Category Archives: Events
Reclaiming National Interest and Media Ethics

The Paradox of Protection: How ‘National Interest’ and ‘Media Ethics’ Became Tools to Suppress Independent Journalism
February 27, 2026 – When governments move to shut down independent media outlets, the justifications often sound reasonable, even noble. “National security,” we are told, requires certain information to remain undisclosed. “Social harmony” demands that divisive voices be quieted. “Media ethics” must be enforced against those who would spread misinformation. “National interest” trumps individual rights.
These phrases roll easily off official tongues. They appear in legislation, in court rulings, in press statements announcing closures or arrests. They are designed to reassure: this is not about silencing dissent; this is about protecting something greater.
But across the globe, from Ethiopia to Egypt, from Hungary to the Philippines, these same phrases have been deployed in ways that systematically undermine the very institutions democracy requires. What emerges is a paradox: the language of protection becomes the instrument of suppression, and the promised safeguards for society become mechanisms for entrenching power.
The Language of Legitimacy
The terms “national interest” and “media ethics” carry genuine weight. Nations do have legitimate security concerns that may require some information to be protected. Journalists do have ethical obligations to verify information, correct errors, and avoid causing harm.
But these concepts are also inherently flexible—and that flexibility makes them dangerous tools in the hands of those who would control information.
“National interest” has no fixed definition. It can mean protecting troops in wartime. It can also mean hiding corruption, embarrassing diplomatic cables, or evidence that development funds have been stolen. The same phrase covers both legitimate secrecy and illegitimate cover-up.
“Media ethics” similarly spans a vast territory. It can mean refusing to publish unverified allegations. It can also mean refusing to publish anything critical of those in power. When the government becomes the arbiter of journalistic ethics, ethics quickly become whatever the government wants them to be.
“The problem is not the concepts themselves,” explains media law scholar Dr. Tsegaye Berhanu. “The problem is who gets to define them. When the state is both the subject of journalistic scrutiny and the judge of whether that scrutiny is ‘ethical,’ you have created a system where accountability becomes impossible.”
The Ethiopian Context: A Case Study in Linguistic Capture
Ethiopia’s recent history illustrates how the language of protection can be repurposed for suppression. Since the onset of conflict in various regions, authorities have increasingly invoked national security concerns to justify restrictions on reporting.
In Oromia, where conflict between government forces and the Oromo Liberation Army continues, independent access is severely limited. Journalists attempting to report on human rights abuses or humanitarian conditions face accusations of undermining national unity or supporting terrorist groups.
The 2020 state of emergency legislation granted broad powers to restrict “any information that could disturb the public peace” or “incite violence.” While these goals are legitimate, the definitions are expansive enough to encompass almost any critical reporting.
“The government has effectively made itself the sole judge of what constitutes responsible journalism,” says a veteran Ethiopian journalist who requested anonymity. “If you report government abuses, you’re ‘inciting violence.’ If you report opposition abuses, you’re ‘supporting terrorists.’ There is no space left for simply reporting facts.”
The result, human rights organizations warn, is that Ethiopia’s media space has contracted dramatically. Outlets have been shuttered. Journalists have fled into exile or ceased reporting on sensitive topics. The information vacuum is filled by rumor and diaspora-based outlets operating beyond any regulatory framework.
The Slippery Slope: From Regulation to Suppression
The journey from legitimate media regulation to systematic suppression rarely happens overnight. It follows a predictable pattern:
Step One: Establish the Framework – A government passes laws allowing action against media that threatens national security or violates ethical standards. These laws often appear reasonable and may even be drafted with input from media professionals.
Step Two: Expand the Definitions – Gradually, the interpretation of key terms expands. “National security” comes to include economic reports that might deter investment. “Incitement” comes to include criticism of government policy. “Ethical violations” come to include failure to present the government’s perspective.
Step Three: Selectively Enforce – The laws are applied primarily to opposition or critical media, while government-friendly outlets enjoy immunity. This creates the appearance of even-handed regulation while effectively silencing dissent.
Step Four: Create Self-Censorship – Journalists, observing what happens to colleagues who cross invisible lines, begin censoring themselves. The government need not close every outlet; it need only demonstrate that crossing certain boundaries carries consequences.
“Self-censorship is the most efficient form of suppression,” notes media ethics researcher Hanna Mekonnen. “It requires no ongoing enforcement, no public relations pushback. Journalists simply internalize the boundaries and police themselves. The government gets exactly what it wants—a compliant press—without having to do anything.”
The Ethics Paradox: Who Guards the Guardians?
Perhaps the most insidious aspect of using “media ethics” as a suppression tool is that it reverses the proper relationship between press and power.
In democratic theory, the press serves as a watchdog on power—the “fourth estate” that holds government accountable. Media ethics are professional standards that journalists voluntarily adopt to ensure they perform this function responsibly. Ethics are supposed to guide journalists in serving the public interest, not to serve as a leash held by those in power.
When government becomes the enforcer of media ethics, this relationship is inverted. The watchdog is muzzled in the name of responsible behavior. Those who should be scrutinized become the scrutineers.
“Imagine if corporations were allowed to define what constitutes fair business reporting,” says Tadesse Desta, a media lawyer. “Or if politicians could decide what counts as unbiased political coverage. That’s exactly what happens when government enforces ‘media ethics’—the subjects of journalism become the judges of journalism.”
The National Interest Fallacy: Short-Term Silence, Long-Term Danger
The invocation of “national interest” to justify media suppression rests on a fundamental fallacy: that hiding problems makes them go away.
In reality, suppressing information about national challenges does not protect national interest—it undermines it. A nation that does not know about corruption cannot address it. A government that does not hear about policy failures cannot correct them. A society that cannot discuss its divisions cannot heal them.
“When you silence reporting on ethnic tensions, you don’t eliminate those tensions,” says conflict resolution specialist Worku Aberra. “You just ensure that no one sees them building until they explode. The ‘national interest’ argument gets it exactly backwards: transparency is in the national interest. Secrecy serves only those who benefit from the status quo.”
This dynamic plays out repeatedly in conflict settings. In Ethiopia’s Oromia region, restricted reporting means that early warning signs of violence go undetected. Humanitarian needs remain invisible. Opportunities for intervention are missed. The “national interest” justification for media restrictions becomes self-defeating as conflict deepens and spreads.
The International Dimension: Learning from Others
Ethiopia is far from alone in facing these dynamics. Across Africa and beyond, governments have refined the art of using protective language to justify suppressive action.
In Tanzania, the 2016 Media Services Act expanded government power to sanction journalists for “undermining public confidence” in state institutions—a phrase capacious enough to cover almost any criticism. In Uganda, repeated internet shutdowns during elections are justified as necessary for national security, though critics note they primarily serve to block opposition organizing.
In Hungary, media legislation framed as promoting “professional standards” has resulted in a media landscape heavily tilted toward government-friendly outlets. In the Philippines, the closure of ABS-CBN, the nation’s largest media network, was justified on technical licensing grounds but widely seen as retaliation for critical coverage.
Each case has unique features, but the pattern is consistent: language that sounds protective is deployed to achieve suppressive ends.
The Way Forward: Reclaiming the Concepts
If the language of “national interest” and “media ethics” has been captured by those who would suppress independent journalism, what is to be done? The answer is not to abandon these concepts—they remain important—but to reclaim them.
For national interest: The concept must be narrowly defined and subject to independent oversight. Secrecy should be the exception, not the rule, and decisions about what constitutes a genuine national security threat should not rest exclusively with those who might benefit from concealment.
For media ethics: Professional standards should be developed and enforced by journalists themselves, through independent press councils and voluntary associations. When governments involve themselves in ethical enforcement, the conflict of interest is simply too great.
For the public: Media literacy and support for independent journalism are essential. A public that understands the value of a free press is less likely to accept its suppression in the name of security or ethics.
Conclusion: The Light That Protects
There is a reason authoritarian regimes always move against independent media first. There is a reason democratic transitions always prioritize press freedom. Journalism is not merely one institution among many—it is the institution that makes all others accountable.
When independent media is suppressed in the name of national interest, the nation’s interests are not protected. They are betrayed. When independent media is suppressed in the name of media ethics, ethics are not served. They are subverted.
The only genuine protection for national interest and media ethics is a free press that can speak truth to power, expose wrongdoing, and facilitate the public debate on which democracy depends. Any framework that suppresses independent journalism in the name of protecting these values has misunderstood them entirely—or never intended to protect them at all.
As the Ethiopian journalist who fled into exile observed: “They tell you they are closing the newspapers to protect the country. But a country that cannot hear itself think is a country that cannot save itself. The silence they create is not peace. It is just the quiet before the next storm.”
The Hidden Dangers of Media Silence in Society

When the Press Goes Silent: How Shutting Down Independent Media Fuels the “Secret Voice” Debate
February 26, 2026 – When authorities shut down independent media outlets, block websites, or jail critical journalists, they often cite noble justifications: preserving national unity, preventing misinformation, or maintaining public order. But evidence from countries across the political spectrum suggests that muzzling the press does not eliminate dissent—it simply drives it underground, where it transforms into something far less accountable and often more volatile: the “secret voice” debate.
This phenomenon—the migration of political discourse from public forums to private, unregulated spaces—is reshaping how information spreads in societies where media freedom is constrained. And it carries profound implications for governance, social cohesion, and conflict prevention.
The Hydra Effect: Silencing One Voice Creates Many
When independent media is shut down, the logic appears simple: remove the platform, remove the problem. But communication theorists compare this approach to the Hydra of Greek mythology—cut off one head, and multiple grow in its place.
“Suppressing official media outlets doesn’t suppress the human desire to discuss, question, and organize,” explains Dr. Meseret Taye, a political communication researcher based in Addis Ababa. “It simply pushes those discussions into spaces that authorities cannot monitor or moderate. You lose the ability to even know what people are thinking, let alone address their concerns.”
This “secret voice” debate takes many forms:
Encrypted messaging apps become the new public square. In countries with restricted media, platforms like Telegram, Signal, and WhatsApp have become primary channels for news dissemination and political organization. These spaces are largely invisible to regulators and impossible to moderate consistently.
Word-of-mouth networks revive ancient patterns of information sharing. In Ethiopia’s Oromia region, where media access is restricted and conflict continues, residents report relying on trusted personal networks for information about security conditions, movement restrictions, and political developments.
Diaspora-based media fills the vacuum. Outlets operating from Europe, North America, or neighboring countries broadcast back into their homelands, often with perspectives sharply critical of authorities—and with limited accountability for accuracy.
Art and culture become coded political expression. Music, poetry, and theater in local languages increasingly carry layered meanings accessible to local audiences but difficult for censors to police.
The Accountability Deficit
Perhaps the most significant consequence of driving debate underground is the complete loss of accountability for what is said.
Professional journalism, despite its flaws, operates within ethical frameworks. Journalists are trained to verify sources, seek multiple perspectives, and correct errors. Media outlets have legal identities that can be held responsible for defamation or incitement.
The “secret voice” debate has none of these safeguards.
“When debate goes underground, rumor becomes indistinguishable from fact,” says Tadesse Desta, a media lawyer who has represented journalists in several African countries. “Anyone with a smartphone can broadcast anything—accurate reporting, deliberate disinformation, or incitement to violence—with zero accountability. The public has no way to verify what they’re hearing, and authorities have no way to address legitimate grievances because they can’t even see them clearly.”
This dynamic creates a perfect storm for conflict escalation. Without reliable information, populations become susceptible to conspiracy theories. Without public platforms for grievance articulation, frustrations accumulate without resolution. Without professional journalism to fact-check claims, misinformation spreads unchecked through private channels.
Ethiopia’s Hidden Information War
Ethiopia offers a contemporary case study in how restricted media environments fuel secret debates. In Oromia, where ongoing conflict between government forces and the Oromo Liberation Army has claimed countless civilian lives, independent reporting is severely constrained. International journalists face access restrictions, and local journalists operate under constant threat.
The result, according to residents and researchers, is an information vacuum filled by competing narratives flowing through unofficial channels.
“We have no reliable way to know what is happening even in neighboring districts,” says an Oromia resident who requested anonymity for security reasons. “Information comes through phone calls from relatives, messages from friends, occasional posts on social media that may or may not be true. Everyone is guessing, and fear spreads faster than facts.”
Human rights organizations warn that this information blackout obscures the scale of violations. Getu Saketa Roro, co-founder of the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa, notes that “the human rights situation—as well as the overall humanitarian crisis in Oromia—is underreported.”
What reporting does emerge often comes from diaspora-based outlets or international organizations with limited on-the-ground access, creating further information gaps and contested narratives.
The Technology Dimension
Digital technology has fundamentally altered the dynamics of information control. Twenty years ago, shutting down newspapers and radio stations could effectively silence national debate. Today, ubiquitous smartphones and cheap mobile data mean that information—and misinformation—flows through channels no government can fully control.
Governments have attempted various responses: shutting down internet access entirely during political crises, blocking specific apps, monitoring social media, prosecuting online speakers. But these measures are blunt instruments that often backfire.
“When you try to block digital communication entirely, you harm every aspect of society—business, education, health care, family connections,” notes technology policy researcher Hanna Gebreselassie. “And you still don’t stop the information flow. People find ways around blocks. They use VPNs. They share via closed groups. They pass messages through trusted contacts. The debate continues, just beyond your view.”
The economic costs are substantial as well. The Internet Society estimates that internet shutdowns cost countries billions in lost economic activity, damaged investment climate, and reduced innovation.
From Secret Debate to Public Action
The most dangerous aspect of the “secret voice” debate is its potential to suddenly erupt into public action—often catching authorities completely by surprise.
History offers numerous examples. The Arab Spring uprisings were organized largely through social media and private channels after years of restricted public discourse. The 2019 Sudanese revolution that ousted Omar al-Bashir built momentum through informal networks when formal opposition was impossible. In Ethiopia itself, the 2015-2018 Oromo protests that reshaped national politics spread through songs, social media, and word-of-mouth after traditional organizing channels were blocked.
“When debate is forced underground, you lose all the early warning signs that might allow intervention before crisis,” says conflict resolution specialist Worku Aberra. “Professional journalists report on emerging tensions; they interview people, document grievances, provide an outlet for frustration. Without that, you have no idea how angry people are until they’re in the streets. And by then, it’s usually too late for dialogue.”
The Illusion of Control
For authorities considering media restrictions, the appeal is understandable: a quieter public sphere feels more stable, more controllable. But this stability is an illusion—a calm surface hiding turbulent depths.
The secret voice debate continues regardless of press restrictions. It simply operates beyond the reach of accountability, beyond the view of policymakers, beyond the influence of those who might address legitimate grievances before they explode.
When independent media is shut down, authorities don’t eliminate criticism. They eliminate their ability to hear it, understand it, and respond to it constructively. They trade noisy democracy for silent danger—and history suggests this is no trade at all.
As one veteran journalist put it: “You can silence the microphone, but you cannot silence the conversation. It just moves to places you cannot hear—until suddenly it’s too loud to ignore.”
Scholars Convene Under ‘Mother Oromia’ Banner, Urge Action on Political Crisis

February 26, 2026 (Addis Ababa) – In a significant gathering of Oromo intellectuals and civic leaders, a five-day conference convened under the symbolic call “Harmeen Oromiyaa waamti” (“Mother Oromia summons you”) has concluded with urgent appeals for political accountability and truth-based dialogue to address the region’s deepening challenges.
The meeting brought together scholars and thought leaders for intensive deliberations on the political crisis affecting Oromia and its implications for Ethiopia as a whole. Participants engaged in what they described as “in-depth, truth-based discussions” regarding Oromo political challenges, outlining potential solutions they believe would benefit the broader population.
Kedir Bullo, one of the participants, reflected on the gathering’s significance in an interview following the conference. “When the call went out that ‘Mother Oromia summons you,’ this is how we responded,” Bullo said. “We convened to hold in-depth, truth-based discussions regarding Oromo political challenges, and we outlined solutions that would benefit our people.”
However, Bullo expressed uncertainty about whether the recommendations would translate into meaningful action. “I do not know what the politicians have done [with these recommendations],” he stated, highlighting a recurring gap between intellectual deliberation and political implementation that has frustrated many civic initiatives in the country.
The scholar emphasized the personal significance of participation. “Personally, I feel a sense of honor to have fulfilled my civic duty by spending five days with these scholars, discussing matters concerning both our people and the country with a deep sense of solidarity,” Bullo said.
Context of Crisis
The gathering occurs against a backdrop of escalating warnings about Ethiopia’s trajectory. Just days before the conference, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) issued a stark statement warning that “gathering clouds of war” continue to hang over Ethiopia, with persistent conflict in Oromia and other regions remaining a major source of security, social, and economic challenges .
According to the OLF statement, political differences remain unresolved, and longstanding conflicts have turned Oromia into what it described as a “recurring arena of war and exploitation” despite the region’s natural wealth, while many residents continue to face economic hardship .
The urgency of these warnings was amplified by a coalition of twenty international and regional human rights and humanitarian organizations, which warned on February 20 that Ethiopia stands “on the brink” of renewed large-scale conflict. The groups cited ongoing fighting between federal forces and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), with reports of extrajudicial killings, mass arrests, property destruction, forced conscription, and collective punishment of civilians .
The Human Cost of Insecurity
The conflict’s toll on ordinary citizens has been devastating. A recent investigation by the Associated Press documented widespread abuses in Oromia, where civilians find themselves caught between government forces and armed opposition groups .
Ayantu Bulcha, speaking to AP from Addis Ababa, described how soldiers came to her family’s home in Oromia in early December. Her cousin was shot outside the property, she said, and soldiers took her father and uncle to a nearby field where they were also killed. They had been accused of fighting alongside the OLA—allegations she denies .
Lensa Hordofa, a civil servant from Oromia’s Shewa region, told AP her family faces constant harassment and extortion from armed men, including demands for food and supplies. Her uncle was recently detained and released only after payment of a ransom equivalent to $650. “Movement from place to place has become increasingly restricted,” she said. “It’s almost impossible to travel” .
Media Access Restricted
The conflict has remained largely hidden from public view due to restricted access. Ethiopia limits access to Oromia for journalists and rights groups, meaning the full scope of the humanitarian crisis remains underreported .
Getu Saketa Roro, co-founder of the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa, noted that “the human rights situation—as well as the overall humanitarian crisis in Oromia—is underreported” .
This information blackout echoes warnings from human rights organizations that shrinking civic space and restrictions on independent reporting are obscuring the scale of violations and weakening early warning and prevention efforts .
Failed Peace Efforts
The call for dialogue from the scholars’ conference comes amid recent failures in formal peace negotiations. The Ethiopian government announced on February 18 that talks with the Oromo Liberation Army had ended without agreement. It was the second time Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government and the OLA had sat down this year aiming to end a five-year insurgency in the restive Oromia region .
National security adviser Redwan Hussein posted on social media: “Due to the intransigence of the other party the talks have come to an end without an agreement. The obstructive approach and unrealistic demands of the other party are the principal reasons why these talks could not succeed” .
The OLA offered a different perspective, stating it had tried “to negotiate a space for a meaningful change in the governance of the Oromia region” during the talks in Dar es Salaam. Spokesman Odaa Tarbii said in a statement: “True to form, the Ethiopian government was only interested in co-optation of the leadership of the OLA rather than beginning to address the fundamental problems that underlie the county’s seemingly insurmountable security and political challenges” .
Economic Paradox
The conflict’s persistence stands in stark contrast to Oromia’s economic potential. The region is central to Ethiopia’s coffee industry, which continues to post strong results nationally. Official data shows Ethiopia earned 1.6 billion dollars from coffee exports in the first five months of the 2025/26 fiscal year, with plans to generate more than 3 billion dollars by exporting about 600,000 tons of coffee during the full year .
Major coffee-producing areas include Jimma, Illubabor, Guji, West Wollega and East Wollega in Oromia—many of which have been affected by insecurity. In Bale Zone, where coffee is grown on more than 68,000 hectares, officials report harvests reaching 93 percent of targets despite challenges .
Yet the benefits of this economic activity have not translated into stability or widespread prosperity. The OLF statement emphasized that despite the region’s natural wealth, many residents continue to face economic hardship .
The Scholar’s Appeal
Against this complex backdrop, the gathering of scholars under the “Mother Oromia” banner represents what participants view as a civic intervention—an attempt to inject intellectual rigor and truth-based analysis into a political environment often characterized by polarization and mutual recrimination.
Bullo’s personal reflection on fulfilling his “civic duty” speaks to a broader sense of responsibility among Oromo intellectuals who see themselves as bridges between grassroots concerns and political decision-makers. The five days of discussion, grounded in what participants describe as commitment to truth and solidarity, produced what they believe are viable solutions.
Whether these solutions will reach political actors—and whether those actors will act upon them—remains an open question. As Bullo noted with evident frustration: “I do not know what the politicians have done [with these recommendations].”
The conference’s conclusion coincides with growing international alarm about Ethiopia’s trajectory. The February 20 letter from human rights organizations warned that “space for de-escalation is rapidly shrinking” and called for sustained international attention, inclusive political solutions, and expanded independent human rights monitoring .
For the scholars who gathered under Mother Oromia’s summons, the path forward requires bridging the gap between intellectual deliberation and political action—ensuring that truth-based analysis does not remain confined to conference halls but translates into the inclusive dialogue and accountability that Ethiopia’s complex crisis demands.
CPJ Denounces Government Crackdown on Addis Standard’s Press Freedom

Ethiopia Revokes Addis Standard’s License Amid Escalating Crackdown on Independent Media
CPJ condemns “retaliation” as authorities silence one of country’s few independent voices ahead of June elections
NAIROBI, February 24, 2026 — The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has called on Ethiopian authorities to immediately restore the registration of independent outlet Addis Standard after the Ethiopian Media Authority (EMA) revoked its online media registration certificate effective February 24, in the latest blow to press freedom in Africa’s second most populous nation .
“This is not regulation — it is retaliation,” said CPJ Africa Director Angela Quintal. “By weaponizing vague ‘national interest’ and ‘media ethics’ provisions, the Ethiopian Media Authority is silencing independent journalism. Revoking Addis Standard’s license is part of a deliberate campaign to dismantle critical reporting in Ethiopia. Authorities must immediately reinstate the outlet’s registration and end their escalating assault on the press” .
Government Allegations and Outlet’s Response
In a February 24 statement posted on Facebook, the EMA accused Addis Standard of “repeatedly disseminating reports that compromise media ethics, violate Ethiopian laws, and endanger the national interests of the country and its people” . The authority claimed it had issued multiple warnings and that the outlet had failed to take corrective measures before canceling its registration under Ethiopia’s Media Proclamation .
However, Addis Standard Editor-in-Chief Yonas Kedir firmly rejected the decision, stating that the outlet had never received any formal notice of violations from the EMA. He described the claim of “repeated notices” as factually incorrect and said the publisher, JAKENN Publishing PLC, is reviewing legal options to ensure due process is upheld .
The EMA’s statement did not specify which reports or actions formed the basis of the decision . The authority claimed the alleged violations were confirmed through its regulatory oversight activities and were the subject of numerous complaints and tips submitted by members of the public .
A Pattern of Escalating Repression
The move comes amid a widening crackdown on independent media as Ethiopia approaches legislative elections scheduled for early June 2026 . Recent actions against journalists include:
- On February 19, an Agence France-Presse journalist was blocked from traveling to Tigray .
- Authorities declined to renew the accreditation of three Reuters journalists based in Addis Ababa and withdrew the agency’s credentials to cover the African Union Summit, days after Reuters published an investigative report alleging Ethiopia hosts a training camp for Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces .
- In January, the EMA revoked Wazema Radio’s license over alleged reporting irregularities; the station has continued publishing content from abroad .
- In October 2025, the authority suspended the licenses of Deutsche Welle’s local correspondents, two of whom remain permanently barred .
- Four journalists imprisoned for nearly three years now face terrorism charges and potential death sentences, though executions remain rare .
Addis Standard’s History of Government Targeting
Addis Standard, established in 2011 as a monthly magazine and published in Afaan Oromo, Amharic, and English, has faced repeated government harassment over the years . The outlet is one of Ethiopia’s few independent media platforms, with nearly one million followers on X .
The latest revocation is not the first time authorities have moved against the outlet:
In April 2025, Ethiopian police raided the Addis Standard office and the home of one of its senior staff members, briefly detaining three managers for several hours and confiscating multiple electronic devices, including laptops, phones, hard drives, and CPUs. The Committee to Protect Journalists expressed “grave concerns about potential misuse of sensitive data” following the raids .
During the Tigray war in June 2021, Ethiopia’s media regulator suspended Addis Standard, accusing it of advancing the agenda of what it described as a “terrorist group”—an apparent reference to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). At the time, CPJ criticized the move, noting that “for years, Addis Standard has been an important source of critical reporting and commentary on Ethiopia” .
In November 2020, police arrested Medihane Ekubamichael, then product editor at Addis Standard, accusing him of attempting to “dismantle the constitution through violence” .
A Deteriorating Media Landscape
Ethiopia now ranks 145th out of 180 countries in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders (RSF) World Press Freedom Index . According to RSF, the media landscape under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who came to power in 2018, remains “highly polarised and marked by a culture of opinion at the expense of fact-checking” .
The latest actions have raised serious concerns among press freedom advocates about the operating environment for independent journalism ahead of the June elections, as candidate registration and campaign activities are currently underway .
Addis Standard has reported extensively on unrest in Amhara, where rebels have battled federal forces for several years, as well as tensions in Tigray, where a fragile calm risks sliding back into conflict . The outlet’s critical political reporting made it a target, and the latest revocation effectively bars it from operating legally in Ethiopia .
International Condemnation
The CPJ’s condemnation follows similar expressions of concern from diplomatic missions and press freedom organizations. In a joint statement on World Press Freedom Day 2025, 14 diplomatic missions in Addis Ababa warned of a shrinking media and civic space, stressing that a free, pluralistic press is indispensable to democracy and social cohesion, particularly ahead of national elections.
CPJ’s email requests for comment to the Ethiopian Media Authority did not immediately receive a response .
As one observer noted, the revocation of Addis Standard’s license represents not an isolated incident but part of “a troubling pattern of repressive regulatory action against international and independent press” in Ethiopia . With elections approaching and civic space contracting, the future for independent journalism in Ethiopia appears increasingly precarious.
Founded in 2011, Addis Standard is known for critical political reporting, and the latest revocation effectively bars it from operating legally in Ethiopia.
Oromo Students in Sweden Celebrate International Mother Language Day with Pride and Purpose

Bromangymnasiet hosts celebration highlighting the importance of preserving and strengthening mother tongues, especially for communities whose linguistic rights have been denied
BRO, Sweden — Students and educators at Bromangymnasiet, a secondary school in Sweden, joined the global community in celebrating International Mother Language Day on February 21, recognizing the vital importance of linguistic diversity and the right to learn, write, and speak in one’s mother tongue .
The day, proclaimed by UNESCO in 1999 and observed annually on February 21, holds particular significance for communities whose languages have been marginalized, suppressed, or denied official recognition. For Oromo students at Bromangymnasiet and across the diaspora, the celebration represents both a affirmation of identity and a reminder of ongoing struggles for linguistic rights .
What Is Mother Language?
Mother language—the language a child first learns from their mother and father at birth, the language of their earliest thoughts and expressions—carries profound significance beyond mere communication. It is the medium through which identity is formed, culture is transmitted, and history is preserved .
For communities whose right to use their mother tongue has been violated—who have been denied education in their language, prohibited from publishing in it, or shamed for speaking it—Mother Language Day carries additional weight. It is both celebration and commemoration: celebration of linguistic diversity, commemoration of struggles to preserve languages against overwhelming pressure .
Language Expresses Identity, Culture, and History
As the students at Bromangymnasiet emphasized during their celebration, language is far more than a tool for communication. It is the vessel that carries a people’s identity, their culture, and their history across generations .
When a language dies, something irreplaceable is lost—not just words and grammar, but ways of seeing the world, relationships with nature, forms of humor, styles of prayer, patterns of storytelling, and connections to ancestors. Each language encodes unique knowledge and perspectives that cannot be fully translated into any other tongue .
For Oromo students celebrating in Sweden, this understanding is particularly acute. Many were born in or have grown up in diaspora, navigating between the Oromo language of their homes and communities and the Swedish language of their education and broader society. Maintaining Oromo language proficiency requires conscious effort, community support, and institutional recognition—none of which can be taken for granted.

The Global Context: Languages Under Threat
International Mother Language Day emerges from recognition of a global crisis in linguistic diversity. According to UNESCO estimates:
- More than 40% of the world’s 7,000 languages are currently at risk of disappearing
- A language dies approximately every two weeks
- 40% of the global population lacks access to education in a language they speak or understand
- Indigenous languages are disappearing at alarming rates, taking with them unique knowledge systems and cultural heritage
February 21 was chosen as International Mother Language Day to commemorate the 1952 Bengali Language Movement in Bangladesh, when students in Dhaka were killed by police while demonstrating for recognition of their mother tongue, Bengali. The day thus carries from its origins a connection to struggle—to the understanding that linguistic rights are not given but demanded, and that people have died defending their right to speak their own languages.
Oromo Language: A History of Suppression and Resilience
For Oromo people, the struggle for linguistic rights has been central to the broader struggle for recognition and self-determination. Under successive Ethiopian regimes, the use of Afaan Oromo was severely restricted:
- Education in Afaan Oromo was prohibited for decades
- Publishing in the language was suppressed
- Public use of Afaan Oromo was discouraged and sometimes punished
- Oromo children were educated in Amharic, a language many did not understand
- The Latin script (Qubee) for writing Afaan Oromo was banned, with the Ethiopic script imposed
Despite these pressures, Oromo language survived and has undergone remarkable revitalization since the 1991 change of government. The adoption of Qubee (Latin script) has facilitated writing and publishing. Afaan Oromo is now used in education, media, and government in Oromia. Oromo literature, music, and journalism have flourished.
Yet challenges remain. Within Ethiopia, the status and development of Afaan Oromo continues to be contested. In diaspora, parents struggle to pass the language to children growing up in English, Swedish, or other dominant languages. The work of strengthening Oromo language is ongoing.
Strengthen Our Language and Our Script!
The celebration at Bromangymnasiet carried a clear and powerful message: “Strengthen our language and our script! May Afaan Oromo grow!”
This call encompasses several dimensions:
For Oromo youth in diaspora: It means actively using Afaan Oromo at home, seeking out Oromo-language media, participating in community events where Oromo is spoken, and taking pride in linguistic heritage.
For parents and families: It means speaking Oromo to children from birth, creating environments where Oromo is valued and used, and transmitting not just language but the culture and history it carries.
For communities: It means establishing and supporting Oromo language programs, creating opportunities for youth to use the language, and celebrating linguistic achievements.
For educators and institutions: It means recognizing Oromo language as worthy of study and support, providing resources for Oromo language learning, and respecting students’ linguistic identities.
For advocates: It means continuing to press for full recognition and development of Afaan Oromo in Ethiopia and supporting Oromo language initiatives globally.
Celebration at Bromangymnasiet
The International Mother Language Day celebration at Bromangymnasiet brought together Oromo students and educators to honor their language and reflect on its significance. Activities likely included:
- Readings of Oromo poetry and literature
- Performances of Oromo music
- Discussions about the history and importance of Afaan Oromo
- Presentations on Oromo culture and traditions
- Reflections on the challenges and joys of maintaining Oromo language in diaspora
For students growing up between cultures, such celebrations serve multiple purposes: they affirm that Oromo language matters, that their heritage is worthy of recognition, and that they are part of a global Oromo community that spans continents.

The Universal Message
While the Bromangymnasiet celebration focused particularly on Afaan Oromo, the universal message of International Mother Language Day resonates across all linguistic communities:
- Every language deserves respect and recognition
- Every child deserves education in a language they understand
- Linguistic diversity enriches humanity
- Languages carry knowledge and perspectives that benefit everyone
- The loss of any language diminishes us all
As one student participant reflected: “When we celebrate Mother Language Day, we celebrate not just our own language but the principle that all languages matter. We stand with every community fighting to preserve its mother tongue—whether in Ethiopia, Sweden, or anywhere in the world.”
Looking Forward
The celebration at Bromangymnasiet represents both an ending and a beginning: the end of another year’s observation, and the beginning of renewed commitment to strengthening Afaan Oromo for the year ahead.
For Oromo students in Sweden, the work continues—learning, speaking, reading, and writing in their mother tongue; passing it to younger siblings and future children; advocating for its recognition and support; and ensuring that Afaan Oromo not only survives but thrives in diaspora as well as in the homeland.
As the students themselves declared: “Afaan keenya fi Qubee keenya jabeessaa! Afaan Oromoo haa guddatu!” —”Strengthen our language and our script! May Afaan Oromo grow!”
International Mother Language Day: February 21—celebrating linguistic diversity, honoring struggles for linguistic rights, and committing to strengthen every mother tongue.

AMES Australia Welcomes the Year of the Horse with Vibrant Lunar New Year Celebrations

Organization connects with diverse communities at Springvale festival, celebrating cultural traditions across Asia
SPRINGVALE, Melbourne — AMES Australia joined communities across Victoria in welcoming the Year of the Horse over the weekend, participating in a lively Lunar New Year festival in Springvale that brought together thousands celebrating one of the most significant cultural occasions on the Asian calendar.
The event, marked by vibrant decorations, traditional performances, and community gatherings, saw AMES Australia team members engaging directly with local community members, sharing information about services and celebrating alongside families from diverse cultural backgrounds.
A Celebration of Many Names and Traditions
Lunar New Year is known by different names across the many cultures that observe it—Chinese New Year, Tết in Vietnam, Seollal in Korea, and various other designations across Asia and among diaspora communities worldwide. Each tradition brings its own customs, foods, and rituals, while sharing common themes of family reunion, renewal, and hope for prosperity in the year ahead.
The Year of the Horse, the seventh animal in the 12-year zodiac cycle, symbolizes energy, strength, and perseverance. Those born in Horse years are traditionally associated with traits including independence, intelligence, and a free-spirited nature. The horse’s symbolism of forward movement and progress resonates across cultures celebrating the new year.
AMES Australia’s Community Engagement
AMES Australia’s participation in the Springvale festival reflects the organization’s ongoing commitment to connecting with and supporting culturally diverse communities across Victoria. The festival provided an opportunity for AMES staff to meet community members in a celebratory setting, building relationships and sharing information about the organization’s services.
“We loved being part of such a joyful event,” an AMES Australia representative shared following the festival. The organization extended a warm thank you to everyone who stopped by to chat with their team during the celebrations.
Springvale: A Hub of Cultural Diversity
Springvale, located in Melbourne’s southeast, is one of Victoria’s most culturally diverse suburbs, with significant populations of Chinese, Vietnamese, Cambodian, and other Asian communities. The suburb’s Lunar New Year festival has grown into one of Melbourne’s premier multicultural events, drawing visitors from across the city to experience traditional performances, food stalls, and community activities.
The festival’s location in Springvale reflects the broader demographic landscape of Victoria, where Asian communities have become an integral part of the state’s multicultural identity. For many families, events like the Springvale festival provide an opportunity to maintain cultural traditions while sharing them with the broader Australian community.
AMES Australia’s Role in Multicultural Victoria
AMES Australia has long played a vital role in supporting migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers as they build new lives in Victoria. The organization provides a range of services including settlement support, English language education, employment assistance, and pathways to further education and training.
Participation in community events like the Lunar New Year festival represents an extension of AMES Australia’s mission—meeting people where they are, building trust within communities, and ensuring that newcomers and established communities alike can access the support they need to thrive in their new homeland.
The Symbolism of the Horse
The Year of the Horse arrives with particular resonance for many in attendance. In Chinese astrology, the horse represents freedom, enthusiasm, and determination—qualities that resonate with the journeys of migrants and refugees who have traveled great distances to build new lives in Australia.
For AMES Australia clients and staff alike, the horse’s symbolism of forward movement and progress aligns with the organization’s work supporting people as they move forward in their Australian journeys—learning language, finding employment, building connections, and creating futures.
Gratitude and Connection
The festival provided not only celebration but genuine connection between AMES Australia and the communities they serve. Conversations at the AMES stall ranged from inquiries about services to shared wishes for prosperity in the new year—each interaction strengthening the bonds between organization and community.
“Thank you to everyone who stopped by to chat with us,” AMES Australia expressed following the event, capturing the spirit of mutual appreciation that characterized the day.
Looking Forward
As the Year of the Horse begins, AMES Australia looks forward to continuing its work supporting Victoria’s culturally diverse communities. The organization’s presence at community celebrations like the Springvale Lunar New Year festival demonstrates a commitment to being present, accessible, and engaged with the people they serve.
For the thousands who attended the festival, the event marked both celebration of tradition and hope for the year ahead. For AMES Australia, it represented another opportunity to demonstrate that the organization stands with Victoria’s diverse communities—not only in times of need, but in times of joy and celebration as well.
Happy Year of the Horse! 🐎🧧✨

Nuhoo Goobanaa (1939-2022): The Legendary Oromo Artist Whose Voice Became a Weapon of Liberation

A towering figure of Oromo music and resistance, remembered for his timeless call for unity and freedom
OROMIA — Nuhoo Goobanaa, one of the most iconic and beloved figures in Oromo music and the struggle for cultural and political recognition, left an indelible mark on generations of Oromos through his powerful voice, poetic lyrics, and unwavering commitment to his people’s liberation. Born in 1938 in the historic eastern Oromia city of Dire Dawa to his father Muhaammad Goobanaa and mother Faaxumaa Adam, Nuhoo would grow to become the “virtuoso of revolutionary songs” whose influence transcended borders, languages, and generations.
Early Years: Awakening to Injustice
Nuhoo Goobanaa was born in Laga Mixe, East Hararghe Zone, but grew up in Dire Dawa, where his family moved when he was five years old. From an early age, his natural inclination for singing and art was evident. He began testing his vocals at Madrasa (Quran school) by adding lyrics and changing the rhythms to Manzuma (Islamic chants)—a creative impulse that occasionally landed him in trouble with his teachers. As a youth, he absorbed the rich musical environment of Dire Dawa, mimicking Hindi, Harari, and Sudanese songs that were abundant in the cosmopolitan city.
The trajectory of his life changed dramatically through his encounters with discrimination against the Oromo during the Haile Selassie era. As a teenager in the 1960s, Nuhoo would occasionally skip school to work as an interpreter at the local court in Dire Dawa. This experience exposed him directly to the injustices of the system: three judges presiding in Amharic, a language the majority Oromo population did not speak. The experience led him to profound questions that would shape his life’s work: “Who are the three panel of judges who spoke Amharic? Why didn’t they speak the language of the majority Oromo? Who are we [the Oromo]? Why are the Oromo treated differently?”.
Rather than accepting these injustices as inevitable, Nuhoo embarked on a transformative musical journey of self-discovery and political awakening. He dedicated his life to raising consciousness among his people, becoming one of the most beloved household names in Oromia.
The Birth of an Artist-Activist
In the early 1960s, as a teen, Nuhoo applied to join a newly formed Oromo music band called Biiftuu Ganamaa (The Morning Sun). At 14, he was deemed too young and denied membership. Undeterred, he signed on as a volunteer poet, staying up late at night writing lyrics until he earned his place in the band. “I used to write poems in Amharic and contribute to the band,” he recalled in a 2012 interview.
His formal entry into music came in 1960 when he joined the World of Music within the government structure, eventually becoming a voice alongside intellectuals and national figures. But Nuhoo was never merely an entertainer—he was an artist who carried a weapon, singing revolutionary songs day and night to support the Oromo liberation struggle.
Exile and the Spreading of the Message
Following the breakup of the Afran Qalloo band around 1968, Nuhoo fled to Djibouti as a refugee. It was there that he learned to play the guitar in just one month. “Art was already in me,” he recalled. “In Djibouti, I recorded two albums”. For Djibouti’s Independence Day celebrations in 1969, he performed musical works in Afaan Oromo, Somali, and Arabic.
His journey of exile took him across continents. He traveled to Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt, living in these countries for many years. In Saudi Arabia, he recorded and released his first through fourth albums, working alongside fellow artists including Elemo Ali, Jamal Ibro, and Aziz, producing music from their homes. During the 1980s, he lived as a refugee in Djibouti, Saudi Arabia, and Canada, never ceasing to create music that empowered his people.
In 1978, he and fellow Oromo artists made their way to Canada, where they continued producing revolutionary songs celebrating unity, love of country, and the struggle for liberation. His long-time friend and fellow musician Elemo Ali recalled of their time together in Saudi Arabia: “Back then, Nuho was doing songs to empower his people. His music was easily memorable”.
A Polyglot Voice for the Oromo
Nuhoo’s artistic reach extended far beyond Afaan Oromo. He recorded and performed in numerous languages, including English, Somali, Tigrinya, and notably Arabic making him the only Oromo artist to write and perform a full song in Arabic, symbolizing the deep connection between the Oromo and Sudanese peoples during a critical historical period. Another friend, Abdo Alisho, spoke of the power of his songs: “They made you love your country. Nuho lived for his people”.
The Return Home and Continued Struggle
When political changes came to Ethiopia in 1991, Nuhoo returned to Finfinne along with the Oromo Liberation Front and other organizations that had been in exile, establishing the transitional government. Together with fellow artists, he produced revolutionary and solidarity music at the OLF office and Lideta Hall at Finfinne University. Following the OLF’s withdrawal from the transitional government, Nuhoo returned to Canada.
But the dream of seeing a liberated Oromia kept calling him back. Though he had a comfortable life in Canada, it was not enough to satisfy his longing. He left Canada to live for several years in Yemen and Kenya, though life there proved difficult, and he faced various pressures from government authorities. In 2002, he made the decision to return from Kenya to his homeland, living in the Oromia he loved until his passing.
Musical Legacy: Tokkummaa and Beyond
Nuhoo Goobanaa’s songs spanned every conceivable aspect of Oromo life: the indignities of exile, the ups and downs of the Oromo struggle, the Oromo flag song (anthem), his beloved Oromia, yearning for home and return, Finfinne, the Gulalle of the early 1990s, love, family, marriage, cultural clashes among the Oromo diaspora, and his own winding life journey . By his own account, he wrote and produced an estimated 380 memorable songs across 38 albums.
His timeless classic “Tokkummaa” (Unity) is widely regarded as akin to an Oromo national anthem, serving as a powerful intergenerational call for transcendent unity of purpose. The song’s refrain—”Tokkummaa, Tokkummaa, Yaa Ilmaan Oromoo Tokkummaa” (Unity, Unity, O Children of Oromo, Unity)—became a rallying cry that resonated across generations.
Other seminal works include:
- “Yaa Rabbi” (Oh God), a spiritual invocation that became another fulcrum for Oromo unity
- “Isin Waamti Harmeen” and “Lallabanee” or “Nu Dirmadha” —desperate calls to action, reproaching and exhorting Oromo intellectuals and personalities to return to Oromia and confront injustice
- “Alaabaa Oromiyaa” —a concise homily on the aims and aspirations of the Oromo movement for self-determination
- “Dhufaan Jiraa” —a soulful and nostalgic yearning for home and belonging
- “Geerarsa” —a robust and searing criticism of dysfunction and failure in Oromo leadership
- “O Galaana Qonnaan Bulaa” and “Alaabaa” , songs whose lyrics became part of the cultural fabric of the struggle
One of his most famous lyrical passages decried division and appealed to Oromummaa as a unifying creed:
“Shan, kudha shan, shantam taatanii, Gargar facaatanii, Bineensa beelaweef hiraata taatanii” (Five, fifteen, fifty, you allowed yourselves to be divided and thus became prey for the hungry beast).
Influence on a New Generation
Nuhoo’s influence extended directly to the next generation of Oromo artists, most notably Hachalu Hundessa, whose songs became anthems in the wave of protests that reshaped Ethiopian politics in the late 2010s. After being partially paralyzed, frequent visits from younger prodigies like Hachalu lifted his spirits. At every opportunity, in speech and gesture, Nuhoo had one request of the Oromo: “Tokkummaa jabeessaa” (Strengthen your unity).
During and in the immediate aftermath of the Oromo protests, Nuhoo saw his dream partially fulfilled and marveled at the state of the Oromo struggle. His songs had laid the foundation for contemporary protest music in Oromia, inspiring, exhorting, and arousing fellow musicians and Oromos to do what was necessary for liberation.
Final Years: A Community’s Love
Nuhoo’s last decade was marked by profound struggle. Around 2007/08, he suffered a stroke that partially paralyzed him and affected his powerful voice. From approximately 2013 onward, he was unable to continue performing. His yearning to live and work among his people was thwarted by deteriorating health.
The Oromo community, both at home and in the diaspora, rallied around their beloved artist. When fans realized the seriousness of his situation, multiple global fundraisers were organized for his medical treatment. In 2013, through the initiative of community members, a campaign called “Let’s Buy Nuhoo a House” succeeded in purchasing a home for him in Adama, east of the capital. The GoFundMe campaign organized for his support emphasized: “It is the responsibility of the entire community that lived off of his lyrics and his strong words to support him in his time of need”.
Despite these efforts, Nuhoo never fully regained his roaring voice, strength, or towering presence . Speaking to the BBC from his hospital bed two years before his death, his message to fans remained consistent: “Keep your unity strong” .
Passing and Funeral
Nuhoo Goobanaa passed away on Tuesday, January 18, 2022, at the age of 74, after a long illness. He died in Adama, in the house that fans had helped purchase for him.
However, the Oromo biography provided for this feature notes that the artist passed away on October 25, 2023 (G.C.) in Oslo, Norway, while undergoing medical treatment. According to this account, cancer was discovered in addition to the stroke that had afflicted him, and despite receiving treatment, his body resisted healing. Following his death, his body was transported back to his homeland (Oromia), and a funeral ceremony was conducted with great honor in Finfinne.
A Legacy That Endures
Nuhoo Goobanaa was more than a musician—he was a “pioneering singer-songwriter and guitarist whose name is near synonymous with Tokkummaa”. He embodied Oromummaa and lived a selfless life of service and struggle. As one tribute noted: “Nuho dedicated his life to promoting the virtues of Tokkummaa and Oromummaa. He leaves behind a momentous legacy that will inspire current and future generations”.
Dr. Awol Kassim Allo, in a comprehensive tribute, wrote: “Nuho’s songs are healing and transformative, expanding our sensibilities and teaching us to pay attention not just to the large-scale system of oppression he witnessed in the courts as an interpreter but also to the everyday, the familiar, the emotional, and intimate aspects of our lives”.
The Oromia Tourism Commission, in its memorial statement, expressed: “The Oromia Tourism Commission expresses its deep sorrow at the death of the hero Artist Nuhoo Goobanaa. May God grant him paradise. We wish strength to his family, relatives, fans, and the entire Oromo people”.
Fana Broadcasting Corporate, in its announcement of his passing, noted: “In addition to Nuhoo’s struggle for the development of Oromo art and language, the work he contributed to the Oromo political struggle holds a significant place in the history of the people’s struggle. Nuhoo understood the divisive politics and factionalism within the Oromo struggle and sang as an artist for Oromo unity”.
A Photograph as Memory
The photograph accompanying this feature captures Artist Nuhoo Goobanaa in 1991 at Gulallee prison, during a moment of singing—a poignant image preserved as a memory of him, combined with the legacy that lives on in our hearts.
Conclusion
Nuhoo Goobanaa’s life was a testament to the power of art as a weapon in the struggle for justice, dignity, and self-determination. From the courts of Dire Dawa where he first witnessed injustice, to the refugee camps of Djibouti where he learned to play guitar, to the stages of Canada, Europe, and the Middle East where his voice thundered for Oromo liberation, he never wavered in his commitment.
His songs remain—hundreds of them—carrying forward his message of unity, his critique of division, his love for his people, and his unwavering hope for Oromo liberation. As the Oromo people continue their journey, Nuhoo Goobanaa’s voice echoes across generations, still calling them to unity, still reminding them of who they are, still urging them forward.
“Nuti lallabna nuti qabsaa’ota…” (We proclaim, we are struggle participants…)
Rest in power, Nuhoo Goobanaa. Your voice never dies.
The Fundamental Solution to Ethiopian Politics – New Approach

[VOL – October 08,2020] The current political crisis in Ethiopia, specially, that of Oromia, are not only meant to make Oromia war and insecure zone; rather, driving Ethiopia to irreversible misery. Oromia Regional State is under the State of Emergency. Because of the failure to timely solve political crisis, the former government structure is already broken down. Currently, there is no elected administrative organ expected to solve problems of the people. There is nowhere the people go and complains for solution even when: killed, robbed and their property are destructed. If this continues, the worse would follow. In addition, we hope that operation of various forces contributed for Dissolution of Oromia, and further aggravated not to come out of those chaos. Finally, this will inevitably mislead our way.
It is crystal clear that the dissolution of Oromia will not only bring troubles to the Oromo people, besides, it will bring continuous sufferings to the Citizens of Oromia. No one could deny the fact that massive troubles are coming towards every individual, family and Ethiopia as a country. Thus, in order to bring about a sustainable peace and security, looking for an immediate resolution and systematic way out is very much needed.
Oromos and the Citizens of Oromia have many things in common. They share same country, lifestyle, political problems, culture as well economic system, for so long period of time. Specially, it is known that we have struggled and have been struggling the with the problems brought by the political culture of Ethiopia, from generation to generation. This also shows the strong relationships the Oromo people has with other Peoples of Ethiopia.
As we have went through many struggles, again these days, we believe that it is time for Oromos and Citizens of Oromia to Unite and establish our Transitional Government in common; and thereby alienate from our problems, and fulfill our common and personal interests.
Ethiopian People in general should bear your responsibilities in stabilizing the Oromia region. By doing so, you wouldn’t only rescue your citizens residing in Oromia; rather, it would help us in fundametalizing what we have, as a country.
Dissolution of Oromia brings enormous happenings. It shall not only be problems of the Oromos and Citizens of Oromia, rather, we should consider that it will be problem of Ethiopia and that of the Horn of Africa in general. Therefore, immediately establishing Oromia National Transitional Government, is found decisive. What we have to understand here is that: The objective of establishing a Transitional Government is not to dissolve the country; besides, we would like to confirm to the Peoples of Ethiopia, Countries of the Horn of Africa and African Countries, as well, the United Nations, that it is aimed at solving the challenges to dissolve the country, and rescue the Country and Horn of Africa from the potential threats.
In history, Oromo has never dissolved, rather, it has built the Country. Oromo has never thought only for himself, and it has been shade for the other Nations and Nationalities. This shall be evident that the Nations and Nationalities settled in Oromia than other regions of the County. As a result, we shall confidently say that Oromia is Model of Ethiopia, where Nations and Nationalities reside. Establishment of the Transitional Government shall be important in securing those nations and nationalities residing in Oromia; and thereby strengthen their Unity and Cohabitation.
We again affirm that this Transitional Government, has an intent of strengthening the history and culture of the People which were already built. Besides, has no aim to dissolve the country. We want to drive the relationship of the Oromos and Citizens of Oromia to better level, and let it based on love and mutually building the country. We hope that this will be base for the sustainable peace of the rest regions of Ethiopia.
In this journey, OLF hereby send its message to Oromo and Citizens of Oromia, solve their daily problems together. This message of ours for the wider Oromo and Citizens of Oromia, and the planned Transitional Government shall be the first in history, and it is a stage in which government of the people, by the people and for the people shall be built and facilitate conditions for the same.
We are striving to make sure our future bright, in which every person shall have a determinant vote. Our objective and intent is to change the Partisan Political Culture of Ethiopia, and substituting the same, by the inclusive government made up of the entire citizens of Oromia, elected by the People and for the People.
OLF has no interest to make its political policy be burden on others, however, tries its best to hearing various entities and building common administration, in such a way that shall be good for the entire citizens. For the attainment of the same, we hereby express that: with the Citizens of Oromia, we will create a basic environment conducive from the very beginning to final. We hope this will bring about sustainable peace and stability.
If we change the political culture of Ethiopia, and build a stabilized, inclusive, impartial and all serving government in Oromia, every one shall predict what our country will looks like in a short period. If a government based on the equality of the citizens and interest of the people; if there shall be a clear interest and foreign relations of the country; if independency of the judiciary ensured; ìf the Peace keeping and the National Defense shall not loose own stand under the order of the ruling party; if the government shall be held responsible for their wrong doings; if human rights (individually and collectively) respected; we believe that our country shall be a place where its citizens lead a respectful and happy life.
When there shall be peace and stability, and if the Nations and Nationalities show their sense of belongingness about their country and government, it will not be difficult to bring development and prosperity. Our country is full of resources and attracts global investment. However, when the country lacks peace and stability, even operating investors leave. In order to enable domestic and foreign investors, to invest in the country without any threat and alienate our country from begging; if and only if, there is peace and stabilized government.
Youths and Skilled labour shall get employment opportunity and engage in building the country, only if there shall be peace and stabilized government. Citizens shall move from place to place and administer their families. Individual and collective properties shall get secured. Our children will learn or work peacefully. Love and Cooperation flourishes in our people, than hate and fighting. Using this, we will again build our culture of helping and encouraging each other.
Finally, the current political crisis of our country is very complex. Solving the complex problems under the rotten and outdated political culture became impossible. Although it was repeatedly tried, many lives were lost and enormous properties were destructed; it was unsuccessful. We shall only overcome these problems if and only if we come together, discuss and pace the way.
For time being, we should together build a Transitional Government of Oromia, that shall be basis of peace for other governments and regions. This shall also be a stage where we contribute our share and express our interest. On top of this, we shall solve the current problems related with peace and stability, if we come together and discuss, and establish the Transitional Government of Oromia interpret and succeed with the said Transitional Government, OLF again ensures that it has been working having deployed with full force. We also affirm that we are ready than ever to receive opinion of the public and concerned bodies, and make it for the best interest of the people. OLF reassures to you that, it will openly work with you, on the process of establishment and implementation of the National Transitional Government of Oromia.
Eventually, I would like to extend my Esteems Respect for the Citizens of Oromia and other Nations and Nationalities lost their lives in the last fifty years, for Democracy, Human Rights and Equality of the Nations and Nationalities. Specially, I hereby bestow our Eternal Respect for our Freedom Fighters who have helped us, to see this.
As well, I would like to extend my respect to Peace Keepers, who fought and lost their lives in protecting the people, standing with the people and bringing about peace.
In addition, I admire and respect the Addis Ababa Peace Keeping Police Forces (shortly: Addis Ababa Police), those who have kept human rights and dignities, as well, carried out their responsibilities lawfully, in a difficult political situation, leaving their family and life aside, and keeping peace day and night. Again, I bestow my deepest thank to those who stood with us individually, collectively and as institution, that you have encouraged us to further developour commitment and reach this level.
Since our statement of invitation for the establishment of the National Transitional Government of Oromia, those of the following, who stood with us, lined up with us and striving for the attainment of the same, are bestowed with esteemed thanks:
1. Honorable Citizens of Oromia who have accepted the invitation and stood with us
2. Political parties, specially, our partner OFC
3. Leaders of the OLF in and outside countries
4. Officials of OLF in and outside countries
5. Qeerro National Youth Movement for Freedom and Liberation 6. Oromo Supporters and Community
7. The Oromo Scholars and Professional Group
8. Oromo Global Forum
9. Leaders of different religions, who became voice of our people and transferred the invitation
10. Global Oromia Journalist Association
11. Global 39 Movement Support Group
12. Committee of Members and Supporters of OLF, working on getting Political Prisoners of Citizens of Oromia released
13. Those who were not mentioned
Thanks for listening.
Victory to the Mass
Dawud Ibsa Chairperson of the Oromo Liberation Front
October 8, 2020
Finfinne (Addis Ababa, Ethiopia)
THE OROMO NATION HAVE RIGHTS TO CELEBRATE IRREECHA FREE FROM ATTACK
(A4O, Press Release, 30 Sept 2020) We support the right of the Oromo people in their home state of Oromia to peacefully celebrate one of the most important Oromo cultural holidays, Irreecha, on October 3-4, 2020. Each year, massive crowds gather in Finfinnee and Bishoftuu, Oromia for the Oromo annual festival, Irreechaa.

The Irreecha -Oromo Thanksgiving Day, has gone on for many years to celebrate the harvest season. Irreechaa is celebrated as a sign of reciprocating Waaqa in the form of providing praise for what they got in the past and is also a forum of prayer for the future. In the past, it has also been a forum for peaceful political protest and expression. In Oromo culture, both types of peaceful demonstrations are fully permissible.
This year’s festival, on October 3 and 4, occurs against the backdrop of escalating tensions and unrest in Oromia. Both federal and regional officials have stated that they will limit participation and political expression in this longstanding peaceful celebration. What is perhaps most concerning is the increased military-style presence of security forces in Oromia.
Our Appeals
We view the government’s attempts to limit participation in Irreechaa with suspicion. Though, reasonable restrictions on public gatherings may be justified during this pandemic period, the government should show restraint at upcoming festival.
In this forum, the Oromo people have every right to peacefully voice their opposition to the government’s policies and governance. Any effort by the security forces to stop such free speech should be considered a limit on freedom of speech and unacceptable.
We urge caution by Ethiopian security forces and respect for citizen rights to avoid a repeat of 2016 attack and aggression that left hundreds of dead.
The Oromo nation have rights to celebrate Irreechaa free from any repression and attach.
Thanks to God for all the blessing
This festival is a spectacular show of cultural, historical, and natural beautification in their full glory at the height of the season. It has spawned somewhat of a science of knowing just when the blooms will peak at blooms and decline, depending on the wind, rain, and sunshine they get.
Now it is the beginning of 2020 Irreechaa celebrations, the premier holiday of the Oromo people marks the end of the dark-rainy season and the beginning of a blossom harvest season. The event is very important for our nation as it brings the nation together and helps to connect and share experiences in their day to day life.
The theme of this year Irreechaa is “Moving Forward: A Year of Consensus” in which it aims to celebrate Irreechaa as a medium for bringing all Oromias together to promote a process of our tradition group decision-making where the members are willing to work together to find the solution that meets the needs of Oromo people.
Together, we can make our destiny better everywhere.
Yours faithfully,
Dabessa W Gemelal,
Director, Advocacy for Oromia
Reform From ‘Fake Democracy To No Democracy’ And Horrific Inhumanity Of The Ethiopian Version!
By: Workineh Torben, PhD & Dessalegn Guyo,PhD

File photo: The Ethiopian soldiers standing on the neck of a dying student (A) and brutally kicking the necks and throats of a group of students (B) in Oromia region of Ethiopia. The lastest report by the rights group Amnesty International Issued Friday, May 29, 2020 a report that displayed the endless Ethiopian’s security forces of extrajudical killings, mass detantion, massive human right violations, proprety damages, burning unharvested crops, animals, wildlife, coffe plants, forest and homes in the restive Oromia region as the chemeleon reformist prime minister was awarded the ‘Nobel Peace Prize’.
New York Times reported about Mr. Abiy Ahmad’s factious reform of Ethiopia in the Horn (Matina, Oct. 11, 2019). Here are few of the facts, which are ironically incredible to learn the confusing political atmosphere of the African country where human right violations are still unbelievable. Apparently, the political transformation and the wrongly hailed reformers transformed the fake democracy of the TPLF regime to no democracy at all. Amnesty International highlighted a few credible facts related to the dysfunctional leadership of Abiy Ahmad in its latest report (amnesty.org/Index: AFR 25/2358/2020). However, the PM of Ethiopia blatantly disagreed with the quality report of Amnesty International. That is never a surprise to hear from Mr. Abiy, who has been committing shocking crimes against peaceful citizens including kids, elementary students, high school students (please look at the pictures A and B, gives the glimpse of shocking human right violations in the Ethiopian Empire but it is immoral and against the human value to list numerous images which we cannot post in public). Over 35, 000 students were dismissed from Universities in the entire nation just for being Oromo.
Abiy hijacked the multigenerational movement of the Oromo youth by unique political strategies. He started as a sympathizer of the marginalized people and representative of the Oromos until he secured power. The international community barley understands the Ethiopian politics, because it is complex and unique to the rest of the world. Most writers, bloggers and owners of medial are the beneficiaries of the dysfunctional system. Only a few are honestly describing the nature and the underlying problems of the Ethiopian Empire. For example, Amnesty International recently disclosed credible facts related to several in humane killings by security forces of Mr. Abiy Ahmad.
The Ethiopian politics is dysfunctional by nature because it was built on the pretext and pretentious political elites rhetoric supported by misguided powers. The political dramas of Ethiopia need a sincere attention of the international community. It is becoming the most disgraceful and dangerous for peaceful citizens and the Horn of Africa. The government of Ethiopia is terrorizing Oromos (Human Rights Abuses Committed by the Ethiopian Army in Different Parts of Ethiopia); the Oromos have been under command post since Abiy Ahmad took office, and at this critical time of Coronavirus pandemic, internet and telephone access has been limited or sometimes completely disconnected in the entire Oromia. The world must tell us if the definition of terrorism has a different meaning than what is happening to over 55 million Oromos where human is daily killed, tortured, even beheaded and thrown to wild scavengers like hyenas?
The prime minister of Ethiopia was a key security personnel of the Ethiopian ruling party Ethiopian People revolution Democratic front (EPRDF) who did not remember his regimes shocking crimes. He systematically manipulated the international community through systematic approaches and shrewdly trained political games of making plagiarized speeches directly taken from intelligent politicians like Barak Obama’s
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Then he was wrongly praised by the western communities. Some of the purposeless politicians nominated him for noble peace prize that he won in early stage of his governance.
Abiy Ahmad is implementing terrorizing strategies which are chronic problems of Ethiopia. He is moving Ethiopia back to where it had been in 1950 and 1960s. His deception is incredibly dangerous that has been resulting in massive atrocity against humanity and significant violations of basic human rights; and his falling power is primarily restricted to the capital and to the state-controlled media.
Since Abiy Ahmed came to power the country’s ruling pattern has changed from pseudo civil administration to complete military marshals which evade the constitution of the country. He has been still using illegal ‘Command Post’ rule to control the most marginalized Oromos. The Oromo people are determined majority citizens of the country to dismantle lawlessness. He has been using all kind of inhumane strategies under his command post to weaken the refusal of the desperate and resolute Oromos for freedom. Abiy committed several unique crimes way more than the previous murderous tyrants; for example, his untrained security indiscriminately killing children, elderly, helpless mothers, students, entire family; his national Airforce is bombarding farmers and their cattle, burning unharvested crops, wildlife, and coffee plants. Whenever they are committing crimes, they cut all kind of public communication systems, internet and telephone (wireless and landline) connections in the entire Oromia. As the result, significant number of Ethiopian citizens, particularly the Oromos barley heard about Coronavirus (COVID-19). Clearly, the Ethiopian government is creating a dangerous territory where the emerging virus will continue to kill people and potentially keep the transmission of the deadly infections around the world.
The newest shameful political strategies of Abiy Ahmad are disgraceful and dangerous to the entire world.
The question that Abiy and his administration failed to understand is that ‘state terrorism’ can never be a wise strategy to unify and build a nation. Abiy himself publicly mention about the terrorism strategies of his previous TPLF led government during his parliament speeches; he publicly mentioned that the unsuccessful TPLF was terrorizing the people. We appreciated his honesty about that particular claim, in fact it was confirmed by WikiLeaks. The problem is, Abiy Ahmad repeated the same and even worst terrorism strategy. He failed to understand the fact that the multigenerational movement against inhumanity is unstoppable and will soon squib his regime easily. The Oromo people have been marginalized over 150 years and from the history of the naturally democratic Oromos that UNESCO registered in 2016, one can learn that as the tyrants get murderous against Oromos, the tougher and stronger they are becoming because their peaceful and welcoming mutual coexistence has been challenged Abiy’s misguided politics of hate. His counterproductive approaches to govern in Oromia will remain the nightmare of the illusionist politician who became a ‘Nobel peace’ laureate at the expense of the fearless Oromos particularly the ‘Qeerroos’. Qeerroo is unmarried youth in Oromo language, unfortunately the youth who transformed the political atmosphere in the Horn are massively targeted by the fake ‘Nobel peace’ laureate.
The international community, and donors of the baseless instability generator government must realize the ultimate outcome of the massive human right violation in Ethiopia. It will be regrettable again. The impacts of the evil actions we see against Oromos is shameful and the lawlessness of Abiy regime is becoming catastrophic against human values in the Horn and it must be condemned by all nations who have interest to maintain peace in Ethiopia and the region. We must fight lawlessness and we are calling the International community, United Nations, Human Rights Watch, International Legal Experts and interested individuals, groups or institutions to join our efforts to held criminals and massive human right violators accountable at the International Criminal Court (ICC). Abiy Ahmad hijacked the multigenerational movement to win a ‘Nobel prize, but he still prefers ignoring the importance of honest equality, democracy, respectful co-existence and collective respect to all human values. The world must tell us if there is a different definition of terrorism than what Abiy Ahmad is doing. He is designing a disgraceful suicidal network that will disintegrate the nation that is increasing the chances of inevitable civil war in Ethiopia.



