to the derogatory term Galla. Hence, “ye Showa Galla” came into force as a collective insulting name in addressing the whole Oromo of Matcha-Tulama. This clearly justifies the vertical segregation policy of the conquerors for easy identification of who is who in the newly colonised territory.

Using various forms of oppressive models, Abyssinian colonial tactics and strategies have been going on violently and, now entered into the first half of the 21st century. Since the second half of the 19th century in particular, the oppressive models have been amassing massive firearms from European colonialist partners, enjoying diplomatic immunities and profitable political advises.

In the late 19th century, one European writer commented that, if the Abyssinians had not been armed and advised by global colonial powers of the day, notably France and Britain, late alone to defeat the ferocious Oromo forces, they could not have even dared to encroach upon the limits of Oromo borders. He wrote what he witnessed the real situation of the time as follows:

“Against the Galla [Oromo] Menelik has operated with French technicians, French map-makers, French advice on the management of standing army and more French advice as to building captured provinces with permanent garrison of conscripted colonial troops. The French also armed his troops with firearms, and did much else to organize his campaigns. Menelik was at a work on these adventures as King of Shewa during John’s lifetime; adding to his revenues and conscripting the Oromo were thus conquered by the Amhara for the first time in recorded history during the last thirteen years of the nineteenth Century. Without massive European help the Galla [Oromo] would not have been conquered at all.”

The writer further explained what he personally encountered during the campaign in the following unambiguous language:

“A large expedition was sent as far South in Arsi as frontier of Kambata to return with100, 000 head of Cattle. The king’s army fought against tribes who have no other weapons but a lance, a knife and shield, while the Amahras always have in their army several thousand rifles, pistols and often a couple cannon.—-Captive able-bodied males and the elderly were killed. The Severity of the Zamacha [campaign] was aimed at the eradication of all resistance. Whenever the army surged forward, there was the utmost devastation. Houses were burned, crops destroyed, and people executed:”

When we see the history of Abyssinian political philosophy, from which we have a written record, it is entirely based on the philosophy of depriving the Oromos from having any right to homeland. To convert Oromummaa to Amaarummaa and ultimately to Itiyophiyawwinnet has been the policy in action up to this very day. Even though the policy works on all Oromos indiscriminately, the one which has been exercising on the Oromos of Tulama in Finfinnee and surrounding areas has its own unique feature. Some of the unique features are embedded in the formation of “Addis Ababa” itself; as a seat of colonial headquarters with all its oppressive machineries. To have ample space for the settlers, to build army headquarters, to build churches in the name of numerous Saints of Greek and Hebrew origins, to build residences and offices for foreign embassies and missionaries, to build factories and storage houses the crucial demand is land. To fulfil these crucial demands of the customers, helpless Oromo peasants of the area have to be evicted. They have been under routine eviction and land deprivation since the seizure of Burqaa Finfinnee and the establishment of Ethiopian Imperial capital at this place.

It could be incorrect to think of the current TPLF-Arinnet Tigray regime as a detached entity from the whole system of Abyssinian colonial regimes, when we equate what they need against the survival needs of the peoples they generically conquered as “Galla and Shanqilla”. Though since 1991, the Ethiopian imperial system has been overtaken from the Showan Nagasi Dynasty by their junior Tigrean brethren, the life of the colonised Oromo people has been going down from worse to the worst.

What makes TPLF-Arinnet Tigray different from its predecessors is its total monopolisation of resources of the empire, right from the imperial palace to the bottom village levels, from the centre to the periphery. Arable and pasture lands, plain and forest lands, rivers and mining areas are totally under its predatory control. It is routinely evicting peasants from their plots, their only means of existence. They are selling to Chinese, Indians, European, Turkish, Pakistani, Arabians and other companies at the lowest price. In making this huge business, the most preferable area in the empire is Oromoland; of which the land around Finfinee holds rank first.

This politically architected scheme, in the name of investment and development, is daily evicting Oromo peasants around Finfinnee often with meagre or no compensation at all. As a consequence,

some of the evicted families are migrating to cities like Finfinnee and are becoming beggars
Some of them are leaving the country for unknown destination and found being refugees in neighbouring countries like Kenya and Yemen.
Since most of them who have no any alternative, they remain on the sold land and become daily labourers, earning less than half dollar a day.
Farm lands that had been producing sufficient grains of various types are now turned to produce non-edible flowers and toxic chemicals that contaminate rivers and lakes.
The incumbent Ethiopian regime of TPLF-Arinnet Tigray, more than any other imperial regimes of the past, is committed to make the Oromo people an “African Gypsy”. At one time the deceased prime minister of the Empire and EPDRF leader, Meles Zenawi, refers to the Oromos, who are numerically majority ethnic group in the Empire, said, “It is easy to make them a minority”. They are practically showing us the evil mission they vowed to accomplish. When they become rich of the richest in the Empire, the Oromo peasants they are daily uprooting are becoming poor of the poorest, being reduced to beggary and often deprived of burial sites after death. This evil work, as indicated above, has given priorities to sweep off “garbage” around Finfinnee and ultimately to encompass three-fourth of the region of “Showa” as a domain of “non-garbage” dwellers.

As vividly explained above, the Oromo of Tulama, since the onset of colonisation, have begun to be collectively addressed as “ye Showa Galla”. Those who resisted the derogatory name, the eviction, and the slavery system have been inhumanly executed or hanged. Their land and livestock have been confiscated and shared among the well-armed conquering power.

When Minilik invaded the Gullalle Oromo in Finfinnee, for instance, they remarkably resisted to the last minute but finally defeated. Those who remained behind the massacre had no other option except to leave for other regions against their choice. In their new homes, they have been even treated as collaborators of the invading “Showans” by their own kinsmen, calling them “Goobanaa”.Those able-bodied Gullallee, Eekkaa, Galaan, Abbichuu youths were involuntarily conscripted to the colonial army which is typical to all colonial policies. They were forced to go for further campaign to the south, east and west commanded by Showan fitawuraris and dejazmaches

From time to time, all Abyssinian forces, changing forms of their names, swearing in the name of Ethiopian unity and inviolable sovereignty, have never turned down the initial policy of evicting and persecuting the Oromo from their ancestral araddaa. Araddaa Oromoo is the embryonic stage where Oromummaa has begun to radiate from. Hence, by virtue of its original formation, now and then, it could not be integrated into the enforced Abyssinian policy of Itiyophiyawwinnet .

Since the enforced policy has shown no visible success for the past 130 years, this time, it has taken on to shoulder the last option of “sweeping them off” from around what they call “Addis Ababa” as a priority number one. As a consequence, came into being the destruction of Oromo survival relationship with their ancestors’ plot of land. The desecration of their shrines, sacred rivers, sacred mountains and sacred trees of which the case of Odaa and Burqaa Finfinnee, Dhakaa Araaraa and Caffee Tumaa in the vicinity of Finfinnee are quite enough to mention. TPLF’s long range missile policy of destroying Oromos’ relation to their historic araddaa is not the end. It is just the beginning extrapolated to destroy Biyyoo Oromoo.

At this critical time, any concerned Oromo should not be oblivious of the dreadful situation going on in Oromiyaa right now; in Finfinnee and surrounding areas in particular. The deliberate expansion of the amorphous city they call “Addis Ababa” is politically architected to divide Oromiyaa into east and west sector. It is not a master plan. It is an evil plan mastered to consummate an evil goal.

At this critical time, may we believe in the “No life after death”? Rather, may we are for the life right now? Those who are for the life right now are genuinely expected to show discernible power through tangible solidarity to our victimised families at home. Pursuant to our tradition, we have been nurtured learning the wisdom of “Dubbiin haa bultu”. Now, we should redirect this wisdom to “Dubbiin kun hin bultu”,that we ought to swear by great confidence to move in unison against the inhuman act, endless atrocities and perpetual eviction of our families from their ancestral araddaa. Thereof, could we recall the intrinsic wisdom of our fathers’ saying “Tokko dhuufuun namummaadha, lama dhuufuun harrummaadha?

Voices from the margins: Young Oromos Speak

This is the first in a series titled Voices from the margins: Young Oromos Speak dedicated to amplifying the experiences and perspectives of young Oromos in the diaspora in their own words.

My first experience of becoming interested in Oromo identity as a form of personal study began when I took a class in African popular culture. I decided to write a paper on Oromo identity in the diaspora and the responsibility of those living outside of Ethiopia to bring global consciousness to our heritage. A constant theme within this is the role of telecommunications development over the past few decades which have created a virtual village which connects Oromos in Ethiopia and abroad.

In terms of my experience as an Oromo person in the diaspora, I feel that outside of my family and friends, my interactions with Oromo identity has been established through social media networks which have allowed me to keep up to date with the latest Oromo news, connect with organizations and activist groups as well as share knowledge.  My use of the media has given me access to new understanding of my heritage and allowed me to distinguish myself from the overarching identity of being an ‘Ethiopian’ while living in Canada. Whether we like it or not, once we enter a host country we are viewed as an Ethiopian, not by choice, but by circumstance.

My parents did not land in Canada with an Oromo passport, but with an Ethiopian one. I have heard many Oromo before say that it is just easier to say they are Ethiopian when explaining their identity to an outsider – that saying they are Oromo isn’t met with legitimacy. But I think that just because Oromia is not yet a state does not mean that Oromo identity should be relegated secondary to Ethiopian identity.

My personal goal as an Oromo in the diaspora is to learn how to write in Afaan Oromo.  One of the key things that I have learned from Toltu Tufa’s recent language campaign is the importance of the ability to write in Afaan Oromo, something we sometimes forget is an issue especially for Oromo children born outside of Oromia.

Many of us who have grown up in the diaspora can speak in Oromo, but have not been formally taught how to write in it. Personally, both of my parents left Ethiopia well before the language reforms of the 1990s and neither are able to write in Oromo with great fluency.  I have come across many people that are ashamed to say that they do not know how to read or write in Oromo – but I do not think this is something to be ashamed of. The ability to access resources to develop Afaan Oromo as a written language is still a new phenomena, both in Ethiopia and abroad. Oromos in the diaspora of all ages should feel empowered to learn Oromo orally and through written word.

In the end, my personal embodiment and representation as a self identifying Oromo has its roots in my immediate family but has grown through my own search for other Oromos in the diaspora. I am proud to identify with my ethnic heritage and I feel that I have a responsibility to contribute to the growth of Oromo cultural expression and heritage. One of the great things about living in Canada is my undeniable right to freedom of cultural expression. This is a right that I am grateful for especially when I realize the ongoing struggle of Oromo identity within Ethiopia.

However, I also understand that my privilege has limitations. I myself have never lived in Ethiopia and I cannot speak of oppression from firsthand experience. I speak through the experiences of my parents and other elders around me who came to Canada from Ethiopia in later years. Yet this does not take away from the fact that I believe that Oromo in the diaspora carry a large responsibility in facilitating Oromo cultural renaissance.

Young Oromos in Diaspora

Young Oromos born and/or raised away from Oromia, Ethiopia, have a wide range of experiences and perspectives.

However, they share the same longing for belonging, identity and community. They have nagging questions about identity and belonging, about history, and the past as it makes ghostly returns. They seek for resources to make sense of their families’ violent relationship with Ethiopia and define their own relationship to histories that shape their worlds in ways they often do not understand. So they ask questions. Many of these questions remain unanswered.

Young Oromos in the diaspora long for frameworks and lenses through which they can understand and make sense of the past, and through which they can imagine a better future. In the absence of physical spaces and resources for making sense, many turn to social media, and other online spaces where they often find contradictory and colliding information/relationships/frameworks. They come face to face with Oromos who have different understanding of history and identity. They come face to face with Ethiopians who refuse to recognize Oromo identity. They come face to face with themselves. For many young Oromos, the search continues, for the search is about identity, belonging, security and empowerment. The search is about life. 

About Bissy Waariyo

Bissy Waariyo was born and raised in Toronto, Canada. She is currently completing an undergraduate degree at York University double majoring in Political Science & African Studies.

She is focused on studying how States incorporate or oppress ethnic identities within their political spheres and how peoples oppressed within their state are able to form cultural identity, belonging, and citizenship through digital avenues, i.e. the Internet, Facebook, blogs, Twitter, and other social networking mediums. Ultimately, Bissy’s goal is to become a professor of African Political Economy. 

Follow Bissy on twitter @BissyLansaa

{ Send an email to oromusings@gmail.com or on twitter @oromusings to add your experience and perspective to the series }

Remembering Oromo Martyrs Day in Melbourne

April 15  announcementWe warmly invite you to join us in celebrating this year’s Oromo Martyrs Day on April 19, 2014 at  Flemington Community Centre.  This commemorative day was first started by Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) following the execution of its prominent leader’s on diplomatic mission enrouted to Somalia on April 15, 1980. Since then this day was observed as Oromo Martyrs Day by Oromo nationals around the world to honour those who have sacrificed their lives to free Oromia and to renew a commitment to the cause for which they have died.

To welcome the Oromo Martyrs Day, Oromias will be hosting different memorial ceremony at their places. This is a perfect opportunity to network with friends and colleagues and support the work of the Oromo Liberation Front in promoting Oromo freedom struggle.

The event will commence with a special memorial service from 3.00pm, followed by the speech of the Vice Chairperson and Head of OLF Foreign Affairs, Mr Bultum Biyyo, with ample time being given for Q&A and discussion about the historic commencement of Oromo Martyrs Day and current Oromo freedom struggle.

Indeed, it is the right day to salute all martyrs of our people for national freedom struggle as well as our ongoing struggle for full liberation, equality and justice who fell while trying to fight a tyrant by his own weapons.

The Oromo Community in Victoria

April 15: Oromo National Memorial Day

April 15th is the Oromo Martyrs’ Day, also known as Guyyaa Gootota Oromoo. This commemorative day was first started by the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) after the executions of its prominent leaders on a diplomatic mission en routed to Somalia on April 15, 1980. Since then, this day has been observed as the Oromo Martyrs’ Day by Oromo nationals around the world to honor those who have sacrificed their lives to free Oromia, and to renew a commitment to the cause for which they had died.

Why April 15th?

Mid 1978-1979 is remembered as the period when the survival of the Oromo national liberation struggle, led by the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), was under a severe threat of extinction. It was feared that OLA units in Arsi, Bale and Hararghe would disintegrate, and their channel of connection and supplies would be cut off by the Dergue army that just recuperated from the Ethio-Somali war. Upon defeating the Siad Barre army, the Dergue turned its face on OLA. The OLA, in the fronts of Arsi, Bale and Hararghe, fought steadfastly and scored victory over the Dergue army and regrouped once again on January 1st 1980. In the wake of their military victory, OLF intensified its political struggle inside the country and abroad. The initial political victory included the persuasion of the Siad Barre government to allow the opening of OLF office in Mogadishu, Somalia, in 1980, to serve as a center of consultation and deliberation between OLF political and military leaders.

In the same year, a ten-member high-ranking military and political delegates (see list below) were on their way to Somalia to meet with political leaders there when they were captured by Somali bandits in Shinniga desert (in Ogaden). These bandits were members of a splinter group from the Siad Barre army that harbored bitter hatred towards Oromo and the OLF. These bandits abused and severely tortured their Oromo captives. The bandits finally ordered the Muslims and Christians to segregate before their executions. The Oromo comrades chose to stay together and face any eventualities than identifying themselves as nothing else, but Oromo. On the day of April 15, 1980, all the ten were executed and their bodies thrown into a single grave.

Reasons for Celebrating the Oromo Martyrs’ Day
There are four major reasons why we commemorate this day.

First, this day allows us to remember those Oromo heroines and heroes who sacrificed their lives to restore Oromo culture, identity, and human dignity that were wounded by Ethiopian colonialism. In other words, this commemoration assists us to recognize the dialectical connection between martyrdom, bravery, patriotism and Oromummaa.

Until Oromo heroes and heroines created the OLF and maintained its survival by paying ultimate sacrifices, Oromo peoplehood, culture, language, and history were dumped into the trashcan of Ethiopian history. These heroes and heroines had clearly understood the significance of Oromo culture, history, language, and identity in building Oromummaa, and victorious consciousness to consolidate the Oromo national struggle for achieving Oromian statehood, sovereignty, and democracy.

Second, this commemoration day reminds us that Oromo liberation requires heavy sacrifices, and those who have given their lives for our freedom, are our revolutionary models. Such patriots created dignified history for our nation.

Third, this day reminds us that we have historical obligations to continue the struggle that Oromo martyrs started until victory.

Fourth, this celebration helps us recognize that Oromo heroes and heroines are still fighting in Oromia today. Overall, those Oromo patriots, who by luck have survived and continued the difficult and complex struggle, deserve recognition and respect for what they have done for their people. We must protect them from lies and propaganda of the internal and external enemies. Without the persistent efforts of our patriots, the multiple enemies of the Oromo nation would have destroyed the OLF a long time ago. This does not mean that we do not criticize them when they make mistakes. It is the responsibility of Oromo nationalists to develop constructive criticisms to strengthen our national movement.

The Oromo leaders and members of the OLF, who ignited the fire of Oromummaa or Oromo nationalism, whether dead or alive, have been the foundation and pillar of the Oromo national movement. They left their families, wives, husbands, houses, professions, and children by choosing Oromo human dignity and freedom. By making these kinds of difficult choices, they confronted suffering and death. Consequently, they opened a new historical chapter in our history, and showed to us new possibilities by taking risky and courageous actions. Today, Oromo heroes and heroines are engaged in the Oromo struggle; members of the OLA, Oromo activist students and other activists are our contemporary heroes and heroines, who are intensifying the struggle. All Oromos all over the world who demonstrate their support and sympathy for the Oromo national struggle by contributing whatever they can for these brave men and women are also engaged in patriotic and brave activities.

We, Oromos in exile/Diaspora, should follow the footsteps of the fallen and surviving Oromo heroes and heroes by contributing anything we can to support the Oromo national struggle. If the fallen Oromos had paid with their lives to liberate us, how can we fail to contribute our time, money and expertise to liberate our beloved country, Oromia? How can we sleep when our mothers, daughters and sisters are raped in Oromia? How can we be at peace when genocide is committed on our people? Since our people live under Ethiopian political slavery, and since no country supports the Oromo struggle, we must fulfill our historical obligations by supporting the Oromo national struggle.

April 15th is then chosen to be a day of remembrance for these and all other martyrs, who died in any month and season of the past 120 years of the Oromo anti-colonial struggle.

The following Oromo leaders were martyred on April 15, 1980
1. Bariso Waabii (Magarsaa Barii)
2. Gadaa Gammadaa (Demise Tacaane)
3. Abbaa Xiq (Abboma Mitikku)
4. Doori Barii (Yiggazu Banti)
5. Falmataa (Umar, Caccabsaa)
6. Fafamaa Doyyoo
7. Irrinaa Qacale (Dhibaa)
8. Dhadhachaa Mul’ataa
9. Dhadhachaa Boruu
10. Marii Galaan

Conclusion
Our martyrs lost their lives while dreaming and fighting for freedom, justice, democracy, and development of their people and their country. They recognized that agitating, educating, organizing, and mobilizing a colonized and dehumanized nation for liberation requires courage, determination, bravery and self-sacrifice without fear of suffering and death in the hands of the enemy and their collaborators. We have moral and national responsibilities to achieve the objectives for which our heroines and heroes sacrificed their lives.

The Oromo national movement is a very dangerous project. Tens of thousands of our people have been imprisoned, tortured, raped, and received all forms of abuse from successive Ethiopian governments in general, and that of the Meles Zenawi in particular. The Tigrayan-led government has been systematically targeting and killing all Oromo leaders and those who have potentials of leadership while promoting the most despicable elements of Oromo society and the children of colonial settlers as leaders of the Oromo nation.

While commemorating our fallen heroes and heroines, we must also remember our current ones who are engaging in the bitter struggle and those who are suffering in Ethiopian prisons. We must double our support for the OLA that is engaging in implementing the missions of the fallen Oromo heroines and heroes in Oromian forests, valleys, mountains, and Ethiopian garrison cities. We should sustain the spirits of our fallen heroes and heroines by taking concrete actions every day. It is our national responsibility to educate, mobilize and recruit passive or unconscious Oromo individuals to join the Oromo national movement. Such actions must start in families by educating and training children; husbands and wives must teach one another and their children the essence of Oromoummaa. The spirits of our heroes and heroines require that all of us must be grass-root leaders who engage in a systematic struggle to fight those agents of the enemy or those misled individuals who undermine the Oromo national struggle intentionally or unintentionally.

All Oromo nationalists must be cadres, teachers, students, leaders, followers, fighters, financiers, ideologues, organizers, defenders and promoters of the Oromo cause. We should not keep quiet when certain individuals attack our organizations, leaders, communities and Oromo peoplehood to satisfy their troubled egos or their masters. If we do some of these activities in our daily lives, the spirits of our fallen heroes and heroines will survive through our actions.

Karrayyu preserves Oromo culture and identity

(A4O, 26 March 2014) The Karrayu Oromo who have lived for generations (for more than 6ooo years) in the north-east of Oromia, Metehara Plain and Mount Fantalle area keeps the wonderful Oromo culture and history.

MenduringGadaceremonyinKarrayyutribe-EthiopiaThey trace their descent from Oromo through Barentuma whom they regard as their genealogical father while they consider the Ittu as their genealogical brother.

According to a popular belief, Karrayu begot two sons known as Dullacha and Basso, names that represent the two major genealogical groups within the Karrayu. 

The Karrayu consider a location called Meda Wollabu, a natural lake located between the Borana and Bale areas, as their place of origin.

Oral tradition has it that the Karrayu settled around Fantalle mountain where they had been residing around lake Basaqa, in the Sabober plains and the Metehara area for the past 6000 years.

The present Karrayu land is located on the edge of the Upper Valley of the Awash River Basin.

It lies at an altitude of not more than 1000 meters above sea level falling to 955 meters at Metehara Plain and rising as high as 2007 meters at Mount Fantalle, which is the highest elevation in the area.

The neighbors of the Karrayu are the Afar Debine in the North, Arsi Oromo in the South, the Awash National Park in the East, and beyond the Park are the Ittu of West Harrerge, the Argoba in the West and the Amhara in the district of Berehet in the southwest.

However, the socio-cultural identity they have preserved for centuries as a predominantly pastoralist community is being put to test both spontaneously and systematically.