A new investigation from Amnesty International accuses OLA fighters of gang rape and sexual slavery, yet some argue the report fails to adequately address abuses committed by government forces.

NAIROBI/ADDIS ABABA — A highly anticipated report released yesterday by Amnesty International has documented horrific accounts of sexual violence, summary killings, and displacement in Ethiopia’s Oromia region—abuses the organization says may amount to war crimes. However, the findings have already drawn sharp criticism from some quarters, with detractors alleging the report is “filled with lies” and fails to properly investigate atrocities committed by government forces.

What the Amnesty Report Found

Titled “No One Came to My Rescue: Gang Rape, Sexual Slavery, and Mass Displacement of Women in Oromia, Ethiopia,” the briefing documents 10 cases of sexual violence in the Sayo and Anfillo districts of Kellem Wallaga zone—areas described as strongholds of the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA).

According to the report, nine of the survivors said they were raped or otherwise abused by OLA fighters, while one survivor reported sexual violence by both OLA fighters and a soldier from the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF). Amnesty said five of the cases involved survivors who endured both gang rape and sexual slavery, sometimes over periods lasting days or weeks.

Seven of the survivors were under the age of 18 at the time of the assaults, Amnesty said, adding that three of them were 17 at the time they were interviewed by researchers. Two survivors became pregnant as a result of the assaults, one of whom was still pregnant during the interview.

The organization documented harrowing testimony from survivors. One mother told Amnesty: “For three weeks, 15 men raped my child and me. They took turns.” The mother and daughter were held for three weeks, “their hands tied to a tree where they were raped by multiple men from the OLA,” the report said .

“These May Amount to War Crimes”

Amnesty concluded that the conflict between the OLA and Ethiopian government forces—including the ENDF, Oromia Special Police, Oromia regional police, and local militias—meets the threshold of a non-international armed conflict under international law, governed by the rules of international humanitarian law including the Geneva Conventions.

“These repeated abuses are not only horrific but may amount to war crimes,” said Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty’s regional director for east and southern Africa.

The organization said several survivors reported being targeted because their male relatives were members of local government militias. Amnesty also documented cases in which survivors were forced to flee their homes after the attacks, fearing further violence from OLA fighters.

“Nine of the survivors are displaced from their homes after they were subjected to sexual violence,” the report said, noting that many feared fighters would return to rape them again or kill them. Amnesty added that fighters also burned homes in some cases, which it said contributed to the forced displacement of civilians.

Communication Blackout Enabled Abuses

The report raised concerns about limited documentation of abuses in Oromia, citing a year-long communications blackout in 2019 and subsequent restrictions on communications and access to conflict-affected areas by international and regional rights monitors. It also referenced what it described as increasing pressure on journalists and human rights defenders.

“These cowardly acts were partly enabled by a communication blackout that shut out the rest of world to the sustained atrocities against civilians,” Chagutah said.

Criticism: A One-Sided Narrative?

Despite the gravity of the findings, the report has already faced significant criticism from those who argue it presents an incomplete picture of the conflict. Detractors contend that the report is “filled with lies” and fails to properly investigate and expose abuses currently being committed by government forces.

The criticism centers on the disproportionate focus on OLA-perpetrated violence. Of the 10 documented cases, only one mentions abuses by government forces—and that single case involved violence by both an ENDF soldier and OLA fighters . Critics argue that government forces, including the ENDF, Oromia Special Police, and regional police, have been implicated in widespread abuses that deserve equal scrutiny.

This critique aligns with findings from other human rights organizations. The Oromia Support Group (OSG), in a comprehensive report submitted to the 61st session of the UN Human Rights Council just days before Amnesty’s release, documented a starkly different picture of the conflict. According to OSG, the organization has now recorded 7,511 Oromo civilian deaths under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s rule, with most victims being young people from the Qeerroo generation.

OSG’s Report 72 documents horrific accounts of sexual violence perpetrated by government soldiers, stating that “children, prepubescent girls and young boys, and mothers of families have been cruelly raped. The rape and killing of teenage girls and girls aged as young as ten years are documented”.

The OSG report also details deliberate shooting of infants and children under ten years old by national defense forces, “for frivolous reasons”.

Broader Pattern of Violence

The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) has independently confirmed ongoing violence in Oromia. In a statement released just days before the Amnesty report, EHRC documented that since October 2025, renewed attacks by armed groups in multiple districts of Arsi Zone—including Shirka, Guna, Merti, Aseko, and Onkolo Wabe—have resulted in loss of lives, bodily injuries, and destruction of property, as well as the displacement of residents due to security concerns.

EHRC further confirmed that attacks perpetrated on February 26, 2026 in Jawi Kebele of Shirka District and Geba Kebele of Robe District resulted in killings, bodily injuries, abduction, and displacement of an as-yet-undetermined number of individuals.

EHRC Chief Commissioner Berhanu Adello stated that these attacks are making it “difficult for residents to exercise their right to life and carry out their daily activities in peace and security”.

OLA Responds to Allegations

In response to the Amnesty report, OLA leader Kumsa Diriba (also known as Jaal Marroo) rejected accusations that his fighters target civilians. “Our war is not against the people,” he told The Associated Press. “It is against the brutal regime that has occupied and oppressed the nation for generations”.

He added: “We are fighting to correct a system that treats the Oromo as subjects, rather than citizens. Our goal is to establish a democratic, inclusive political order based on the will of the people”.

International Response

Amnesty called on the OLA to immediately end attacks on civilians, publicly acknowledge abuses committed by its fighters, and cooperate with independent investigations. It also urged the Ethiopian government to conduct credible investigations into conflict-related sexual violence by all parties and to allow greater access to the region for human rights monitors, including UN investigators.

The organization further called on international mediators—including the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the governments of Kenya, Norway, and the United States—to ensure that accountability for human rights violations is addressed in any peace negotiations between the parties to the conflict.

The Challenge of Documentation

All parties acknowledge the immense difficulty of documenting abuses in Oromia. The region has faced severe restrictions on communications and access, hampering the work of human rights organizations. Amnesty itself noted these challenges in its report.

The Oromia Support Group similarly highlighted that “poor access and communication continue to hinder data collection, especially from Guji and Borana zones”.

These access restrictions mean that any single report—whether focused on OLA abuses or government abuses—inevitably presents an incomplete picture of the conflict’s full human toll.

Conclusion: A Conflict in Need of Comprehensive Truth

The Amnesty International report represents a significant contribution to documenting the suffering of civilians caught in the Oromia conflict. The testimonies of survivors—particularly the seven minors who endured gang rape and sexual slavery—demand accountability and justice.

However, the criticism that the report fails to adequately address government-perpetrated abuses raises legitimate questions about the comprehensiveness of the investigation. The documentation by OSG and others of widespread abuses by government forces, including sexual violence, extrajudicial killings, and forced displacement, suggests that any complete accounting of the conflict must examine all parties equally.

As Ethiopia’s multifaceted conflicts continue to claim civilian lives, the challenge for the international community remains: how to piece together a complete picture of atrocities from fragments of testimony, restricted access, and competing narratives. The truth, as always, is likely more complex than any single report can capture.

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Amnesty International’s full report, “No One Came to My Rescue: Gang Rape, Sexual Slavery, and Mass Displacement of Women in Oromia, Ethiopia,” is available on their official website. The Oromia Support Group’s Report 72 has been submitted to the 61st session of the UN Human Rights Council.

Ethiopia: Authorities must investigate sexual violence, summary killings and torture by OLA fighters – Amnesty International

Oromia Support Group Submits Damning Report to UN Human Rights Council, Documents Over 7,500 Civilian Deaths | Advocacy for Oromia

As the world marks International Women’s Day on March 8, the spotlight turns to the remarkable women of Oromia—custodians of culture, leaders of resistance, and unwavering advocates for justice who have fought for generations against the double oppression of gender discrimination and systemic marginalization.

For Oromo women, the struggle for equality and justice is not a recent phenomenon. It is woven into the fabric of their history, expressed through ancient traditions like the Siinqee institution, carried forward through decades of political imprisonment and torture, and articulated today by activists who refuse to be silenced.

The Siinqee Tradition: Ancient Feminism

At the heart of Oromo women’s empowerment lies the Siinqee—a traditional women’s institution that has functioned for centuries as both a symbol of unity and a practical tool for conflict resolution and rights protection .

The Siinqee is a ritual stick given to Oromo women by their mothers on their wedding day. Its meaning is profound: once a woman holds this stick, she commands respect from everyone in the community. If she places herself between two people fighting, all parties must fall silent and cease their conflict .

Dagnu Rabo, a 52-year-old tailor from Etaya in the Arsi region and a Haadha Siinqee (traditional women’s leader), describes her role: “I make it clear to them that everyone has the right to express their opinion, but no one may physically harm anyone else.” Her daily work involves mediating between couples, protecting women from violent husbands, and resolving community disputes .

When a woman is attacked or abused, other women rush to her aid. Wearing distinctive brown cloaks and colorful beaded necklaces, holding their Siinqee sticks aloft, they surround the victim, singing and chanting to draw attention to the perpetrator’s crime until the village elders intervene .

This institution was recognized by UNESCO in 2016 as part of the Gadaa system’s inscription on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Yet for Oromo women, it has never been merely a cultural artifact—it remains a living, breathing mechanism of justice .

Voices of Resistance: Martha Kuwee Kumsa

Perhaps no figure better embodies the courage of Oromo women than Professor Martha Kuwee Kumsa, a siinqee feminist and scholar who survived nearly a decade of imprisonment and torture for her journalistic activities promoting Oromo women’s rights .

Born in Dembidolo in Oromia around 1955, Kumsa’s middle name is that of an Oromo heroine—a name she would prove worthy of. After the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution closed universities, she trained as a journalist and began writing columns calling for Oromo women to defy existing power structures and reclaim their culture .

In 1980, plainclothes security officers detained her. She described arriving at the prison to find people on the floor, “bleeding from their mouths, [with] disfigured [faces] and pus ooz[ing] from wounds,” and an “overpowering stench.” She was tortured by foot whipping nine times during her first year of detention, then moved to another prison where she would remain for nine years—never charged, never tried .

Organizations including PEN America campaigned for her release. She received the 1989 PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award while still imprisoned. On September 10, 1989, she was released without warning in a mass amnesty .

Seven months later, fearing recapture, Kumsa escaped to Kenya with her children, walking two weeks through the forest. She eventually made her way to Canada, where she earned bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral degrees and became a full professor at Wilfrid Laurier University, all while continuing her human rights advocacy .

In 2020, Kumsa co-authored a Washington Post piece criticizing media misrepresentation of Oromo protests following the killing of singer Hachalu Hundessa. She documented 9,000 arrests of Oromos and described a “wave of repression” targeting Oromo journalists and activists .

Dinknesh Deressa Kitila: Organizing for Change

Another towering figure is Dinknesh Deressa Kitila, founder of the International Oromo Women’s Organization. Her activism was born from childhood experience: during elementary school student council elections, a boy was preferred over her despite her having the highest grades. That moment of discrimination lit a fire that has never extinguished .

Deressa’s analysis of Oromo women’s situation is stark: “The state of oppression is very deep in general but Oromo women face even greater difficulty. Abyssinians treat Oromo women poorly. If a woman proposes a constructive idea, it doesn’t get proper attention as women are discriminated against up to a level where they are not considered as human beings” .

For Deressa, self-determination is not abstract but deeply personal: “a process by which one can take control of her/his whole life, decide freely what is good for her/him or not, what is important to her/him.” She emphasizes that organization is vital—that being organized is essential for anyone seeking to stand for peace and especially for women’s rights .

She has consistently called upon the international community to act: “The international community and humanitarian organisations have to take appropriate action to stop the Ethiopian government’s brutality against the Oromos” .

The Qarree Movement: Young Women Rising

In recent years, Oromo women have played a central role in the Qarree movement—the women’s counterpart to the better-known Qeerroo youth movement. These young Oromo women have been at the forefront of protests, organizing demonstrations, mobilizing communities through social media, and demanding both national liberation and gender equality .

Martha Kuwee Kumsa has defended these young activists against what she sees as media misrepresentation. She criticizes those who “categorically associate” the Qeerroo and Qarree with violence, arguing instead that they represent peaceful protest movements that helped overthrow the authoritarian EPRDF regime .

Multidimensional Contributions

The role of Oromo women in their society extends far beyond political activism. They are:

• Custodians of culture: Passing down traditions, songs, and stories to future generations; preserving the Afaan Oromo language; maintaining cultural practices like Irreechaa
• Economic backbones: Actively involved in farming, cultivating essential crops, and demonstrating entrepreneurial spirit that contributes significantly to local economies
• Peace brokers: Frequently involved in conflict resolution, using wisdom and insight to promote peace and harmony within communities
• Political participants: Increasingly taking on roles in organizations like the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) and advocating for women’s representation in decision-making processes

The Ateetee Tradition: Sung Justice

Among the Arsi Oromo, women have developed a unique form of dispute resolution called ateetee—a sung ritual process through which women protect, promote, and claim their rights. When an offense occurs, women travel to the offender’s house singing insults, then continue singing outside until a reconciliation ceremony is held. At the ceremony, they receive a cow as compensation and conclude by blessing the offender .

This tradition, documented in depth by ethnomusicologist Leila Qashu, demonstrates how music enables women to exercise power in a male-dominated society. It represents what scholars call “vernacular feminism”—a form of women’s empowerment rooted in indigenous culture rather than imported from external sources .

Ongoing Challenges

Despite their immense contributions, Oromo women face significant challenges:

• Gender-based violence: Both from state security forces and within their own communities
• Cultural barriers: Traditional gender roles can limit participation in leadership and decision-making
• Lack of recognition: Contributions are often overlooked or undervalued in both national and international narratives
• Double oppression: As Oromos facing systemic marginalization and as women facing gender discrimination

Conclusion: The Path Forward

As International Women’s Day 2026 is observed under the global theme “Rights. Justice. Action. For ALL Women and Girls,” Oromo women stand as living proof that empowerment is not a gift to be granted but a right to be claimed—and reclaimed, generation after generation, through courage, organization, and unwavering commitment to justice.

From the ancient Siinqee tradition to modern advocacy at the United Nations, Oromo women have fought for equality and justice on every front. They have endured imprisonment, torture, and exile. They have preserved culture while demanding change. They have led protests and raised children, documented atrocities and built organizations, spoken truth to power and sung justice into being.

Their struggle is not separate from the broader Oromo quest for self-determination—it is integral to it. As Dinknesh Deressa reminds us, true liberation requires women’s full participation and recognition. And as Martha Kuwee Kumsa’s life demonstrates, Oromo women will continue to fight until that liberation is achieved, no matter the cost.

On this International Women’s Day, the world would do well to listen to their voices, honor their sacrifices, and support their ongoing struggle for equality and justice. For in the words of the Oromo women themselves: when women participate fully, peace becomes lasting, justice becomes real, and the homeland becomes whole.

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The International Oromo Women’s Association continues to advocate for Oromo women’s rights globally. For more information or to support their work, visit their official channels.

In the 1970s, a unique orphanage called “The Mountain of Revolutionary Ethiopia’s Children” was established to raise the sons and daughters of fallen soldiers. Its choir became legendary—then history forgot them.

The year was 1973 (Ethiopian Calendar), or 1980/81 in the Gregorian calendar. The country was engulfed in war on multiple fronts—fighting internal and external forces that claimed the lives of countless Ethiopian soldiers. Men fell on battlefields across the nation, leaving behind children with no guardians, no caregivers, no one to raise them.

The streets began to fill with orphans.

The Derg government, concerned by the growing number of abandoned children, took action. By special order of the country’s then-president, Mengistu Haile Mariam, an institution was established to shelter, educate, and raise these children. It was called “The Mountain of Revolutionary Ethiopia’s Children”—YeAbyotawi Ethiopia Children’s Amba.

A City on a Hill

Located in what was then called Shoa Province, in the region of Lakes and Butajira, within the Alaba Kulito woreda, the Amba sat in an area known as Alage. It was here that children who had lost their parents to war, natural disasters, and other calamities found a new home.

The institution was divided into five “villages” or compounds: Seble Abiyot, Meskerem Two Ogaden, Zeray Deres, and Mengistu Haile Mariam—five communities that together formed a small city of children.

The Amba took in children of all ages, from newborns to adolescents. They were housed, fed, clothed, and educated within the institution’s walls. The mission was clear: raise these children with dignity, provide them education and moral guidance, and prepare them to re-enter society as whole human beings.

Growing Up on the Mountain

Former children of the Amba remember that when a child turned 18—or completed 12th grade—they would bid farewell to the institution that had raised them. But before departure, they received special counseling designed to ensure they left with strong moral character and, crucially, without the stigma of having grown up in an orphanage. The goal was integration, not isolation.

Those who excelled academically had paths forward. Some entered Ethiopia’s institutions of higher learning. Others were sent abroad—most often to Cuba or Russia—to continue their education. For children who had lost everything, the Amba offered not just survival but opportunity.

“Father” Departs, Shadows Fall

In 1983 (Ethiopian Calendar), disaster struck—not of the natural variety. President Mengistu Haile Mariam, whom all the children called “Our Father,” fled the country. For the children and staff of the Amba, his departure cast a long shadow. The man who had ordered their rescue, who had been the patron of their mountain, was gone.

What followed was a period of uncertainty. The institution continued, but the symbolic and practical support it had enjoyed evaporated with the regime that created it.

The Choir That Captured a Nation

But the Children of the Amba were known for something beyond their orphanage: their music. Under the tutelage of the renowned poet and artist Alemtsahay Wedajo, the children received artistic training that would make them famous across Ethiopia.

Gathered into a performance group called YeJegna Fire—”The Seed of Heroes”—the children regularly presented musical and artistic programs for audiences. Their choir performances were deeply moving, laden with messages about sacrifice, heroism, and national pride.

Among their most beloved works were songs that became anthems for a generation: “Tsehayé” (My Sun), “Yejegna Lij Jegna” (A Hero’s Child is a Hero), and “Ergibitu Hijji” (The Dove Hijji). These songs were not mere entertainment; they were the voice of children who had lost everything yet found purpose in serving their nation through art.

The Soundtrack of an Era

In the late 1970s and early 1980s (Ethiopian Calendar), these songs were everywhere. Young people across Ethiopia knew them by heart, singing them as if they were folk songs passed down through generations. Ethiopia Radio and Television broadcast them repeatedly. To hear a YeJegna Fire performance on the airwaves was not a novelty—it was a regular part of the cultural landscape.

The children’s choir had achieved something remarkable: they had transcended their origins to become a beloved national institution.

Erased by History

Then came 1991. The Derg fell. The transitional government that followed had no interest in preserving the cultural legacy of the fallen regime. The songs of YeJegna Fire were silenced. The children of the Amba scattered. Their music became, as one observer put it, “history, then forgotten.”

For decades, these recordings sat in archives, unheard by new generations. The voices of those orphaned children, raised up by a revolutionary government and trained by one of Ethiopia’s great artists, faded into silence.

A Flicker of Return

Recently, however, word has spread that a CD has been published containing some of these long-lost recordings. For those who grew up with these songs, it is a chance to hear their childhood again. For younger Ethiopians, it is an opportunity to discover a piece of their national heritage that was deliberately buried.

The songs of YeJegna Fire are more than propaganda artifacts. They are the voices of real children—orphans of war who found shelter, education, and purpose in a state-run institution. Their music carries the hopes, dreams, and resilience of a generation that history tried to forget.

The Mountain’s Legacy

Today, the Alage area where the Amba once stood continues its educational legacy in different form. The Alage Agricultural College, established in its own time, sits in the same region. But the children’s mountain—the YeAbyotawi Ethiopia Children’s Amba—exists now only in memory and in the fading recordings of a choir that once captivated a nation.

For the children who grew up there, now in their 50s and 60s, the Amba remains an indelible part of their identity. They were the seeds of heroes, planted on a mountain, scattered by history’s winds, but never entirely lost.

As Ethiopia continues to grapple with its complex political inheritance, stories like that of the Children of the Amba remind us that behind every regime, every ideology, every political transition, there are human beings—children who grew up, loved, lost, and longed for the homes they once knew.

The songs are returning. The children are now elders. And the mountain, though silent now, still echoes with the voices of those who once called it home.

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This feature is part of the #Karamara48 and #Karamara_EthiopianVictoryDay series, commemorating Ethiopia’s complex and layered history.

As International Women’s Day 2026 is celebrated globally, the women of Oromia stand as pillars of family, community, and liberation—their contributions finally receiving the recognition they deserve.

FINFINNEE, March 7, 2026 — As the world prepares to mark International Women’s Day on March 8, 2026, the spotlight turns to the indispensable role women play in every facet of society—from the daily rhythms of family life to the grand architecture of nation-building.

This year’s global theme, “Rights. Justice. Action. For ALL Women and Girls,” calls for translating commitments into concrete change: eliminating harmful practices, dismantling barriers to equality, and amplifying women’s voices on the world stage. Complementing this is the global campaign “Give to Gain,” which emphasizes that supporting and empowering women—individually, collectively, and nationally—is not charity but strategy. When women are empowered to contribute their full strength, participation, and potential, they become transformative forces in social and political change.

For Oromo women, this message resonates with particular urgency and pride.

From Home-Building to Homeland-Building

In Oromo society, the proverb holds true: a home without a woman is a deserted place. Women are mothers, sisters, wives, and daughters—each role carrying profound dignity and responsibility. But their contribution extends far beyond the domestic sphere.

The Women’s and Children’s Affairs Wing of the Oromo Liberation Army (DDD-ABO) has issued a powerful statement on the eve of International Women’s Day, affirming that Oromo women play a visible and undeniable role in both building families and building the nation.

“Women in Oromo society occupy a position of great honor and respect,” the statement reads. “From constructing homes to constructing the homeland, their contribution is clear and unmistakable. A home without a woman is an abandoned place.”

Women in the Liberation Struggle

The history of the Oromo liberation struggle is written in the blood and sacrifice of women. Despite facing double oppression—both as Oromos under a repressive system and as women in a patriarchal world—they have never been subjugated or silenced.

Throughout decades of struggle, Oromo women have shouldered immense burdens. They have been fighters on the front lines, organizers in the shadows, and the backbone of communities under siege. Foreign oppression and gender-based violence have sought to break them, but have only forged them stronger.

Their participation in the broader national movement has been unwavering, their commitment absolute. They have proven that the liberation of Oromia cannot be achieved without the liberation of Oromo women.

Political Participation: The Key to Lasting Peace

This year’s theme from the DDD-ABO carries a powerful message: “Women’s participation in politics is fundamental to peace, justice, unity, and nation-building.”

The statement emphasizes that when women are involved in governance and political decision-making, the outcomes are transformative. Their participation ensures lasting peace, upholds justice, strengthens national unity, and builds a proper foundation for the state.

“Women’s involvement in government and political decision-making demonstrates that they play a crucial role in achieving sustainable peace, ensuring justice is upheld, strengthening national unity, and building the nation properly,” the statement declares.

This vision aligns with the ABO’s commitment to establishing a peaceful and lawful government. The organization has put forward its symbol, Horooroo, as the choice before the people in the upcoming electoral contest.

Horooroo: A Symbol of Peace and Identity

The ABO’s electoral symbol, Horooroo, represents peace, reconciliation, justice, and the broad identity of the Oromo people. It embodies the right to self-determination and stands for democracy, justice, equality, and lasting peace.

As Oromia approaches its 7th round of elections in 2026, the ABO is contesting under this symbol, offering a vision of a lawful, people-centered government—government by the people, for the people. The DDD-ABO statement makes clear that this vision cannot be realized without the full participation and empowerment of women.

“To achieve this goal,” the statement affirms, “we must work together in unity. We must choose the ABO’s ‘Horooroo’ symbol in this 7th round of elections to build a lawful and just government that includes and empowers women to bring about real change.”

A Call to Action

As International Women’s Day 2026 is celebrated, the message from Oromo women is clear: their role in building both home and homeland is indispensable. Understanding this, ensuring their participation across all sectors—political, economic, and social—is not optional but essential for achieving lasting peace, restoring justice, reclaiming national truth, mending national unity, and building a democratic state.

The DDD-ABO concludes its statement with a rallying cry that echoes across Oromia:

“Victory to the Broad Public!
Women’s and Children’s Affairs Wing (DDD) ABO
March 7, 2026
Finfinnee”

The Road Ahead

This International Women’s Day, as the world reflects on the progress made and the journey still ahead, Oromo women stand as living proof that empowerment is not a gift to be granted but a right to be recognized. They have always built—homes, communities, movements, and a nation. The task now is to ensure they have their rightful place at every table where decisions about their future are made.

For in the words of the DDD-ABO, when women participate fully, peace becomes lasting, justice becomes real, and the homeland becomes whole.

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International Women’s Day 2026 is being observed globally on March 8 under the theme “Rights. Justice. Action. For ALL Women and Girls.”

A Hero’s Farewell: Oromo Liberation Veteran Abba Boru Dhaddacha Qamphare Passes Away

FINFINNE – The Oromo people have lost one of their most dedicated and resilient sons. Abba Boru Dhaddacha Qamphare, a renowned scholar, a steadfast freedom fighter, a development expert, and a humanitarian, passed away on Muddee 15, 2025. His life was a profound testament to unwavering service to his people and an unyielding commitment to justice.

Born on Amajjii 19, 1952, to his father Dhaddacha Qamphare Jaldessaa Iyyaa and mother Qabbalee Waariyoo Guyyoo, Abba Boru’s journey was one of intellect and courage. He pursued his primary education at the Mission School in Nagellee Boorana and continued his secondary studies in Yirgalem. A man fortified by knowledge, he graduated with a law degree from Finfinne University. His quest for learning then took him to the United Kingdom, where he earned a Master’s degree from the University of Sussex, focusing on development economics. He was in the midst of pursuing his PhD there when duty called him back to the struggle.

Abba Boru’s life was defined by sacrifice. Twice, he put his people’s calling above his own academic ambitions, interrupting his studies to participate directly in the Oromo liberation movement, enduring immense hardship in the process.

His involvement in the struggle was deep and multifaceted. While pursuing his first degree, he joined the fight to secure the borders of Oromia in the Boorana region. Later, following the collapse of the Derg regime in 1991, he once again set aside his PhD studies to play a pivotal role in the political transformations and the ongoing Oromo struggle.

Abba Boru was a contemporary and comrade of legendary Oromo figures such as Baaroo Tumsa, Galaasaa Dilboo, Leencoo Lata, Dhaddacha Gololcha, and Dheressaa Qiixee. His work was instrumental in entrenching the Oromo struggle in the Boorana and Gujii regions. He worked alongside leaders like Colonel Salasaa Jaaloo, Boruu Diinee, and Saaraa Jarsoo to build upon the movement’s foundations. He was also a key figure, alongside activists like Godaanaa Tunii Khanoo and Shalaaqaa Jataanii Alii, in fostering political and economic development awareness.

In the wake of the assassination of Shalaaqaa Jataanii Alii, Abba Boru stepped into a senior leadership role in the region, working tirelessly to strengthen the unity of the Oromo people across the Ethiopian and Kenyan borders. Even after the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) withdrew from the transitional government, he continued to lead the national struggle from Kenya alongside Dr. Diimaa Naggahoo.

Beyond his political activism, Abba Boru was a dedicated development expert and humanitarian. His expertise was prominently featured in the ‘Southern Rangeland Project,’ where he focused on creating economic opportunities for pastoralist communities. He also served with distinction at the Norwegian Church Aid (NCA), rising to the position of national coordinator. In this capacity, he worked to bring the socio-economic challenges of southern Ethiopia’s pastoralists to the world’s attention, advocating for comprehensive and inclusive development.

Abba Boru Dhaddacha Qamphare will be remembered as a pure-hearted leader, an intellectual, and a compassionate human being. His life was a continuous struggle for the rights of the voiceless, a manifestation of developmental change, and a model of true human service.

Though the hero is gone, his legacy is etched in the history he helped shape. His story will bear witness for generations to come, inspiring a future built on justice, dignity, and compassion for the vulnerable, including the orphans he helped raise.

Rest in power, Abba Boru. Your struggle is our foundation. Your memory is eternal.
Nagaan boqodhi.

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Echoes of the Struggle: A Historic Reunion in the Heart of Oromia

There are moments in the life of a nation that transcend politics and policy, touching the very soul of a people’s journey. Today, in the bustling heart of Finfinnee, we witness one such moment. It is a scene heavy with history, a living tapestry woven from threads of sacrifice, exile, and the unyielding dream of self-determination.

Before us stand two elders, not merely as men, but as monuments. Mr. Lenco Lata and Mr. Hassan Ali. Their handshake is more than a greeting; it is the meeting of two rivers that carved the landscape of the modern Oromo struggle. To look at them is to look into the past and see the foundations of the present.

Mr. Lenco Lata, a veteran of the ABO struggle, carries the weight of the armed resistance on his shoulders. His story is one written in the shadows, in the trenches of conviction, where the fight for Oromia was not a political slogan but a daily, dangerous reality. He belongs to a generation that believed the cause was worth their very breath.

Beside him stands Mr. Hassan Ali, a figure of foundational governance. As the first president of the Oromia Regional State, he was tasked with the monumental challenge of translating decades of resistance into the framework of administration. He stood at the vanguard of a new, hopeful, and uncertain chapter, attempting to give structural form to the very cause for which Mr. Lata and his comrades fought.

Though their paths diverged—one in the trenches of guerrilla warfare, the other in the halls of nascent governance—their fates were tragically united. For their unwavering dedication to the Oromo cause, both were branded as threats. Both were forced to drink from the bitter cup of exile, expelled from the very land they dreamed of liberating and building. They became custodors of the Oromo dream from distant shores, watching, waiting, and hoping for the day they could walk the soil of Oromia as free men.

That day is today.

Their meeting in Finfinnee is not a simple reunion of old colleagues. It is a historic memory being made tangible. It is the closing of a painful loop and the affirmation that their sacrifices were not in vain. The city that once felt the absence of their voices now bears witness to their presence.

As they sit together, the ghosts of fallen comrades, the pain of years in exile, and the joy of return all linger in the air. They represent a bridge between the Oromia that was fought for in the wilderness and the Oromia that continues to be built today. In seeing them together, we are reminded that the journey is long, the price has been high, but the spirit—the indomitable spirit of Oromia—remains unbroken. This is more than a photograph; it is a page of history, written in resilience, sealed with sacrifice, and now, finally, framed in the dignity of homecoming.