Category Archives: Oromia
Exploring Indigenous Peacemaking at the 2026 Oromo Conference
Oromo Studies Association Honors Legacy of Prof. Hamdessa Tuso with Mid-Year Conference on Conflict Resolution and Peace-Building
Scholars and researchers invited to explore indigenous peacemaking traditions at University of Minnesota gathering
MINNEAPOLIS — The Oromo Studies Association (OSA) has issued a call for papers and panels for its 2026 Mid-Year Conference, scheduled for April 11-12 at the University of Minnesota Medical Center’s West Bank campus. This year’s gathering carries special significance as it will honor the life and legacy of Professor Hamdessa Tuso, a founding member of OSA and a towering figure in the study of indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms .
Under the theme “Conflict Resolution & Peace-Building: Honoring the Life and Legacy of Prof. Hamdessa Tuso,” the conference invites scholars, researchers, and community leaders to submit abstracts exploring the rich traditions of peacemaking that have sustained Oromo society for generations. The event will take place at 2450 Riverside Ave, Minneapolis, MN 55454.
A Life Devoted to Indigenous Peacemaking
Professor Hamdessa Tuso, who passed away on November 22, 2025, in Winnipeg, Manitoba, dedicated his life to studying and teaching about African indigenous conflict resolution processes . His scholarly work emphasized that indigenous forms of peacemaking—long dismissed by Western academics as “irrelevant and backward tribal rituals”—contain sophisticated mechanisms for building lasting peace .
Dr. Tuso earned his Ph.D. in Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding from Michigan State University in 1981 and served in distinguished academic roles across North America, including as Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Manitoba and as a faculty member at Nova Southeastern University . His landmark work, “Creating the Third Force: Indigenous Processes of Peacemaking,” which he co-edited with Maureen P. Flaherty, presented the Oromo Gadaa system as a global model for conflict resolution .
In that seminal volume, Tuso contributed chapters including “Indigenous processes of conflict resolution: neglected methods of peacemaking by the new field of conflict resolution” and “Ararra: Oromo indigenous processes of peacemaking,” establishing a scholarly foundation for understanding how Oromo traditional institutions can address contemporary conflicts .
Conference Theme and Significance
The conference announcement highlights the Oromo people’s historical role as “the anchoring population that cemented the coexistence of peoples of various creeds” and “guarantors of peace, stability and justice everywhere its rule prevailed.” According to the call for papers, historical accounts indicate that before the precolonial era, the Oromo managed to create alliances with neighboring tribes, transforming former rivals into partners.
The announcement also addresses historical challenges to Oromo recognition: “Since the formation of Ethiopia as an empire State, the Oromo people were brutally oppressed, marginalized, dehumanized and the contributions of the Oromo to maintaining peace and stability in the horn of Africa were denied the due recognition they deserved in history.”
It was not until the early 1970s that organized scholarly attention began to reveal “the hidden truth that the Oromo in fact are custodians of indigenous institutions of governance that guarantees equality of all its citizens, rule of law, justice and fairness for all living things and the environment.”
The conference draws on core Oromo values of Nagaa (peace) and Araara (reconciliation)—traditional principles that guide conflict resolution when disputes arise between groups and individuals. As the call for papers notes, “The Oromo Land is therefore rightly described as the sea of blessings, where elders call for peace to prevail over everything living and the environment.”
Call for Submissions
OSA invites abstracts for individual paper presentations, posters, panels, and roundtables addressing the conference theme and the following sub-themes:
- Indigenous Oromo institutions: exploring the mechanisms of peacebuilding and conflict resolution
- Mitigating intra-ethnic conflicts in Ethiopia, the Horn of Africa and elsewhere globally: lessons learned from other settings
- Building peace and resolving conflicts among the Oromo and neighboring nations and nationalities (such as Somali, Afar, Sidama) past, present, and future
- Federalization and exclusion of Oromo cities Harar, Dire Dawa, Jigjiga: case studies of the impact of forced division on Oromo approaches to peacebuilding and stability
- Dedicated Panel: Remembering the Life and Legacy of Prof. Hamdesa Tuso — welcoming reflections on how he approached the study of conflict resolution
- Examining women’s leadership in traditional Oromo peacebuilding and conflict resolution
- Transmitting the wisdom of peacebuilding to the younger generation in a time of intense war, violence and undermining of culture
Other topics will be considered, but priority will be given to abstracts relevant to the theme and sub-themes.
Submission Guidelines
Individual Papers or Posters: Submissions should include a 200-300 word abstract providing 1) title, 2) specific contribution to the theme, 3) evidence on which the presentation is based, and 4) brief findings or conclusions. Authors must include names, country of residence, affiliation, field of specialization, and contact information (email and WhatsApp).
Panels: Panels consist of four members of a pre-assembled group. Proposals should include the panel title and brief biographies of each panel member with academic credentials or community roles.
Roundtables: Roundtables bring together qualified scholars and prominent personalities moderated to discuss a specific topic, book, or research finding. Submissions should include the roundtable title, relevance to the conference theme, moderator information, and speakers’ names with contact details.
The deadline for submission is March 10, 2026, at midnight. Acceptances will be notified on a rolling basis, with final notices made by March 21. All submissions should be sent to: oromostudiesassociation@gmail.com
A Legacy of Scholarship and Advocacy
Professor Tuso’s contributions extended far beyond academia. He was among the earliest pioneers of the Arsi Basic School movement, helping ignite a culture of learning across Arsi in Oromia at a time when education itself was considered a revolutionary act . He championed Tokkumaa Oromoo (Oromo unity) and stood firmly against what he termed “the colonization of the Oromo mind.”
His service included organizing the Oromo Committee for Immigration and Refugees (OCIR) in the 1980s, helping secure asylum for thousands of Oromos in the United States at a time when the U.S. government had restricted asylum for Ethiopians . He also participated in the 1991 London Peace Conference, advocating for a just political reordering of Ethiopia .
As a founding force behind the Oromo Studies Association and its first president, Tuso nurtured generations of scholars committed to researching and preserving Oromo history and culture . The upcoming conference represents a continuation of that mission, bringing together researchers to explore how indigenous wisdom can address contemporary challenges.
For scholars of peace and conflict studies, African studies, and indigenous governance systems, the April conference offers a unique opportunity to engage with Oromo intellectual traditions at a moment of both remembrance and renewal.
General Damisse Bulto: The Forgotten Eagle of Ethiopia’s Skies
Personal Profile
Who was General Damisse Bulto? 💔
The question lingers, suspended in grief and memory. For those who knew him, he was a son of Ada’a Berga, a herdsman turned warrior, an aviator who painted his nation’s future across African skies. For those who have forgotten—or were never taught—he is a ghost in the military archives, a name erased from official histories, a body moved in secret.
This is his story.
From the Pastoral Plains
General Damisse Bulto Ejersa was born in 1926 in Ada’a Berga District, West Shewa, to his mother Adde Ayyee Jiraannee and his father Mr. Bultoo Ejersa. From childhood, he knew the weight of responsibility. While other boys played, young Damisse tended his family’s cattle, moving through grasslands that would later seem impossibly distant from the jet streams he would one day command.
But the open fields that raised him also gave him his first taste of horizons. A boy who watches the sky from the earth learns to dream of flight.
When he reached the appropriate age, Damissae traveled to Finfinne to study at the Medhanealem School. It was there, in the capital’s classrooms, that a military recruitment announcement changed everything. The Makonnen School was calling for cadets. Without informing his family, the young man enlisted—and stepped onto a path that would define the rest of his life.
The Making of a Makonnen
Three years of intensive training transformed the cattle herder’s son into a disciplined officer. By 1946, as Lieutenant Colonel, he received orders that would carry him far from Ethiopian soil.
The Korean Peninsula was aflame. The Cold War’s first hot conflict had drawn nations from across the globe into its crucible. Ethiopia, under Emperor Haile Selassie, committed troops to the United Nations forces. Among them was Damissae Bultoo—a young commander representing his ancient empire on a distant battlefield.
He served with distinction. He returned alive. He completed his consecration ceremony. And then his nation called again.
Ethiopia had no air force to speak of. The Emperor, modernizing his military, sought to build one from the cockpit up. Damissae was selected for training in Israel, where he learned the arts of aerial warfare from one of the world’s most capable air arms. He returned home a pilot—and soon, commander of the famed “Flying Leopard” squadron.
Wars and Recognitions
The 1950s and 1960s were decades of fire. When Somalia challenged Ethiopia’s territorial integrity, General Damisse took to the skies. In 1955 and again in 1957, he flew combat missions against Somali forces, his Leopards drawing blood across the Ogaden skies.
Emperor Haile Selassie took notice. The young man from Ada’a Berga, who had once watched clouds from cattle pastures, now received medals and commendations from the Lion of Judah himself. He rose through the ranks: Colonel in 1969, Brigadier General in 1972, Major General in 1977.
Each promotion marked not merely personal advancement but the trajectory of a man who had dedicated his entire existence to the defense and dignity of his nation.
The Dream of Oromia
Yet General Damisse’s patriotism was not uncritical. He loved Ethiopia—but he also saw its failures. He served the empire—but he also dreamed of liberation for his own people.
When the Derg seized power, when Mengistu Hailemariam’s Red Terror washed Ethiopian cities in blood, General Damisse made his choice. He would not merely serve. He would resist.
The plan was audacious, befitting an airman accustomed to thinking in three dimensions. On the morning of December 8, 1981, Mengistu was scheduled to depart for East Germany. General Damisse and his co-conspirators intended to shoot down the dictator’s aircraft—or, alternatively, divert it to Eritrea and capture the leader himself. A single blow to decapitate the Derg and open the path for Oromia’s liberation.
But conspiracies breathe thin air in authoritarian states. Fellow air force officers, when approached, hesitated. Some refused outright. The plot faltered, then collapsed. No missile was fired. No aircraft was diverted. No dictator fell.
The dream of an Oromo political order, forged in that moment of daring, remained unrealized.
The Exile and the Grave
What follows is contested, obscured, deliberately forgotten.
What is known: General Damisse was killed. The commander of the Flying Leopards, the veteran of Korea and Ogaden, the man who had received medals from an emperor’s hand, died at the hands of fellow officers—or of the regime they served.
His body was initially interred in Asmara, within the compound of the Catholic Church of St. Isteqs. Eritrea, then still part of Ethiopia, received the fallen general in silence. His grave marked nothing more than a name, a date, a vanished life.
But even the dead are not beyond the reach of politics.
Years later, after Eritrea had separated, after Asmara had become foreign soil, General Damisse’s remains were exhumed. They traveled south, across the border his squadron had once defended, back to the capital city where a cattle herder’s son had first dreamed of flight.
Today, they say, he rests in Finfinne. Within the compound of St. Joseph’s Church. A man displaced even in death, his final resting place known to few, visited by fewer still.
What Remains
General Damisse Bulto left no political testament. No memoirs. No public confessions or private apologies. He left only the record of his service—the medals, the missions, the promotions—and the whispered memory of a plot that failed.
To Ethiopian military history, he is an embarrassment: a decorated commander who turned against the state. To Oromo nationalists, he is a martyr: a patriot who understood that love of nation and love of people could not be separated. To his family, he is simply gone—a father, a grandfather, a name spoken in prayers.
And to the young men and women of Ada’a Berga, who still tend cattle beneath the same skies he once watched, he is a question without answer.
Who was General Damisse Bulto?
The cattle know. The grass knows. The wind that moves across the West Shewa highlands remembers the boy who became an eagle.
But the archives are silent. The grave is quiet. And the dream he died for remains, like his body, displaced—waiting for a nation that has not yet decided whether to claim him.
💔
The author acknowledges the family of General Damisse Bulto and surviving members of the Ethiopian Air Force who provided information for this profile, many of whom spoke on condition of anonymity.
Ethiopia’s Sudan Calculus: Beyond Bystander, Toward Strategic Survival
By Hayyuu Oromia
Feature Commentary
In the discourse surrounding Ethiopia’s engagement in the Sudanese conflict, a curious expectation has taken root—one that presumes Addis Ababa should somehow transcend the very logic of statecraft that every other regional actor employs without apology.
Egypt maneuvers. The United Arab Emirates projects power. Saudi Arabia calibrates. Turkey expands. Qatar hedges. All pursue their interests with the unembarrassed clarity that sovereign states have always done. Yet when Ethiopia—a nation sharing 744 kilometers of border with Sudan, hosting hundreds of thousands of its refugees, and dependent upon stable transit corridors through its territory—dares to act in its own defense, a chorus of disapproval arises.
This double standard is not merely unjust. It is strategically naïve.
The Geography of Vulnerability
Let us state plainly what diplomatic language often obscures: Ethiopia cannot afford to be a bystander in Sudan. Not because of ideological affinity with any faction. Not because of adventurism. Not because of a governing party’s foreign policy vanity.
Because geography has already decided otherwise.
When Sudan burns, the flames do not stop at the border. They leap. They travel along ancient trading routes, through porous boundaries that no government on either side has ever fully controlled, into the ethnic borderlands where kinship ties defy colonial cartography. They arrive in the form of automatic weapons flowing into regions already wrestling with internal tensions. They arrive as refugee surges that strain already limited resources. They arrive as disrupted trade corridors upon which Ethiopian businesses and consumers depend.
Egypt does not share a border with Sudan. Its cities will not receive Sudanese refugees. Its farmers will not lose access to Port Sudan. Its traders will not watch their goods stranded at border crossings.
Ethiopia will. Ethiopia does. Ethiopia has.
The Egyptian Calculus
To speak of Ethiopia’s engagement in Sudan without referencing Egypt’s extensive involvement is to analyze a chess game while ignoring one player’s moves entirely.
Cairo has not been neutral. It has not been passive. It has not been a disinterested mediator seeking only Sudanese welfare. Egypt has actively cultivated relationships with specific Sudanese armed factions, provided political cover for certain actors in regional forums, and framed its engagement as protective of its own red lines—the most significant being the preservation of its historical dominance over Nile waters.
This is not an accusation. It is an observation of normal state behavior. Egypt, like any sovereign nation, pursues its perceived strategic interests. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam represents a fundamental shift in the region’s hydro-political balance. It would be extraordinary—indeed, irresponsible from Cairo’s perspective—if Egypt did not seek to offset this shift wherever possible.
Sudan has become an arena for that effort.
The question, then, is not whether Ethiopia should be present in Sudanese affairs. The question is whether Ethiopia can afford to be absent while its primary regional competitor works actively to shape outcomes that will directly affect Ethiopian security, economy, and water interests for generations.
The Luxury of Abstraction
Critics of Ethiopia’s Sudan policy often deploy a peculiar rhetorical maneuver. They concede that Ethiopia has legitimate interests. They acknowledge that other actors are deeply involved. They may even admit that Cairo’s activities are not purely altruistic.
And then they pivot to demand that Ethiopia nevertheless behave as though these facts did not exist—as though moral suasion were a substitute for strategic positioning, as though abstention were a viable posture in a region defined by zero-sum competition.
This is not principled foreign policy analysis. It is the luxury of abstraction available only to those who do not bear direct responsibility for national security.
Ethiopia’s policymakers do not have that luxury. They cannot instruct the military not to monitor border developments. They cannot tell intelligence services to ignore foreign powers cultivating relationships with armed groups along Ethiopian frontiers. They cannot inform the foreign ministry that diplomatic engagement with Sudanese stakeholders is somehow beneath Ethiopian dignity.
These are not policy choices. They are existential imperatives.
What Strategy Is, and Is Not
To argue that Ethiopia must be engaged in Sudan is not to endorse every specific action taken by Ethiopian officials. Strategy can be well-executed or poorly executed. Tactics can be effective or counterproductive. Decisions about which actors to engage, what pressure points to employ, and how to calibrate public and private messaging are all legitimate subjects of critique.
But critique requires an alternative framework. It must answer certain questions:
What would Ethiopian non-involvement actually look like? Complete diplomatic withdrawal? Termination of engagement with Sudanese stakeholders? Silence in regional forums while other states shape narratives and outcomes favorable to themselves?
And what would be the consequence of such withdrawal? Would Sudan become more stable? Would Ethiopian interests be better protected? Would Egypt reduce its own engagement out of reciprocal restraint?
The answers write themselves.
Survival, Not Adventurism
There is a word for a state that observes regional instability affecting its core interests and chooses deliberate inaction: it is not virtuous. It is not principled. It is not strategically sophisticated.
It is a failed state.
Ethiopia has endured enough decades of weakness, enough periods when others made decisions on its behalf, enough moments when its voice was absent from conversations determining its own fate. The current government, whatever its domestic shortcomings, has demonstrated a consistent refusal to return to that posture.
This refusal is not driven by ideological affinity with any Sudanese faction. It is not motivated by expansionist ambition. It is not evidence of some supposed Abiy Doctrine of regional interventionism.
It is survival.
The same survival instinct that led every Ethiopian government since Menelik to seek access to the sea. The same survival instinct that impelled successive administrations to pursue equitable utilization of the Nile. The same survival instinct that has kept Ethiopia engaged with its neighbors through every political transition, every change of ideology, every shift from empire to republic to federal democracy.
The Continuity Beneath Change
Governments change. Parties rise and fall. Personalities dominate headlines and then recede from memory. But Ethiopia’s strategic geography remains stubbornly constant.
The same Nile that concerned Emperor Tewodros concerns Prime Minister Abiy. The same borderlands that worried Emperor Haile Selassie worry the current National Security Council. The same imperative to prevent hostile powers from dominating Ethiopia’s periphery that animated Derg foreign policy animates EPRDF and PP administrations alike.
This continuity is not evidence of ideological capture. It is evidence of reality—unyielding, indifferent to political fashion, unforgiving of strategic negligence.
Critics who conflate temporary partisan grievances with permanent national interests may achieve emotional satisfaction. They may generate applause in certain forums. They may even convince themselves that their opposition to a particular government constitutes enlightened statesmanship.
But they do not thereby absolve themselves of the responsibility to distinguish between the party in power and the state itself. They do not exempt themselves from the obligation to think seriously about Ethiopia’s enduring strategic requirements.
And they do not alter the fundamental fact that Ethiopia—like Egypt, like every other regional state—will continue to pursue its interests in Sudan and beyond, because the alternative is not moral purity.
The alternative is strategic suicide.
Beyond the Current Moment
The Sudanese conflict will eventually resolve, as all conflicts do. The configuration of power in Khartoum will shift. Egypt will continue its engagement. Other external actors will come and go. The headlines will move elsewhere.
But Ethiopia will remain. Its geography will not change. Its fundamental interests will persist. Its need to engage with its neighbors—to protect its people, secure its economy, and defend its sovereignty—will outlast any single administration, any particular policy, any contemporary debate.
The question facing Ethiopia’s political class is not whether to support or oppose the current government’s Sudan policy. It is whether they can develop the strategic literacy to distinguish between contingent political disagreements and permanent national necessities.
Thus far, the evidence is not encouraging. But necessity, as they say, is a harsh teacher.
And Ethiopia’s geography is not finished instructing.
Dhagaa Baabbilee: Nature’s Marvel Beckons Tourists to Eastern Hararghe
Oromia, Babille— Rising majestically from the rugged landscape of Eastern Hararghe Zone, the extraordinary rock formation known as Dhagaa Baabbilee stands as one of Ethiopia’s most remarkable natural wonders, offering visitors an unforgettable encounter with geological history.
Located just five kilometers from the town of Babile and approximately 40 kilometers from the ancient walled city of Harar, this fascinating volcanic rock structure is easily accessible to both domestic and international tourists seeking authentic natural experiences. The site, situated in an area locally called Dakkata, presents visitors with a stunning visual spectacle that has captivated travelers, photographers, and nature enthusiasts alike.
A Testament to Volcanic Origins
Dhagaa Baabbilee’s distinctive shape tells a story millions of years in the making. Geological experts attribute its unusual formation to ancient volcanic activity that shaped the region’s topography. Unlike typical rock formations found elsewhere in the country, these particular monoliths stand in remarkably preserved forms, their peculiar contours defying conventional expectations of natural rock structures.
Standing prominently along the roadside, the formation offers convenient viewing opportunities without requiring strenuous hiking or specialized equipment. Visitors can simply park and witness this geological masterpiece up close, making it an ideal stop for travelers journeying between Harar and Babile.
Photographer’s Paradise
For photography enthusiasts and social media content creators, Dhagaa Baabbilee presents an unparalleled backdrop. The interplay of light and shadow across the volcanic rock faces during golden hours creates dramatic compositions that have made the site increasingly popular among Ethiopia’s growing community of nature photographers.
“The way these rocks catch the morning light is simply magical,” observed Tadesse Alemu, a frequent visitor from Harar. “Every visit offers a different perspective, a new angle to appreciate.”
Gateway to Greater Exploration
The Dakkata Valley, stretching from Harar to Funyaan Bira, features an entire landscape dotted with similar volcanic formations, creating what tourism experts describe as an underutilized geological corridor with tremendous potential for adventure tourism, educational field trips, and scientific research.
Unlike many tourist destinations that offer only recreational value, Dhagaa Baabbilee serves multiple purposes. Its accessibility makes it suitable for school excursions focusing on geography and natural sciences, while history researchers find value in understanding how such formations have influenced human settlement patterns in the region.
Untapped Tourism Potential
Despite its proximity to Harar—a UNESCO-recognized heritage site that attracts thousands of international visitors annually—Dhagaa Baabbilee remains relatively unknown outside the immediate region. Local tourism stakeholders are now advocating for greater promotional efforts to integrate this natural attraction into existing tourist circuits.
“We have this magnificent resource practically at our doorstep, yet many visitors to Harar leave without knowing it exists,” said Mulugeta Tesfaye, a tourism operator based in Babile. “The potential here is enormous—for local job creation, for community development, and for diversifying Ethiopia’s tourism offerings beyond the northern circuit.”
An Invitation to Discover
As Ethiopia’s tourism sector continues recovering and expanding, destinations like Dhagaa Baabbilee represent opportunities to showcase the country’s lesser-known natural heritage. The site embodies the geological diversity that makes the Horn of Africa region scientifically significant while offering accessible adventure for casual travelers.
“We invite everyone—whether you’re a researcher seeking to understand our geological history, a photographer chasing that perfect shot, or simply someone who appreciates the extraordinary beauty of nature,” said community representative Amina Ibrahim. “Come, visit Dhagaa Baabbilee, witness this wonder of Oromia’s natural heritage, and take pride with us in this magnificent gift of nature.”
As sunset paints the volcanic rocks in shades of amber and crimson, visitors to Dhagaa Baabbilee experience what local guides describe as “the moment when stone and sky become one”—a fitting metaphor for a place where Ethiopia’s ancient geological past meets its promising tourism future.
A Call for Security, A Pledge for Protection: Oromia’s Leadership Outlines Commitment After Period of Unrest
A Call for Security, A Pledge for Protection: Oromia’s Leadership Outlines Commitment After Period of Unrest
In a direct address to mounting public concerns, a statement from Oromia’s leadership has acknowledged a sustained period of violence and insecurity, vowing to restore safety as the region’s fundamental priority. The message strikes a resonant chord with communities who have felt vulnerable, explicitly referencing the unresolved trauma of the 2016 Irreechaa tragedy as a pivotal moment of institutional failure.
“A safe nation is the foundation for everything else,” the statement declares, framing security not as a privilege but as the essential bedrock upon which economic prosperity, social development, and personal freedom are built. “Oromians cannot build their lives with confidence if they do not feel secure in their own communities.”
The frank acknowledgment of public anxiety comes after years of reported unrest involving various armed groups, inter-communal clashes, and allegations of state violence. This instability has disrupted livelihoods, deepened social fractures, and fueled a widespread demand for decisive action.
A Four-Pillar Pledge for Action
Moving beyond acknowledgment, the leadership has outlined a four-point action plan, presenting it as an unwavering commitment to its citizens:
- 🔵 Crack down on anti-Oromummaa: A pledge to confront ideologies and actions deemed hostile to Oromo identity, culture, and self-determination.
- 🔵 Tackle violent extremism: A commitment to address radicalization and violence from all sources that threaten civil order.
- 🔵 Take strong action to fight terrorism: A vow to combat groups officially designated as terrorist organizations operating within and across Oromia’s borders.
- 🔵 Secure our borders to protect Oromians: A promise to enhance control over regional boundaries to prevent cross-border incursions and the flow of weapons.
“Protecting Oromians and defending our way of life is a government’s first responsibility,” the statement concludes. “That is the standard we will uphold.”
The Shadow of Irreechaa and the Test of Trust
The explicit mention of the 2016 Irreechaa tragedy is particularly significant. During the annual Oromo thanksgiving festival that year, a deadly stampede and alleged security force actions led to hundreds of deaths, a profound national trauma that has become symbolic of a broken trust between the people and the state. By invoking it, the current statement directly ties its new security pledge to the healing of that historic wound.
The success of this pledge now rests on its translation from rhetoric into tangible, even-handed, and effective action on the ground. Observers and citizens alike will be watching closely to see if these commitments lead to a measurable decrease in violence, the protection of all communities, and the restoration of the confidence needed for Oromians to build their futures without fear. The ultimate test will be whether safety, promised as a foundation, can truly be rebuilt.
“Protecting Oromians and defending our way of life is a government’s first responsibility,” the statement concludes. “That is the standard we will uphold.”
Australia’s Untold Stories: Celebrating Refugee Contributions
Australia’s Untold Stories: New Project Celebrates the Lives and Legacies of Former Refugees
[Advocacy for Oromia] Today launched Australia’s Untold Stories, a powerful digital archive of oral histories from 12 former refugees who have rebuilt their lives and enriched the nation. The project spotlights individuals from diverse backgrounds—including Afghanistan, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Chile, Eritrea, Laos, South Sudan, and Vietnam—as a testament to the resilience and contributions of over a million refugees who have settled in Australia since World War II.
Body Content Structure:
You can structure the main body of your article to include the following sections:
- The Heart of the Project: Briefly explain the “why” behind the project. Emphasize its goal to move beyond statistics and present personal, human narratives of courage, loss, hope, and new beginnings. Mention the format (e.g., video interviews, written narratives) and the goal of preserving these stories for a national audience.
- Introducing the Storytellers: This is the core of your feature. Once you access the project site, select two or three compelling individuals to highlight. For each, provide:
- Name and Origin: (e.g., “Amina, who fled Afghanistan…”).
- A Glimpse of Their Journey: A brief, poignant detail from their story (e.g., the profession they left behind, a moment of danger or hope).
- Their Contribution in Australia: How they rebuilt their life (e.g., founded a community organization, became a nurse, opened a restaurant sharing their culture, raised a family).
- A Powerful Direct Quote: Pull a short, impactful line from their interview that summarizes their experience or perspective. This adds authenticity and emotional depth.
- The Broader Tapestry: Connect these individual stories to the larger historical narrative mentioned in your prompt. Discuss how these 12 stories represent the wider contributions refugees have made to Australian society over eight decades in fields like medicine, cuisine, arts, business, and community life. Acknowledge the role of welcoming communities and settlement support.
- Call to Action and Access: Direct readers clearly to where they can experience the stories. You can use the text you already have: “Through their stories, we reflect on the contributions refugees have made… Watch Australia’s Untold Stories: https://bit.ly/AustraliasUntoldStories“. Consider adding a final reflective sentence on the importance of listening and understanding.
Quotes to Incorporate (add from the videos once you watch them):
- Look for a quote from a project organizer on the vision for the archive.
- Look for 2-3 moving quotes from the featured individuals about their past, their journey, or their life in Australia.
- You could also consider including a brief quote from a historian or community leader on the national significance of such projects (if available on the site or from your own research).
Practical Next Steps:
- Visit the Direct Link: Go to
https://bit.ly/AustraliasUntoldStoriesin your web browser to watch the videos and read the full profiles. - Take Detailed Notes: As you watch, note down the names, key life events, professions, and the most powerful statements from the interviewees.
- Fill in the Template: Use the notes to populate the article structure above with specific, vivid details.
- Add a Relevant Image: If the project page provides promotional images or video stills you have permission to use, include one with your article to make it more engaging.
The Poet Who Spoke for a Continent: Remembering Tsegaye Gabre-Medhin (1936-2006)
Subtitle: Ethiopia’s towering playwright, poet laureate, and pan-African visionary left a legacy that bridged tradition, revolution, and human dignity.
On a February day in 2006, in a Manhattan hospital room far from the highlands of Boda where he was born, the heart of Ethiopian letters ceased to beat. Tsegaye Gabre-Medhin – playwright, poet, pan-Africanist, and keeper of his nation’s conscience – passed away at 69, physically separated from the land he immortalized but spiritually never departed from it.
Tsegaye’s life was a testament to the power of art to shape national identity and awaken continental consciousness. Educated in the wake of Ethiopia’s liberation from Italian occupation, his genius was recognized early. While still a schoolboy, he wrote a play performed before Emperor Haile Selassie—a prophetic beginning for a writer who would spend a lifetime wrestling with the myths, heroes, and soul of his nation.
The Playwright as Patriot and Teacher
Rejecting careers in law and commerce, which he saw as “soul-destroying,” Tsegaye devoted himself to the stage. As a director of Ethiopia’s National Theatre, he became a deliberate pedagogue. He believed his country needed heroes, and through historical dramas like Tewodros and Petros at the Hour, he taught Ethiopians to respect the martyrdom, reform, and resistance that defined their past. Yet his vision was never parochial. His celebrated play The Oda Oak Oracle, a comedy of Ethiopian country life, was performed across eight nations, proving the universal appeal of locally-rooted storytelling.
The Poet as Pan-African Visionary
Tsegaye’s patriotism was expansive, firmly rooted in an Africanist worldview. A friend of Senegal’s President Léopold Sédar Senghor, he engaged deeply with the Négritude movement. His scholarship led him to trace the linguistic and cultural threads linking the Nile Valley civilizations, asserting Ethiopia’s place within a broader African continuum. This vision culminated in 2002 when his poem, calling to “make Africa the tree of life,” was adopted as the anthem of the newly-formed African Union.
The Advocate as Unyielding Conscience
Beyond the stage and page, Tsegaye was a formidable advocate for justice. He campaigned tirelessly for the return of Ethiopia’s looted heritage—the Aksum Obelisk taken by Mussolini and the priceless manuscripts pillaged from Emperor Tewodros’s fortress at Magdala. For him, these were not mere artifacts but fragments of the national soul.
In his later years, his focus broadened to the universal themes of peace and human dignity, earning him international recognition and a place in the United Poets Laureate International.
A Legacy of Unbroken Spirit
Confined to exile by the medical necessity of dialysis, Tsegaye became a spiritual anchor for the diaspora, affectionately known as Blattengetta—the great scholar. His seminal poem, “Prologue to African Conscience,” remains a piercing critique of post-colonial malaise, warning of “luxury and golden chains that free the body and enslave the mind.”
Tsegaye Gabre-Medhin taught us that to look forward, a people must first learn to look deeply into their own past and see themselves within the grand tapestry of their continent. He was not just Ethiopia’s poet laureate; he was Africa’s scribe, a visionary who understood that true freedom lives in the stories we tell, the history we reclaim, and the conscience we dare to awaken.
Galatoomaa, Blattengetta. Your footprints in time are indelible.
Urgent Action: Halt Ethiopia TPS Termination Now
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
URGENT PETITION: HUMANITARIAN GROUPS PLEA FOR LAST-MINUTE HALT TO ETHIOPIA TPS TERMINATION
With just 48 hours remaining before a critical deportation protection expires, the Oromia Support Group (OSG) is issuing a global call to action. A petition on Change.org, directed at Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem, demands the immediate rescission of the decision to terminate Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for nationals of Ethiopia, including the Oromo people.
The termination, set for February 13, will revoke the legal right of approximately 2,200 Ethiopians to live and work in the United States. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) decision, announced last year, concludes that conditions in Ethiopia—a country grappling with recent conflict, severe drought, and ongoing human rights concerns—no longer warrant temporary humanitarian protection.
“This decision implies Ethiopia is now a safe place to deport people to, which contradicts the reality on the ground,” said Dr. Trevor Trueman, Chair of the Oromia Support Group. “We are in a race against time to prevent the return of individuals to a situation of extreme peril.”
The petition explicitly holds Secretary Noem, who oversees U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), accountable. It references controversial ICE actions, alleging the agency has “detained thousands of immigrants, including children, in hostile detention centres many hundreds of miles from their homes, families, and legal representatives.” The petition frames the appeal as a chance for the public to “register disapproval of the actions of the DHS, including ICE.”
Dr. Trueman specifically addressed potential concerns about the petition’s organizer, the Ethiopian American Association. He emphasized it is a young, non-partisan organization with no nationalistic bias within Ethiopia. “Unlike other similarly-named organisations, it does not exhibit an anti-Oromo bias,” he stated, noting that its President, Aga Ambissa Ayana, is a former Oromo refugee himself, whom Trueman met in Nairobi in 2010 prior to his resettlement in the U.S.
Advocates warn that without TPS, beneficiaries will face imminent deportation to a country still recovering from a devastating civil war and facing severe humanitarian crises in several regions, including Oromia. The termination affects those who have built lives, families, and careers in the U.S., often for several years.
The Petition can be found here: https://www.change.org/…/protect-tps-holders-of…
About the Oromia Support Group:
The OSG is a UK-based advocacy organization focused on human rights and political issues concerning the Oromo people of Ethiopia.
Contact: Dr. Trevor Trueman, Chair, Oromia Support Group.
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Note to Editors: The DHS has stated the termination is based on a thorough assessment of country conditions. Requests for comment from the Department of Homeland Security on this specific petition were not immediately returned.
Gadaa Bank Honors Professor Asmarom Legesse’s Legacy
Gadaa Bank Mourns the Loss of a Guiding Intellectual: Professor Asmarom Legesse
(Finfinnee, Oromia – 5 February 2026) The Board of Directors, Management, and Staff of Gadaa Bank have announced their profound sorrow at the passing of Professor Asmarom Legesse, the eminent scholar and preeminent global authority on the Oromo Gadaa system. In an official statement of condolence, the institution extended its deepest sympathies to his family, relatives, and the entire community, wishing them strength and solace.
The bank’s statement carries a unique and symbolic significance. As a financial institution that bears the name “Gadaa,” its tribute to the scholar who dedicated his life to studying, documenting, and elevating this indigenous democratic system represents more than a standard corporate condolence. It is a poignant acknowledgment of the intellectual and cultural foundations that underpin its very identity.
Professor Asmarom Legesse’s pioneering scholarship, particularly his seminal texts “Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society” (1973) and “Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political System” (2000), is credited with transforming global understanding of the Gadaa system. His work meticulously detailed its sophisticated architecture—built on principles of rotational leadership, term limits, checks and balances, and public accountability—revealing it as a self-originating model of African democracy. His efforts were instrumental in UNESCO’s 2016 inscription of the Gadaa system as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.
The tribute from Gadaa Bank underscores the professor’s dual legacy: as a towering academic figure and as a cultural pillar whose work provides a source of pride and a framework for modern institutions. While the bank’s core operations are financial, its namesake connects it to a heritage of governance, social order, and communal responsibility—principles that Professor Legesse spent a lifetime elucidating for the world.
In expressing grief, the institution implicitly honors the connection between contemporary enterprise and ancestral wisdom. The statement serves as a powerful reminder of how indigenous knowledge, once brought to light and validated by scholars of Professor Legesse’s caliber, can resonate across all sectors of society, inspiring identity and purpose.
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About Gadaa Bank:
Gadaa Bank is a private financial institution in Ethiopia, committed to providing inclusive banking services. Its name honors the enduring legacy of the Gadaa system, reflecting values of governance, fairness, and community development.
A Scholar Immortal: Prof. Asmerom Legesse’s Legacy Lives in the Hearts of a Nation
5 February 2026 – Across the globe, from the halls of academia to the living rooms of the diaspora, the Oromo community is united in a chorus of grief and profound gratitude. The passing of Professor Asmerom Legesse at the age of 94 is not merely the loss of a preeminent scholar; it is, as countless tributes attest, the departure of a cherished friend, a fearless intellectual warrior, and an adopted son whose life’s work became the definitive voice for Oromo history and democratic heritage.
The outpouring of personal reflections paints a vivid portrait of a man whose impact was both global and deeply intimate. Olaansaa Waaqumaa recalls a brief conversation seven years ago, where the professor’s conviction was unwavering. “Yes! It is absolutely possible,” he declared when asked if the Gadaa system could serve as a modern administrative framework. “The scholars and new generation must take this mantle, think critically about it, and bridge it with modern governance,” he advised, passing the torch to future generations.
This personal mentorship extended through his work. Scholar Luba Cheru notes how Professor Legesse’s 1973 seminal text, Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society, became an indispensable guide for her own decade-long research on the Irreecha festival. She reflects, “I never met him in person, but his work filled my mind.”
Ituu T. Soorii frames his legacy as an act of courageous resistance against historical erasure. “When the Ethiopian empire tried to erase Oromo existence, Professor Asmarom rose with courage to proclaim the undeniable truth,” they write, adding a poignant vision: “One day, in a free Oromiyaa, his statues will rise—not out of charity, but out of eternal gratitude.” Similarly, Habtamu Tesfaye Gemechu had earlier praised him as the scholar who shattered the conspiracy to obscure Oromo history, “revealing the naked truth of the Oromo to the world.”
Echoing this sentiment, Dejene Bikila calls him a “monumental figure” who served as a “bridge connecting the ancient wisdom of the Oromo people to the modern world.” This notion of the professor as a bridge is powerfully affirmed by Yadesa Bojia, who poses a defining question: “Did you ever meet an anthropologist… whose integrity was so deeply shaped by the culture and heritage he studied that the people he wrote about came to see him as one of their own? That is the story of Professor Asmerom Legesse.”
Formal institutions have also affirmed his unparalleled role. The Oromo Studies Association (OSA), which hosted him as a keynote speaker, stated his work “fundamentally reshaped the global understanding of African democracy.” Advocacy for Oromia and The Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau hailed him as a “steadfast guardian” of Oromo culture, whose research was vital for UNESCO’s 2016 inscription of the Gadaa system as Intangible Cultural Heritage.
Binimos Shemalis reiterates that his “groundbreaking and foundational work… moved [Oromo studies] beyond colonial-era misrepresentations.” Scholar Tokuma Chala Sarbesa details how his book Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political System proved the Gadaa system was a sophisticated framework of law, power, and public participation, providing a “strong foundation for the Oromo people’s struggle for identity, freedom, and democracy.”
The most recent and significant political tribute came from Shimelis Abdisa, President of the Oromia Regional State, who stated, “The loss of a scholar like Prof. Asmarom Legesse is a great damage to our people. His voice has been a lasting institution among our people.” He affirmed that the professor’s seminal work proved democratic governance originated within the Oromo people long before it was sought from elsewhere.
Amidst the grief, voices like Leencoo Miidhaqsaa Badhaadhaa offer a philosophical perspective, noting the professor lived a full 94 years and achieved greatness in life. “He died a good death,” they write, suggesting the community should honor him not just with sorrow, but by learning from and adopting his teachings.
As Seenaa G-D Jimjimo eloquently summarizes, “His scholarship leaves behind not just a legacy for one community, but a gift to humanity.” While the physical presence of this “real giant,” as Anwar Kelil calls him, is gone, the consensus is clear: the intellectual and moral bridge he built is unshakable. His legacy, as Barii Milkeessaa simply states, ensures that while “the world has lost a great scholar… the Oromo people have lost a great sibling.”
Advocacy for Oromia 