Author Archives: advocacy4oromia

The Oromo Studies Association is organizing its mid-year conference

Hello Everyone,

As you all may know, the Oromo Studies Association is organizing its mid-year conference here in Chicago. The local organizing committee and OSA’s leadership is working diligently to make this conference successful and a memorable one.

OSA2011logo

I am very excited by the fact that the honorable professor Beyene Petros will be attending OSA’s mid year conference. He is a long time opposition politician and an ex-parliamentarian, and one of leaders of the main opposition coalition in Ethiopia. He is here in Chicago on a sabbatical leave.

We are also working very hard to have among us some of the Chicago/IL public servants/representatives. We are hoping that Senator Heather Steans will attend our conference. Cook County Election Coordinator, Befekadu Retta, is interested to talk on election process. He observed elections in Ethiopia twice and once in south Sudan, and run for Aldermanic position of the 46th ward in Chicago. Mr. Harry Fouche, former Haiti Consul General in New York (2003/2004) will also be attending.

We also have a speaker on HIV from the Hennepin County Medical Center, Dr. Rachel Prosser, sponsored by Gilead Sciences. She will be giving us her own experience of treating HIV patients from the horn of Africa and the epidemiology of HIV, diagnosis and linkage to care.

I am expecting a wonderful keynote speech from our two young professionals and leaders, Aadde Obse Lubo and Obbo Nagessa Oddo. We have the honor and privilege of hearing the Oromo resistance history from those who lived it and took part in the making of history. the giants of the 60’s struggle against oppression, heroes of the Dhombir war and subsequent protracted rebellion of Bale and other southern Oromiya regions. I personally consider hearing their stories more inspiring than reading several books. It is the stories that they tell us that inspires some of our scholars and academicians to pursue further research and right the wrong in the Oromo history as told by others.

From Canada, we have Dr. Begna Dugasa, forfmer OSA president, Mr. Garoma Wakessa, founder and Director of Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa (HRLHA), and Tesfaye Kumsa, the editor of the banned Urjii newspaper. Obbo Kumsa will also share with us some of his poetic writings…”Walaloo”

We also have panelists in several other panels…Dr. Guluma from Michigan, former OSA president and ex-board chairman of OSA, Dr. Tekleab S. Gala (Tennessee State University), Dr. Ahmed Bedasso, Kadiro Elemo, Ibrahim German, Fenta, Said, Engineer Abdul Dirre from Minnesota, Liiban Waaqoo, Adam Wario, Jarso Jianmario, and myself making presentations on the conflicts in Borana/ southern Oromiya, environmental issues and the need to form an umbrella organization of the Oromo community organizations.

I am also excited by the fact that the newly established Oromia Media Network will be broadcasting our conference to our bigger audience, the Oromo people back home and around the globe.

The Oromo community of Chicago’s fundraising cultural night is being organized by the Oromo youth of Chicago under the leadership of the Board of Directors. This is another event that I believe will contribute to the success of our much anticipated conference.

Please, talk to your friends and colleagues ( Oromos and non-Oromos) and encourage them to attend our conferences and cultural night. We should work towards equal participation of both men and women.

Thanks,
Ibrahim Elemo,
President, Oromo Studies Association

Kemants Call on Nations and Nationalities for Support

(A4O, 22 March 2014) Kemant Recognition and Self-Governance Coordination Committee called on Ethiopian Nations and Nationalities for support on the 7th NNPD celebrated in Bahir Dar on the 8th of December.

The call was made on the Amharic pamphlet distributed and indicated below. Some of nations and nationalities representatives communicated back Kemants for further information.

There was also another pamphlet from the Addis Ababa communities, but that was not dispatched to public because it was strongly worded protest to celebration of NNPD at Bahir Dar what the document called the oppressive region for nationalities.

Get your issue heard in Geneva!!

Calling all individuals and refugee community groups!

As part of the annual UNHCR-NGO (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) consultations in June, Australian Refugee Rights Alliance (ARRA) are inviting Individuals and refugee community groups to lodge submissions on current issues of concern for people living in refugee situations overseas.

The Australian Refugee Rights Alliance (ARRA) are a coalition of Australian NGOs, refugee advocates and academics who engage in advocacy at an international level with and on behalf of refugees in Australia and the region. Submissions are due by Monday, 14 April, 2014.

Find out here: http://ow.ly/uLEus

 

PTW Baxter obituary

  By Hector Blackhurst
 
PTW Baxter studied and championed the culture of the Oromo, Borana and Kiga peoples of Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda.

PTW Baxter, anthropologist, who has died aged 89My friend, the social anthropologist PTW (Paul) Baxter, who has died aged 89, made a significant contribution to western understanding of the Oromo peoples of northern Kenya and Ethiopia and championed their culture, which was frequently denigrated by colonial and local elites.

His work on the plight of the Ethiopian Oromo became a standard text in Oromo studies and a rallying point for the Oromo cause. Paul was not always comfortable with the praise he received as a result, and was often self-deprecating, describing himself as the world’s most unpublished anthropologist. That was a harsh judgment, since a complete list of his output is respectably long. He also made a wider contribution by editing the journal Africa and sitting on the Royal African Society board.

Born in Leamington Spa – his father was a primary school headteacher in the town – Paul attended Warwick school. Academic ambitions were put aside when he joined the commandos in 1943, serving in the Netherlands and occupied Germany. He married Pat, whom he had met at school, in 1944, and after the war went to Downing College, Cambridge, studying English under FR Leavis before switching to anthropology.

On graduation he moved to Oxford, where anthropology under EE Evans-Pritchard was flourishing. Field research on the pastoral Borana people in northern Kenya followed for two years, accompanied by Pat and their son, Timothy. He gained his DPhil in 1954 and more fieldwork followed among the Kiga of Uganda.

With UK jobs scarce, he took a position at the University College of Ghana. This was a happy time for the family, who found Ghana delightful. Returning to the UK in 1960, he was offered a one-year lectureship at the University of Manchester by the sociology and social anthropology head, Max Gluckman, after a recommendation by Evans-Pritchard. He then spent two years at the University College of Swansea (now Swansea University) before returning permanently to the University of Manchester. Over the next 26 years Paul contributed significantly to anthropological studies and to Oromo research, spending 12 months among the Arssi Oromo of Ethiopia before retiring in 1989.

Paul was never interested in winning academic prizes; instead his focus was on helping people. Generations of students, both at home and overseas, benefited from friendship and, often, a warm welcome in his home.

Paul’s life was touched by sadness, particularly Timothy’s death from multiple sclerosis in 2005, but he took great pleasure in his family. He is survived by Pat, their son Adam, four grandchildren and three great-grandchildren.

Source:http://www.theguardian.com/science/2014/mar/18/ptw-baxter-obituary

Help send the Oromo Support Group to the UN – Fundraiser

22 March, 2014

Date: 22, March, 2014
Time: 6:00 pm – 9:00 pm
Location: The Blue Room, Multicultural Hub. 506 Elizabeth st, Melbourne
Cost: $30
Contact: Phone: Marama 0411 672 163, or Email:  info@osgaustralia.com

Join the Oromo Community of Australia as they celebrate their culture.

Enjoy traditional Oromo cuisine, dancing and entertainment, and contribute to supporting their efforts toward protecting human rights for all Oromo and Ethiopian people.

Underdevelopment of Dembi Dollo in a Broader Context of the Horn of Africa

From the point of view of the media, the Horn of Africa is a synonym for instability, conflict and famine. The region itself is much more diverse than can be put into one category. Ethiopia, as the largest country in the Horn, belongs to one of the most complex and historically complicated states not only in this region, but Africa in general.

Recently, Ethiopia has witnessed enormous growth visible mainly in large cities mixed with repeating famines, local small-scale conflicts, as well as war with neighboring Eritrea. Ethiopia has been very much affected by ecological disasters as well as political mismanagement for at least the last four decades, which means during three types of regimes: Imperial (Haile Selassie), socialist (the Derg), and EPRDF (Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front). With the rise of “newcomers” such as China, India, Brazil, Malaysia, Turkey, and many others, Ethiopia has also become the primary destination for many companies developing their agricultural business in parts of Ethiopia. Consequently, “land-grabbing” has become as common a practice in Ethiopia as in Africa in general.

This article deals with a neglected region surrounding Dembi Dollo, a town close to the Sudanese border on the Western fringe of the Federal State of Oromia, the largest federal state of Ethiopia. The article is a part of my research interest in Oromo nationalism and modern/contemporary history of Ethiopia. It is based on my visit to Dembi Dollo in 2009 and the information I have got from my Oromo friends and informants both in and outside Ethiopia.

Oromia and the Oromo People

Oromia is the largest federal state in Ethiopia. It spreads across the Western and Eastern parts of Ethiopia which makes it very diverse. Diversity can be seen not only in the architecture of urban areas, but mainly in different topography, and especially religious environments.

Throughout the Oromo land, we can distinguish several types of land, from very dry and sandy in the East around Dire Dawa and southwards, to deeply green in the Western parts of Oromia where rainfalls are not so rare, and where rich soil gives plenty of agricultural products including coffee and maize.

images/issue2/kartta.jpg

What is now the Federal State of Oromia is a land inhabited by various societies speaking many languages. Oromia is the largest and economically most important federal state in Ethiopia. The Oromo people are the most numerous from all the ca. 80 ethnic groups sharing the Ethiopian space. Until the 19th century, Oromo’s inhabited regions were home to many smaller kingdoms including Jimma Abba Jifar, Limmu Ennarea, Janjero, etc. These were incorporated into the modern Ethiopian state during the last quarter of the 19th century. Oromo has traditionally been known as the land of plenty, even though famines have devastated some parts of its territory many times in history.

On one hand, Oromia does not belong to the most seriously affected territories in Ethiopia when it comes to recent drought and famine, but on the other hand, due to certain political heritage, at least some parts of Oromia are severely affected by the government’s tight grip on power and politically sensitive issues of Oromo nationalism and secessionism. In this regard, I especially refer to the town of Dembi Dollo which is the last big town along the ‘Western frontier’, and generally the Western part of the Wellegga region.

Dembi Dollo and the heritage of the OLF

Dembi Dollo, formerly known as Illubabor, is a relatively small town (approximately 40.000 inhabitants) placed in a very remote area of Oromia in Western Ethiopia. The town has historical significance as the former seat of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). OLF has been one of the main ethno-political organizations which was formed during the Derg regime in order to fight for emancipation of the Oromo people. After the failure of transitional government talks in the early 1990s, OLF left the political arena and took up arms against Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)-led army.

OLF’s headquarters in Dembi Dollo were heavily damaged by the Ethiopian army at the beginning of the 1990s. The town was severely affected, and even today, unlike for example Dire Dawa, it is composed of small houses on a very muddy area with no tar road.

OLF was later forced to move its actions to Southern Ethiopia and Kenya from where the majority of smuggled arms and ammunition come. Since that time, activities of OLF are limited mostly to diaspora statements and some minor attacks. For the government, OLF is an ‘important enemy’ used as a tool of oppression of political opposition. Everyone who is regarded as a potential threat to the regime can be easily blamed of being associated with OLF. The government regards OLF as a terrorist organization. Shortly before the 2005 parliamentary elections Prime Minister Meles Zenawiblamed OLF of preparation of nine bomb attacks in Addis Ababa.

Heritage of struggle between the ruling TPLF, which is a part of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), and OLF is still visible in Western Ethiopia. Atmosphere of fear and mistrust is one of the main features of Dembi Dollo. The Meles Zenawi government, in an effort to break remaining seeds of resistance in this area, has frozen any investments including closure of the Dembi Dollo airport. Catastrophic stage of infrastructure only deepens devastation of social and economic life in the town and neighborhood, especially when compared to actual flourishing of some other regional centers including Ghimbi, Nekemte, or Ambo.

The only visible development of Dembi Dollo comes from the diaspora and the various churches whose presence in this region has a long tradition coming back to the end of the 19th century. According to locals, the former saying ‘Dembi Dollo, bïrri aka bokolo’ (Dembi Dollo, where maize is like a bïrr – the Ethiopian currency) is now meant only as a bitter joke though once the town and the neighborhood was known for its fertility. For example, in 2009, there was only one hotel in Dembi Dollo, and another was under construction, both financed by the diaspora.

Identities, Development and the Church

In Dembi Dollo, one may encounter a relative ethnic homogeneity with strong predominance of Oromo people. Religiously, the area is composed mainly of Protestants, followed by Catholics, Orthodox and Muslim believers. Generally, the Oromo people tended to convert to Islam or followed their traditional religion Waaqefaana, due to historical animosity against the Ethiopian Orthodox Church since the 17th century. In the Wellegga region, Protestantism, and to a lesser extent Catholicism is dominant, while in other parts of Oromia, Islam is the leading confession. Since the end of the 19th century, local Oromo people have been mostly educated by Christian missionaries, particularly German, Dutch, Norwegian, and Swedish Protestants.

images/issue2/bethel evangelical missionary secondary school in dembi dollo.jpg

Bethel Evangelical Missionary secondary school in Dembi Dollo.

As is the case of many Oromo Muslims in the East, also in Dembi Dollo, many people regard their religious affiliation and association as their primary identification. Therefore, ethnicity is somewhat less discussed since almost everybody here is Oromo, except for a minority of newcomers and foreign missionaries. ‘Religious naming’ is, on the other hand, a matter of everyday life. People usually categorize themselves along religious lines, so it is more usual to hear that somebody is ‘a Protestant’, or ‘a Catholic’, or ‘a Muslim’, rather than ‘an Oromo’ or ‘an Amhara’.

Obviously, on one hand, one explanation is that due to ethnic homogeneity there is no need to talk about ethnicity. On the other hand, it shows one remarkable aspect of the complexity of daily life in Ethiopia ? the strength of religion.

The Oromo diaspora usually emphasizes the ethnic side of the ‘perpetual conflict’ in Ethiopia which has historical and political roots and consequences. However, the role of ethnicity is, despite the existence of ‘ethnic federalism’, very often exaggerated while the importance of religion is seen rather as a minor part of cultural heritage. The opposite is true, as the author of this article is convinced. Religion is in many African societies a primary source of identity and identification. Religious identities are often more deeply rooted in societies than ethnic identities which may be seen as artificial, politicized, and most of all, very recent phenomena. Despite all the scholarly works regarding ‘ethnic’ rivalries, what is happening now in Ethiopia is the rise of religious fundamentalism which may negatively influence group relations in heterogeneous regions such as Oromia. Ethiopia is often said to be a country where politicized ethnicity stands behind many of the local or latent conflicts. But this would be a simplification as some new rather religious disputes in the public show.

For ordinary people, i.e. those without direct access to power regardless of their ethnic identity it is more important to satisfy their basic needs than to feed their potential nationalist ambitions.

Due to the catastrophic underdevelopment in Dembi Dollo, caused by a direct decision made by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to punish former headquarters of OLF, the development in this area is mainly managed by churches, both Protestant and Catholic. For instance, the only public library in town was built in 2007 with the help of the Ethiopian Full Gospel Church Development Organization. Famous Bethel Evangelical Secondary School is run by American Presbyterian Church while state run schools are desolated or in very poor condition.

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State-run secondary school in Dembi Dollo.

It is thus no surprise that many people with whom the author spoke were very thankful to Christian Churches. This feeling of reverence for religious organizations and groups makes ethnic identity less important in the eyes of locals since there is no Oromo association which would directly be involved in the development of Dembi Dollo. It does not mean that ethnic rivalries and historical tensions are not seen in Dembi Dollo, but that this viewing of Ethiopia’s past and present is not the only one. Even in Dembi Dollo, many people are aware of the fact that any potential independence of Oromia would be impossible and, what is more, there is no direct need for it due to cultural emancipation which has indubitably taken place in Ethiopia in the last couple of decades.

Humanitarian crisis in the Horn of Africa and Oromia – some historical reflections

In 2011, the world was struck by the scale of the humanitarian crisis in the Horn of Africa. It affected mostly southern Somalia and some parts of Ethiopia – mainly those in semi-desert areas. Famine is not a new phenomenon in the Horn of Africa. History knows disastrous examples of famines which killed large numbers of people. Because almost the entire population is dependent on agriculture, and because agriculture depends on regular rainfalls, it is obvious that any shortage in rainfalls may have direct impact on harvests and the lives of people in the countryside, especially when they are dependent on one commodity.

Despite its natural causes the humanitarian crisis may have an unfortunate political dimension. In the 1980s, the Sudan and Ethiopia were affected by a devastating famine which attracted attention of the international public. Its prolongation was caused by political decisions coming from the central governments of both countries. The reason was simply to punish regional rebellions and cause harm to liberation movements.

Both in the Sudan and Ethiopia, the 1980s were largely characterized by perpetual conflicts in many regions. South Sudan was fighting against the regime in Khartoum, and Ethiopia was disintegrated due to the Eritrean struggle for independence, and the fight of many ‘liberation fronts’ against Mengistu in order to support their ethnic and political emancipation.

Regions such as Ogaden and Benishangul/Gumuz as well as some parts of Oromia and northern Ethiopia were badly affected by drought and famine. Humanitarian aid, coming from the West, could be (and in many cases certainly was) under such circumstances blocked or simply not delivered to the most affected ‘rebel regions’. Recently, some parts of Ethiopia face serious crises not that much because of lack of rainfalls, but due to the direct impact of the central government as well.

Various internet sources bring almost daily new information regarding the phenomenon of ‘land-grabbing’ and displacement of people in the countryside as well as in Addis Ababa. Such one-sided acts done by the government agents can only weaken the already very fragile socio-political situation in Ethiopia. Like in Dembi Dollo, due to forceful government policy leading to oppression of opposition and civil society, non-democratic and one-sided acts of land-grabbing and displacement can lead to further social frustration and lack of affiliation with the state.

Conclusion

images/issue2/richness and beauty of wellegga.jpg

Richness and beauty of Wellega.

Dembi Dollo and the neighboring areas of the Wellegga region belong to the historically important trade routes but their recent history overshadows the once famous past. Due to very tense ethnic politics in Ethiopia, and the existence of a non-democratic regime in the country, Dembi Dollo has become a marginalized and disadvantaged ‘frontier’ town in comparison with similar towns in Ethiopia.

Face-to-face with the contemporary humanitarian crisis, the Ethiopian state only shows a policy of ethnic and regional favoritism. It has become a daily practice in Ethiopia, but may result in severe crises which are not new to these regions. An example is the Ogaden region. When accumulated, such phenomena as land-grabbing, displacement, ethnic rivalry, religious tensions, and regionally imbalanced development make the future of Ethiopia remain fragile and uncertain, especially when the vast majority of people still depend on agriculture and rainfalls, and when the state is not able to save all the regions from poverty and famine.

Jan Záhořík

The author is Ph.D. and a member of a new Centre of African Studies at the Department of History, University of West Bohemia in Pilsen, Czech Republic. His research is focused mainly on modern and contemporary history of Ethiopia, ethnicity and nationalism in Africa, position of Africa in international relations, and socio-economic problems of Africa. He has published numerous articles in English and Czech, including three books (in Czech).

nvgogol@seznam.cz

Bibliography

Abbink, Jon (2009). The Ethiopian second republic and the fragile ‘social contract’. Afrika Spectrum, 44(2): 3/28.

De Waal, Alex (1997). Famine crimes: politics and the disaster relief industry in Africa. London: International African Institute.

Gidada, Negasso (1984). History of the Sayyoo Oromoo of Southwestern Wallaga, Ethiopia from about 1730 to 1886. Frankfurt: Publisher Unknown.

McCann, James. C. (1995). People of the Plow. An Agricultural History of Ethiopia, 1800/1990. London: The University of Wisconsin Press.

Mekuria Bulcha (1996). The Survival and Reconstruction of Oromo National identity in Peter T. W. Baxter & Jan Hultin & Alessandro Triulzi (eds.): Being and Becoming Oromo. Historical and Anthropological Enquiries. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 48/66.

Østebø, Terje (2005). A History of Islam and Inter-religious Relations in Bale, Ethiopia. Stockholm: Almquist & Wiksell International.

Záhořík, Jan (2011). Meles and the Rest: Continuation of Power Strategy in Ethiopia, in Hana Horáková & Paul Nugent & Peter Skalník (eds.): Africa: Power and Powerlessness. Berlin: LIT Verlag, 44/54.

Záhořík, Jan (2010). Ethiopian Federalism Revisited, in Patrick Chabal & Peter Skalník (eds.): Africanists on Africa. Current Issues. Berlin: LIT Verlag, 127/137.

Internet

www.ethiomedia.com

Martha Kuwee Kumsa: The Unsung heroine and Iron Lady!

LIZ MONTEIRO

( A4O, 10 March 2014)  Martha Kuwee Kumsa is standing in front of her social work students at Wilfrid Laurier University in Waterloo. Out of the corner of one eye, the Ethiopian-born woman catches sight of a man in uniform lingering in the hall. She continues her lecture, but her heart beats faster and her breathing becomes heavier. Then she gets a clear view of the man — and it’s a university security officer, not a soldier come to drag her away. She relaxes.

“It’s amazing how the brain works and the body responds,” the soft-spoken Kumsa says of the triggers she has learned to cope with over the years.

Martha Kuwee Kumsa of Kitchener is at home in Canada, but still has strong feelings about her native Ethiopia. For years she had long dreadlocks, but two months ago she cut them off in a symbolic gesture.

Terror, struggle, pain and grief have all been part of a long journey in which she lost her husband, her home and sense of security.

Two months ago, in an act symbolic of those losses, she lifted her dreadlocks and cut them off.

Kumsa, 51, who now lives in Kitchener, had let her hair grow since moving to Canada and starting work on her PhD. This spring, however, she decided a woman her age shouldn’t have hair down to her buttocks.

Kumsa knows now, however, that there was more to the haircut than that. In Ethiopia, women who cut their hair are often in mourning.

Martha Kumsa was born in Dembi Dollo, a small town 800 kilometres southwest of the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, near the border of Sudan.

The youngest daughter of a Presbyterian minister, she was named Martha after the Christian nurse who delivered her. The name she holds close to her heart is her middle name, Kuwee, the name of a heroine in Oromo history. But Kumsa wasn’t allowed to go by Kuwee in Ethiopia, where the Oromo people, the largest ethnic group in the country, are still struggling for equality.

When Kumsa finished high school, she moved to Addis Ababa to attend university. She hoped to become an engineer, but in early 1974, shortly after her arrival in the capital, Ethiopia erupted in revolution. The aging emperor, Haile Selassie, was replaced by a Marxist government and Kumsa and other students took to the streets to support his removal from power.

One day, helicopters circled above the crowds.

“We climbed trees running for cover, thinking that they were going to bomb us,” Kumsa remembers. But instead it was pamphlets that rained down, a sign the new military government wanted the protesting students on its side. “It was one of the most exciting moments for me,” Kumsa said. “Even today, I look for something to come down when I see a helicopter.”

Like many of the revolutionaries, Kumsa thought denouncing the emperor meant denouncing the West, that embracing socialism meant land for the poor. The new regime did nationalize private and church-owned property, but then landlords rebelled. In response, the government closed the universities and students were put to work on the land.

Around this time, Kumsa trained as a journalist with the Lutheran World Federation in Addis Ababa. She also married Leenco Lata, a chemical engineer. They had their first child in 1975 and they named her Huriya after an Arabic word for liberation and freedom.

“We felt we were reclaiming our history,” Kumsa says. “The future seemed vibrant. It was the best time of our lives.”

But the bliss would not last. In 1977, the dictatorship of Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam unleashed what became known as the Red Terror. Anyone suspected of counter-revolutionary acts was deemed an enemy. Tens of thousands of Ethiopians were held, tortured and executed.

Kumsa, who by then was pregnant with her third child, remembers passing bodies in the streets.

Her husband became a leader of the Oromo Liberation Movement and active in the resistance. Four times in six months, he was kidnapped during the night.The couple’s two-year-old son, Robale, would grab Kumsa’s legs and scream as his father was carted away.

“To this day, my son can’t sleep without a light on,” Kumsa says.

Martha Kuwee Kumsa and her three children posed for this photo in 1989. The children are (from left): Robale, Huriya and Goli. All three came to Canada with her in 1991.

 

Three times, Lata was brought home after being tortured. The fourth time, he didn’t come back.

“I was turning bodies in the street to find him,” Kumsa says. “There was no body I didn’t turn over. I went all over the place looking for him.”

When her baby was finally born, she named her Goli, the Oromo word for terror.

Kumsa searched for Lata for a year. Family members and friends shunned her, afraid they’d be hauled off to jail or death if they spoke to her.

“I felt so alienated and alone in the world.”

She continued her job at an Oromo newspaper, where she wrote a column that encouraged Oromo women to take back their cultural traditions.

One day in 1980, Kumsa said goodbye as usual to her son and two daughters and went to work. The children were then ages three, two and one. She would not hold them again for seven years.

When Kumsa arrived at work that day, four men in plainclothes met her at the elevator. She recognized them as the same security force members who had recently arrested a colleague and never brought him back.

“My heart started racing,” Kumsa says.

The men blocked her way and told her they wanted to ask a few questions. One man showed her a badge.

“I froze in terror. I didn’t know anyone who had come back. I thought this was the end of me.”

The men threw Kumsa into a car and blindfolded her before speeding away. When the blindfold was finally ripped off, she was inside a security forces building and being dragged down a grey corridor and into a crowded room.

She was shocked to see people on the floor, bleeding from their mouths. Their faces were disfigured and pus oozed from wounds. The stench was overpowering.

“I was thrown into a living hell,” Kumsa says.

Soon after, in what became the torture room, she was asked if she was involved in the resistance. She denied it.

Blindfolded and with her hands tied, Kumsa was ordered to sit on the floor and wrap her arms around her knees. She was gagged with a blood-soaked sock.

Then, with a rope around her body, she was lifted and flipped over so that her bare heels faced the ceiling.

Her captors struck her soles with a whip made of a hippopotamus tail. She screamed, but with the gag the sound was more like a whimper. Then a solution was sprayed on her feet.

“The burning, God Almighty,” she says. “You want to jump through the roof. They want to make you feel the beating again.”

During all the punching, slapping and burning, her tormentors kept asking whether she was part of a political movement. They were trying to break her body and spirit, and eventually they did.

It happened the day she was made to watch the torture of a minister, a man who was a friend.

“I broke down . . . It was like hearing a person yelp like a dog every time the whip touched him.”

Kumsa, then 24, says she was taken to the torture room 10 times in the first year after her arrest. She was then moved to the prison that would be her home for almost nine years.

It was her home during the famine of the mid-1980s when one million Ethiopians died. She wasn’t told about the famine, but knew something was wrong because of changes in the food being smuggled into the jail by prisoners’ families and friends. Pasta was soaked in water and ground up to make bread.

Kumsa was never charged, never tried, never officially told why she lost her freedom. But she considered herself one of the lucky ones, spared death because she was a journalist.

Many of her fellow prisoners vanished, taken away after their names were heard over a loudspeaker.

“There was no pattern or control of anything you did there,” Kumsa says. “You couldn’t predict the next five minutes.”

She taught herself French in prison and then taught it to others. With books, she learned Tigrigna, the official language of the prison. She also taught biology, geography and math to prisoners and to the sons and daughters of prison administrators.

“The best minds were in prison,” she says. “It was the best school in the country.”

Meanwhile, her own children were shuffled among family members. When Kumsa found out they were in Addis Ababa, she concocted a plan to see them.

“I pretended I was sick. I told them I had a toothache and I screamed and cried.”

With help from Amnesty International and other human rights groups, and from imprisoned relatives of the former emperor, Kumsa was allowed to leave prison for treatment. Guards were then bribed so her children could get into the hospital where the tooth was pulled.

“The two older kids ran to me,” Kumsa said. “They hugged and cried and I screamed. But the youngest one, she stood there. I ran to her and she pushed me away.”

Despite her harrowing life as a prisoner, Kumsa says she felt her greatest pain when Goli, the youngest daughter, spat in her face. Goli had only been a year old when her mother was arrested and felt abandoned.

“If this is my mother, I don’t want a mother,” the girl said.

The reunion lasted only 15 minutes, but soon after the prison began allowing monthly visits to prisoners. Kumsa’s children would wait all day to see their mother, sometimes without ever reaching the front of the line.

“I would see them from afar, but then they would be chased away when time was up.”

After several years in the prison, Kumsa began to understand how hard Amnesty and PEN, a group that helps writers around the world, were working to free her. She would receive postcards that read: “We know about you. You are not alone.”

The postcards brought her joy.

“Somebody knows about me,” she remembers thinking. “I’m not totally forgotten. How wonderful and uplifting it was to know someone knew of me.”

The late Canadian novelist Timothy Findley was a frequent writer, always sending the same message: “Hope against despair” and Kumsa still calls him her “Canadian father.”

One Saturday morning, Kumsa was washing her hair, preparing for a Sunday visit with her children, when she heard her name over the loudspeaker. It was Sept. 10, 1989. She wrapped her hair in a towel and ran.

“When you hear your name, you have to jump and run. If it’s death, you run to death. And if it’s release, it’s freedom you are running to.”

At the front door of the prison, a bus was waiting. Other prisoners started jumping with excitement, but Kumsa was wary.

“What if it was execution?” she wondered.

She and other political prisoners were driven in the direction of the security forces headquarters, the place where Kumsa had been tortured. For a brief moment, Kumsa thought freedom might be at hand, since being set free meant processing paperwork at headquarters.

When the bus drove by the building, a silence fell over the prisoners.

“You could see the physical terror. People were looking at each other. It was not release.”

Kumsa jumped to her feet, yelling at her friends: “We will die like human beings. We will spit in their face.”

The bus came to a stop in front of red stone building surrounded by a tall, iron fence topped with spikes. As the gate opened, Kumsa saw journalists with notepads and cameras.

“Are they going to document our execution?” she wondered.

Then she saw a general and watched his lips move as she tried to absorb the words she had waited so long to hear.

“You are free from this moment on,” the general said.

The prisoners stood like statues, so the general repeated his words.

Then, as if being jolted from a deep sleep, the crowd rose. Men clapped and the woman ululated in unison.

“It’s a moment I will never forget,” Kumsa says.

Close to 90 political prisoners and 400 other convicts were released that day. Mixed with Kumsa’s happiness was anger over bring robbed of 10 years, with no explanation, no apology and no help returning to normal life.

“Where do I go now? I didn’t know whether I was happy or sad.”

Kumsa went to the home of a missionary, where she learned that even the most mundane tasks were no longer easy.

“I hadn’t opened a door in 10 years. I didn’t have the confidence in me to do it. It was such a huge effort to reach out and grab the door and open it.”

She was reunited with her children, but there was no word from her husband, who she believed was still alive. And she had no job or money to support a family.

Ethiopia’s government, meanwhile, was in disarray and the political climate remained dangerous. Kumsa was approached by radical militants who wanted her to attend training camps.

“I knew that I was dead if I refused, and I will die if I accept,” she said. “If I have to die, I will run for dear life.”

So seven months after her release, Kumsa and her children, helped by PEN and Amnesty, made their escape.

They were driven 700 kilometres south toward Kenya and dropped off in woods near the border. For two weeks, the family walked through dense bush, dodging soldiers until they reached safety across the border.

“I thought, ‘Oh my God, what have I done? Why did I take my kids?”‘

She and the children were in Kenya five months before they were accepted by Canada in September 1991.

Meanwhile, the Ethiopia government of Mengistu had crumbled. Several opposition forces had united as the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front and it had taken over the country in May 1991.

Lata was part of a team negotiating the transition to the new government. He called Kumsa from London in July that year to let her know he was alive. Kumsa hadn’t seen him in 13 years.

“I was angry and happy. I didn’t want to talk to him, but I couldn’t resist.”

While she was in prison, she learned, Lata had been working for the liberation of the Oromo people, living at different times in Kenya, Somalia and Djibouti.

Two days before Kumsa and the children were to leave for Canada, he visited them in Kenya. He had never even see his youngest daughter, now a teenager.

Kumsa went to the airport alone to meet him, waiting for two hours until she saw him in the distance, with a cigarette in his hand. She wanted to scold him for abandoning her.

“I wanted to be angry, but it wouldn’t come. I ran like crazy to him. It felt like 13 years had been 13 seconds. It was as if we hadn’t been separated. It was a magical click.”

Kumsa wished she could return to Ethiopia with Lata to be part of the new leadership in her country. But she and the children came to Canada.

“When they needed me the most, I left my country,” she says. “I felt I was really needed there, but I chose my children.”

One year later, the Ethiopian coalition was falling apart. The Oromo Liberation Front withdrew from the government, disappointed with the delay in bringing democracy to the country.

Lata moved to London in 1993, then three years later joined his family in Canada.

In Canada, Kumsa reclaimed Kuwee, her Oromo name. For the first year, the family was sponsored by PEN, Amnesty and a Toronto church, but it was not an easy time.

“I wanted to be a mother to my kids, she said. “I had been denied this experience.”

But the children were still angry about their childhood without parents and took it out on their mother.

With the help of a student loan and two part-time jobs, Kumsa enrolled at York University during her second year in Canada. She got a bachelor’s degree in social work in 1996, the same year that she received a human rights award from the New York-based group, Human Rights Watch. A master’s degree from the University of Toronto came a year later.

In 2002, Kumsa was hired for a teaching post at Wilfrid Laurier University, but continued to work on her PhD at the University of Toronto and received that in 2004.

In Waterloo, Lata worked as a freelance writer, producing two books on the political climate of Ethiopia.

But he began to see Canada as a kind of prison. With only a temporary resident permit, he wasn’t allowed to attend school or get a job.

Nor could he become a Canadian citizen, Kumsa says, because as a member of the Oromo Liberation Front he had fought to overthrow the Ethiopian government.

“It’s a real shame,” says Isobel Harry, executive director of PEN Canada, who has heard Lata speak at conferences and describes him as a scholar.

“It’s a real hardship for Martha and her family.”

Federal government officials won’t comment on Lata’s case.

Kumsa knew that sooner of later her husband would leave Canada. And last August, he moved to Norway, a country he finds more sympathetic to the struggles within Ethiopia. From there he continues to work on the plight of the Oromo people.

Kumsa believes that her destiny, too, is wrapped up in Ethiopia. She would love to join her husband, the man she calls her jewel, to fight for recognition of the Oromo people.

There have been times since she cut her hair when she has wondered if she is ready to run again.

“My spirit is up. My wings are up, but I don’t know where I will be landing.”

She may even live in Ethiopia someday. But she said she won’t feel safe there until the Oromo people are fully recognized.

For now, however, Kumsa is content not to run.

Her three children are university-educated and she now enjoys a close relationship with Goli, who will begin practising law this summer.

Together, they are working on a research project about Oromo youth and how they identify themselves in Canadian society.

Kumsa is also studying Oromo spirituality and ancient birthing rituals. She will present a paper next month at a conference in Nigeria. Most of her research centres on the immigrant’s sense of belonging and identity.

“I’ve been running after things and from things,” Kumsa says.

“I need to slow down. I want this to be my home.”

Still, the walls of her university office are bare and few photographs adorn her home.

“I never feel settled,” she says.

“I feel like I’m living with one foot out of the door.”

Source: http://dontcensor.wordpress.com/2012/05/13/all-mothers-are-equal-but-some-mothers-like-prof-martha-kuwee-kumsa-are-more-equal-than-others/

A Guru on Oromo Studies dies

(A4O, 3 March 2014) Dr. Paul Baxter, a leading and longtime researcher on the Oromo nation, died at the age of 89. Dr. Baxter was a distinguished British anthropologist who devoted his entire life studying the Oromo.

According to Oromo Study Association, Dr Paul Baxter was one of the authoritative authors on the subject and contributed immensely to the development of Oromo studies at the time when the scholarship on the Oromo people was extremely discouraged in Ethiopia.

Born on January 30, 1925 in England, Paul Trevor William Baxter, popularly known as Paul Baxter or P.T.W. Baxter, earned his BA degree from Cambridge University. Influenced by famous scholars such as Bronisław Kasper Malinowski, Charles Gabriel Seligman, and Evans Pritchard, Paul Baxter had a solid affection for social anthropology. He went to the famous Oxford University to study social anthropology.

It was at the zenith of the Amharization project of Emperor Haile Selassie that he developed a strong interest to study the social organization of the Oromo people. In fact, in 1952, he started to study the Oromo Gada system, against all odds from authorities of the Ethiopian empire, and subsequently produced some of the finest scholarly pieces that laid the foundation for Oromo scholarship.

His first article titled “The Social Organization of the Oromo of Northern Kenya”, published in 1954 became a foundation for more of his researches to come and a reference for the students of Oromo studies. Besides, the research disqualified many of the myths and pseudo stories that assume the Oromos were a people without civilization, culture, and history.

Dr. Paul Baxter did not stop there. He continued with his studies and spent several decades studying different aspects of the Oromo society. It was through his extended research among the Oromos that he managed to deconstruct some of the myths that portrayed the Oromo people as a “warlike” or “barbarian” nation in the rather fictious stories written by the 16th century Abyssinian spy monk, Aba Bahrey and all the subsequent debteras.

The title of essays in his honor, in 1994, “A River of Blessings” speaks to his perception and reality of the Oromo as a peace-loving nation. In his article, “Ethiopia’s Unacknowledged Problem: The Oromo”, he highlighted some of the Oromophobic and barbaric manners of the Ethiopian Empire, and he suggested that peace with the Oromo nation was the only lasting panacea to the Ethiopian political sickening.

In his long academic and research career, he studied the Oromo from northern Kenya to Wallo and Arsi-all the way to Guji and so on. He edited a number of books on Oromo studies and published many other articles and book chapters in the field of social anthropology.

Dr. Paul Baxter is survived by his wife, Pat Baxter, his son, Adam Baxter, and his three grandsons and their children. May his soul rest in peace!!

US slams Ethiopia’s human rights abuse

(A4O, 1 March 2014) The United States in a scathing report on Thursday accused Ethiopia of curtailing freedom of expression and association, using politically motivated trials, harassment and intimidation of activists and journalists.

Ethiopia holds estimated 70,000-80,000 persons, including some 2,500 women and nearly 600 children incarcerated with their mothers, in severely overcrowded six federal and 120 regional prisons, the U.S. said in its voluminous 2013 Human Rights Report released by Secretary of State John Kerry. “There also were many unofficial detention centers throughout the country, including in Dedessa, Bir Sheleko, Tolay, Hormat, Blate, Tatek, Jijiga, Holeta, and Senkele,” the report said.

While it said pretrial detention in local police stations were marred with poor hygiene and police abuse, the report also highlighted impunity for security forces who often commit politically-motivated killings against dissidents and opposition party members as “a serious problem.” The Ethiopian government rarely, if ever, took actions “to prosecute or otherwise punish officials who committed abuses other than corruption,” the report added.

The report named some of the well-known political prisoners and journalists including Eskinder Nega, Bekele Gerba, Olbana Lelisa, Reeyot Alemu and Woubeshet Taye.“Federal Supreme Court upheld the 2012 convictions under the criminal code of Bekele Gerba and Olbana Lelisa, two well-known political opposition figures from theOromo ethnic group, for conspiracy to overthrow the government and conspiracy to incite unrest,” the report noted.

“The Supreme Court subsequently determined the Federal High Court did not consider mitigating circumstances and reduced Bekele’s sentence from eight years to three years and seven months. The Supreme Court also reduced Olbana’s sentenced from 13 to 11 years. Courts convicted 69 members of Oromo political opposition parties, charged separately in 2011 under the criminal code with “attacking the political or territorial integrity of the state.”

Gerba, who has fully served out his reduced time, was widely expected to be released last month. However, according to family sources, prison officials gave conflicting reasons for his continued imprisonment, including that his time at the Maekelawi prison doesn’t count or his file was misplaced. Meanwhile, both Gerba and Lelisa are reportedly ill with restricted and limited medical care.

For more details see the file from the PDF format 220323  or follow the link below

http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/humanrightsreport/index.htm?year=2013&dlid=220113#wrapper

Terminally ill

Lelisa is a longtime Oromo rights activist with Oromo Peoples Congress (OPC), who rose through the ranks of the organization from a sole member to top leadership. He competed in the last three elections representing the Caliya district in West Shewa. He was elected to the Oromia regional parliament in 2005. He was subsequently arrested on concocted charges of plotting to overthrow government by working with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), recruiting youth for armed rebellion and for inciting the frequent youth revolt in Ambo and West Shewa.

Lelisa, who has so far served three years of the 11 years sentence, reports being mistreated while in prison. He has repeatedly been beaten by unidentified men at Kaliti prison with orders from security services. He has sustained serious wounds from the beatings by government agents who pose as prisoners, according to OPride sources. Lelisa, who is terminally ill and said to be on a long-term medication for undisclosed condition, had repeatedly appealed to the higher court about his mistreatment but received no response to date.

Singling out the Oromo

While the State Department’s report is short on details, there are several evidences that show the Ethiopian government continues to single out Oromo dissidents. Last year, the OLF released a partial list (independently verified by a reputable OPride source) of 528 individuals sentenced to death and life imprisonment on purely political grounds.

The list includes names of individuals, their gender, and ethnic backgrounds. Underscoring the disproportionate repression of the Oromo, of the 528 individuals who were sentenced to death or life imprisonment by the Ethiopian courts, 459 are Oromo nationals followed by 52 Amhara nationals. “This list clearly indicates that the minority regime in Ethiopia is using its kangaroo courts for destroying Oromo and Amhara nationals who are viewed as potential threat to the regimes hold on to power,” one informant, who asked not to be named, toldOPride.

As documented by various international human rights organizations, today, it is a serious crime, under the Tigrean dominated Ethiopian government to support any independent Oromoorganization. Thousands of Oromos have been imprisoned, tortured and killed extra-judicially for no apparent reason other than expressing Oromo national feeling and for their support of Oromo organizations such as the OLF.

The selective and systematic targeting of Oromo in Ethiopia by the current began in 1992 when the OLF which jointly ruled Ethiopia from 1991-1992 with the Tigrayan Liberation Front (TPLF) was banned and its members and supporters jailed for years and hundreds executed without due process of law. Although Oromia, the Oromo regional state in Ethiopia, is autonomous in name, the Oromo do not have any meaningful voice in the affairs of their own state, which is totally controlled by the TPLF.

The later represents no more than seven percent of the population of Ethiopia, while the Oromo, who constitute the single largest national group in Ethiopia and the third largest national group in the whole of Africa. The Oromo are denied the basic democratic rights to organize freely and legally and express their political opinions. There is no single independent newspaper or media outlet catering to the Oromo populace in their native tongue.

The TPLF fears the Oromo numerical strength deliberately characterizes all independent Oromo organizations, which it does not control as the “terror wing” of the OLF. The goal for such characterization is to persecute peaceful supporters of the OLF behind the façade of fighting against a “ terrorist organization.” Under the anti-terror law of the current Ethiopian regime, anyone who is suspected of peacefully supporting the OLF, could be sentenced to life imprisonment or executed. The above mentioned 459 Oromo nationals who were sentenced to death or life imprisonment are all suspected OLF supporters.

Destroying the lives of 528 innocent human beings on political ground is a crime against humanity, which must be condemned by all civilized nations. The tearless cry of the U.S. AnnuaL Human Rights report notwithstanding, at this moment no calling is more urgent and more noble and no responsibility greater for those who believe in human rights than raising their voice for pressuring the government of Ethiopia to free the 528 innocent individuals who were sentenced to death and life imprisonment on purely political grounds.

In the last year alone, two Oromo activists have died in prison under mysterious circumnances. Last year, OPride reported about the death in prison of former UNHCR recognized refugee, engineer Tesfahun Chemeda. Last month, a former parliamentary candidate from Chalenqo in Western Hararghe, Ahmed Nejash died in prison. According to an OPC source, Nejash successfully run and challenegd Sufian Ahmed, Ethiopia’s Minister of Finance and Development, during the 2010 elections. He was subsequently arrested in 2011 alleged of being an OLF activist. Although his death recieved scant media coverage even within the Oromo community, a close relative of the late Jarra Abba Gadaa, Nejash is one of the veterans of Oromo people’s struggle. “He was sentenced to seven years, which was also upheld by the higher court,” the OPC told OPride source said. “He was in Zuway with Bekele and Olbana and he was healthy the last time I saw him in 2013.”

source: http://www.opride.com/oromsis/news/horn-of-africa/3735-us-slams-ethiopia-s-human-rights-abuse

Names and Identity: The case of Oromo names cultural genocide

By Hawi Chala | September 8, 2013

Our names distinguish us from billions of people in this world. To many of us names, the most fundamental part of a human being, gives us a sense of identity and belonging to a given society. Because names are part of every culture of a given society, they often put a strong connection between the individual who receive the name and the society that give the name. By giving a name the society acknowledges the personal existence in that society and simultaneously the society confirms its own responsibility towards that person. In other words, names are preliminary prove whether a person belongs to a given society. If we take these names Megersa, and Abreha, we can identify that the former belongs to Oromo identity and the latter belongs to Tigrean identity. Therefore, We are able to identify their identity just only by looking their names because we know that these names only belong to that community.

By carrying that particular name, the individual share the history of his society and become part of the nation. Since that particular name differentiate that child from others, the society will foster and socialize the child with needs and feelings different from those of others. That is why many of us own different feeling and needs depends on where we came from and the ethnic group we have been socialized with. Because of that name his /her needs and feeling will exist different from others. For instance, an Oromo child born and grown up in Norway will remain an Oromo, and have different feeling and needs from his/her Norwegian friends.

Having an Oromo name by itself will make her/him able to feel a sense of attachment to his/her Oromo heritage and culture.

There are different ways of naming a child in Oromo culture. When families give names to their children, they have usually, if not always, put a reason behind that, such as for example religion, specific situation the family find itself, places, hopes they have for the child and etc.

Religion plays a significant role in names.

A religious family usually names their child from their religious perspective.  A Christian family may either give a baptismal name or after people in the bible; while a Muslim family give a name after people in Quran or from Quran perspective. The same applies in other religion too. By doing so, each family need to assert that the child belongs to their respective religion. These names given after people in Bible or Quran helps the person to have the attachment to the faith and to feel that they are part of the faith.

In Oromo culture when a woman get married, she is given a new name in addition to her previous name to indicate that the woman now onwards belongs to her husband family. Women from the western culture are not required to change their name but they instead change their family name to their husband family name. The logic behind the new name in both cultures is to indicate that the woman will belong to her husband kinship family and the new name indicates her new identity.

Influence of ‘famous individual & literature on name choice

In this modern world media and literature play important role in choosing names. The more medias cover about models, artists, influential people, the more we became familiar with their names and the more we became inspired by them and their names..

Names like Tilahun (after the singer Tilahun Gessese, Mengistu after X-president Mengistu H/Mariam, Aster (after singer Aster Awoke), Tewodros (after king Tewodros).etc , have been commonly used among many Ethiopian.

Historically since Oromo people have been denied any government key positions, and since the Oromo literature have been weakened purposely by government, since our talented artists were unable to shine out due to oppression and limited opportunities given, it has been a big challenge for Oromo names to get promotion opportunity through Ethiopian medias and literature. Due to this, their popularity of Oromo names couldn’t shine out rather remained mired in rural setting of Oromia.

Our names make the core of our identity.

The link between personal identity and a given name is at the heart of this article wants to discuss thoroughly.

As we have discussed above, many scientific studies confirmed also that there is a strong link between a given name, identity and personality.

The link between a name and identity happens in our daily life starting from when we introduce our selves to a new friend, to various daily events. If I tell you that my name is Roberto, you can easily distinguish me that I might be an Italian, or if your name is called “Hawi” I can easily guess that you are an Oromo. If your friends hold the name Abrehet, we can guess that she is Tigrean and if the other friend also has the name Wi Hu Zhao we might guess that he/she is a Chinese. More than their metaphorical usage. these names  help us to distinguish  the person identity, where he is from and the society she/he belongs to.

When people have odd names, names that don’t explain his/her identity, it would make hard for others to easily distinguish who is he/she and to whom she/he belongs. In other word through his/her given name, the name is unable to explain his/her identity.

During the colonial period, many of African indigenous names were changed to the colonizer interest names to indirectly change their mind to loose their identity. If you travel to Nigeria today you hardly find indigenous names among the new generation instead people are favoring British names.

During the slave trade times when Africans left the continent, they left also their names, culture and all of their identity, where they were in return given new slavery names with new identity. They lost their identity and their roots. This is a proof why these days the Caribbean and many black Americans have lost the feeling of African identity. In resistant to this identity crisis many black American civil right activist marched various movement condemning their cultural genocide. One of the prominent activist was Malcolm who refused the name given by white imperialists and changed his name to Malcolm X , which became later one of the cause for his assassination. . He chose the new surname “ X” to signify his lost tribal name and identity.

The same cultural genocide has happened in Ethiopia against Oromo people names. In Oromo people culture, names represent an important part of life and have been a pillar of our identity. Since Oromos population largely surpasses other ethnic group in number, there has been groundless fear among successive Ethiopian leaders to be overwhelmed by this majority groups. In response to this, one of the strategies used by these successive repressive regimes has been to make the Oromo people systematically loose their identity through developing a feeling of proud Ethiopianism while feeling embarrassed with Oromuma identity. To ensure the domination of Abyssinians‎ culture over the Oromo people and to strength their assimilation policy, these successive governments have banned the Oromo language, culture and names. Speaker of Afan Oromo language and holders of Oromo names were privately and publicly ridiculed and embarrassed.

Following the victory of Minilik on the war with Oromo, between 1868 and 1900, where more than 5 million Oromos were killed, hundred and thousand of Habesha settlers were dispatched in to fortified settlements across Oromia. These Habesha settlers didn’t only take away the vast land of Oromia, but also changed Oromo place name to Amharic names and banned Oromo cultural practice. Classic example of this names genocide is the name of the following Oromoia cities: Addis Ababa (Finfinne ),  Nazret (Adama), Debrezeit (Bishoftu), Zeway (Batu), Asebe Teferi (Chiro), Hageremariam (Bole-Bora ) ….etc were the victim of the eradication policy of Oromo names.

During various resettlement program in the country history, many Oromos , who has lost their own land by the government to give to multinational cooperation, were also resettled in different parts of the country including Gojjam and Gonder. Even today if you travel around Gojjam and Gonder you will surprisingly hear a lot of indigenous Oromo names. This was one of government strategy to silently kill the booming of Oromo culture through the assimilation policy at the back of the settlement program. These Amharized oromos have Oromo roots but baptized under Amhara culture. Holding surnames may keep the attachment with Oromo people, but that alone wouldn’t make them proud of Oromumma since they have lost the feeling and the culture of Oromo people.

Now we came across two paradoxes. In one hand we have said that there are few indigenous Oromo names in Gojjam and other parts of the Amhara region while in other hand we know that there are millions of Amharic names among Oromo people.

Let me stop you here and give you two minutes break while thinking your friends or families who is holding Amhara names.

Roughly 2 out of 3 Oromos have an Amharic names.

Then my big question is :

Why Oromo families name their children by Amharic names instead of Oromo names? Or  why the name Adane is preferred than Feyisa among Oromo families?

Well, It undeniable fact that from our grand –grand fathers to the present Qube generation, having an Oromo names make us embarrassed and feel less valued. It was not a hidden history that many Oromo families changed their names in to Amharic names when they moved to towns in order to escape from discrimination and easily integrate in to the dominant Habesha culture.

Until recently it has been regarded that holding Oromo names was perceived as foolish, ruralist, impulsive, not moody, “geja” and many more abusive words. They made us feel that an Oromo names is less valued over Habesha names. Take for instance these names, Tolesa, Kiros, Gezahegn, Megertu, Hiwot ? Which name is better off the other ? Names are names. Every name is beautiful to the society it belongs. But the successive Ethiopian brutal governments make us feel down with our names, made us feel embarrassed with our beautiful Oromo names, made us feel that our names is backward, regressive & unmodernised, made us feel that our Oromo names has negative implication rather than its identity justification. They ridiculed and insulted us for we are holding Oromo names.

Many Oromo children change their name when they start school because they inherited that embarrassing feeling with holding Oromo name at school. The Habeshas used to insult and made jokes on our Oromo names. This inhuman mistreatment made our Oromo families feel ashamed with their names and their children names. These insults and discrimination made by Habeshas forced many Oromo familes to give Amharic names to their children.

They changed in to the Amharic names not because they changed their oromuma identity but only because they need to protect the psychology of their children not to feel embarrassed and ashamed with Oromo names.

Until recently many Oromo job-seekers are forced to change their Oromo names and hide their Oromuma to increase chances of being hired by employers.

This cultural genocide against Oromo names by successive Ethiopian government was supposed to bury our Oromo identity. I am not going to naysay the very fact that we have been affected by identity crisis. But at the same time we could survive the name genocide and regained our Oromo identity. Thanks to those who have fought and sacrificed their life, we are now able to feel proud with our survived identity and names. But the scarce of our name genocide will never be forgotten.

Names build a nation

The connection between names and identity does not only affect people. Names and naming also constitute an important part of the work of the building of a nation. This becomes quite evident if we take a look at the history of Norway and Eritrea during the period following the independence of Norway from Denmark in 1814 and Eritrea from Ethiopia 20 years ago. After the end of 400 years of Denmark rule, the Norwegian people gained a new feeling of freedom and independence which provoked a strong wave of National Romanticism, and this, among many other things, also called forth a strong agitation to bring back the Old Norwegians names and put them to use instead of imported, foreign colonial names. This revival of the so-called national names has later become known as the Nordic Name Renaissance. The same history has recently happened in Eritrea. As a consequence of National Romanticism, Eritrean government has implicitly prohibited Ethiopian music, language and names in Eritrea so as to boom Eritrean own culture, than imported names and cultures.

The same logic should work for Oromo cultural revival.  By giving Oromo names to our children, we should play important part of building greater Oromia. We should provoke a strong wave of OROMIA ROMANTICISM and RENAISSANCE.  In fact many Oromo youngsters, especially the Qubee generation has showed their resistance to the system by changing their Amharized name in to the beautiful Oromo names. To continuously pass our identity from generation to generation and attach the feeling of Oromo identity, we should name our children with our beautiful Oromo name. We have cultural responsibility to stop this cultural genocide of our identity names by making our self and our children feel proud of Oromumma by naming with indigenous Oromo names. Through naming of Oromo names, each of us has a responsibility to build a nation that feels proud of its identity, a nation that struggle for its freedom and a nation that proudly say I am a Oromo first and no more Amharic names!

References:

Adler, Peter (2002) : Beyond cultural identity : Reflections on multiculturalism , Pepperdin University, school of Law, USA.

Benedicta, Windt, (2012) : Names and personal identity in Literary context, Oslo studies in language. Vol 4, No 2 (2012), Oslo , Norway.

Taylor, Paul et al (2012): When Labels don’t fit: Hispanics and their views of identity. Pew Research center´s Hispanic Trends project, USA.

Hawi chala : can be reached by this email : hhunduma@yahoo.com

Facebook: hawi.chala.5@facebook.com

Related:

1. Born to Serve and Die Serving , by Hawi Chala