Category Archives: Uncategorized
Honoring Elder Oromo Community Leader Hayile Qeerransoo
On Friday, December 12, 2025, members of the Oromo community gathered at the home of Mr. Hayile Qeerransoo to honor him and offer their companionship.
Mr. Hayile, an elder who has withdrawn from public life in recent years and whose wife passed away few years ago, was visited by community members who expressed their affection and gratitude.
Mr. Hayile, in turn, thanked those who organized and attended the gathering.
Such visits reflect the Oromo cultural tradition of honoring and supporting elders who have dedicated their lives to the community.
Honoring Oromo community leaders is a deep-rooted cultural tradition, exemplified by specific ceremonies that recognize the vital role of elders and pioneers in preserving culture, providing guidance, and advocating for justice
Dr. Tesgara Hirpo’s Journey: Faith, Education, and Oromo Identity
Dr. Tesgara Hirpo: A Lifetime of Advocacy for Faith and Oromo Rights
Dr. Tesgara Hirpo is a man of dual callings: a dedicated priest in the Christian faith and a steadfast advocate for the rights of the Oromo people.
Too often, the narrative of Oromo history is dominated by political figures, party leaders, and government officials. In this narrative, the profound contributions of intellectuals, peaceful activists, and those who champion our social and human rights are often sidelined. However, many have served the Oromo cause not through political parties, but through their professional expertise and unwavering cultural identity. One such towering figure is Dr. Tesgara Hirpo.
A Life of Service and Struggle
Dr. Tesgara is not merely a religious leader; he is a man who understands that faith freedom is deeply intertwined with the right to one’s own language and culture. His lifelong mission has been to ensure that these rights are respected. His key contributions include:
- Championing the Oromo Language in Faith: From his youth, he chose to practice Christianity in Afaan Oromoo. For over 70 years, he has fought for the Oromo people to be served in their own language, arguing that no foreign language should be imposed on them in the name of faith. Today, he is 90 years old.
- Building a Global Oromo Church: He was instrumental in ensuring Oromos in Europe and other countries could receive Christian services in their own language. Today, the establishment of Oromo evangelical churches worldwide bears his direct or indirect influence.
- Founding the Oromo Bible Society: He was among the foremost campaigners for the creation of the Oromo Bible Society.
- Pioneering the Bible in Qubee Script: He played a lion’s share role in translating the Gospel into the modern Qubee script for Afaan Oromoo.
- Embracing Modern Technology: He was a key figure in adapting the Qubee-script Bible for modern technology, supporting its development for reading on smartphones.
- Creating Educational Resources: He has authored and published essential Afaan Oromoo books tailored for adults, youth, and children.
Recently, to mark his 90th birthday, he published a book titled “My Life with the Oromo Bible in Ethiopia and Beyond.”
A Personal Reflection on His Work
Upon seeing the title, I initially assumed the book would be solely about divine wisdom and pastoral service. This was a profound misjudgment. I purchased the book and began reading, quickly realizing that my attempt to fit his immense struggle into a narrow framework was not just an error, but a weakness in understanding his true contribution.
In this book, Dr. Tesgara illuminates the long road the Oromo people have traveled to secure modern education for their children, to serve in their own language, and to establish a free church, independent of external pressure. He also provides a crucial analysis of the historical influences of religion that have been deeply etched into our people’s foundations.
Revealing a Pioneering Educational Legacy
On pages 38-39, he reveals a remarkable piece of history: the first modern school in the area was opened in Cheliya Eka (East Welega), just 5 km from his birthplace in Korme Kebele, by the local governor, Balambaras Gameda Urgesa. Dr. Tesgara himself began his education at this school, which was established over 80 years ago.
What made this school revolutionary?
- Gender Inclusion: Unlike traditional church schools, which only sent boys to become deacons or priests, this new school was open to both young boys and girls.
- Free Supplies: It provided students with notebooks and pencils for free—something unthinkable in the church schools.
- A Modern Curriculum: Beyond the Orthodox religious teachings, Governor Balambaras mandated that this school teach History, Geography, Mathematics, and Language.
- Mandatory Attendance: The governor made it compulsory for every person in his district to send their children to school.
- Free Tuition: The school was entirely free, unlike the church schools where the community bore the teachers’ salaries.
- The Governor as Director: In a striking detail, Dr. Tesgara notes that the director of this school was none other than Governor Balambaras Gameda Urgesa himself.
Confronting Nationalist Narratives through Scholarship
Dr. Tesgara’s academic work also challenged dominant narratives. For his Master’s degree in Germany in the 1970s, he wrote his thesis on the “Orthodox Practice of Baptizing People in Ethiopia.” On page 66, he explains his choice of topic:
“…I myself was baptized in the Orthodox faith, as was my family… I decided to write about the ritual of baptism because when a person is baptized, they did not understand the meaning of the sacrament and were given no teaching. The point I wanted my thesis to focus on was that baptism in Ethiopia was used to promote the principle of ‘One Nation, One King, One Culture, One Flag, One Language.’ The one being baptized was expected to conform to this.”
A Theological Fight for Linguistic Rights
Dr. Tesgara powerfully argues for the use of the Oromo language in religious service. On pages 89-90, he recounts a pivotal historical moment:
“When the German missionaries came to found the Lutheran Church among the Oromos, they came to Irreecha. Upon their arrival, missionaries like D. Wassmann and other Europeans made a concerted effort to learn Afaan Oromoo. The first person to teach them the language was Qees Daffa Jammo. Ironically, Qees Daffa Jammo also learned their language with astonishing speed.
The Ethiopiangovernment’s policy in the 1940s decreed that education in all schools and religious institutions must be in Amharic.”
This policy, championed by the then-Minister of Education, Sahle Tsedalu, had immediate consequences, which Dr. Tesgara describes:
“…Except for the Germans in Irreecha, even in the main Bible school, the teachers and students were Oromos, yet teaching was in Amharic and had to be translated into Afaan Oromoo. When I started my work as President of the Western Synod (1971), I decided, ‘This must be changed!’ For this goal, I was greatly assisted by Qees Manfered Zach, who had many years of experience in gospel work and was the finance officer, and Abo Theophilus Qanqaa, who had exceptional skill in gospel teaching and the Afaan Oromoo language.”
Conclusion: A Legacy for Generations
It is with deep admiration that I express my respect for Dr. Tesgara Hirpo for documenting his life’s work in this book and preserving it for future generations. His is a story of profound dedication, intellectual courage, and an unwavering commitment to his people’s spiritual and cultural liberation.
Me’ee Bokkoo Cultural Center: A New Era for Oromo Heritage
Construction of the “Me’ee Bokkoo” Historical Project Launched in Guji Zone
Finfinnee, Oromia – In a significant move to preserve and promote Oromo cultural heritage, the Oromia Regional Government has initiated the construction of the “Me’ee Bokkoo” Historical Project in the Guji Zone. This landmark decision addresses a long-standing public demand for a dedicated cultural center.
The project, with an allocated first-year budget of approximately One Billion Birr, was officially launched yesterday in a ceremony attended by leadership from the Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau, the Guji Zone administration, Gadaa elders, and community members.
Project Overview and Management
The design and construction of the Me’ee Bokkoo Cultural Center will be managed by the Oromiya Engineering Corporation. The comprehensive project will feature several key structures, including:
- Three Central Halls: Dedicated to the Abbaa Gadaa, Raabaa, and Doorii.
- A General Assembly Hall (Gumii Galma)
- A Grand Amphitheater (Ardaa Foora)
- A Multi-Purpose Complex: This main building will house a museum, administrative offices, a cafeteria, and additional assembly spaces.
A Center for Community and Justice
A distinctive feature of the project is a large “Galma Qurbiinsaa” (Public Preaching Hall). This facility is designed to be a cornerstone of community life, serving as a venue for disseminating laws and decisions to the public.
After deliberating under various shades (gaaddisa) and assemblies (gumii), legislative councils (mariin tumaa) will use this hall to announce their rulings. Crucially, every segment of society will have the right to participate in gatherings here without any barriers.
According to experts from the Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau, this main hall will have a capacity to accommodate over 200,000 people, making it one of the largest public forums of its kind.
This project represents a major investment in the cultural infrastructure of Oromia, aiming to create a permanent home for the preservation and practice of Oromo traditions, governance, and community life for generations to come.
FDG Memorial Event: Honoring 20 Years of Oromo Struggle
[SBO-Sadaasa 9, 2025] FDG Memorial Event Concludes with Solemn Tributes and Resolve
The 20th-anniversary commemoration of the Fincila Diddaa Gabrummaa (FDG) took place on Sadaasa 8, 2025, bringing together leaders, officials, members, and the families of freedom fighters.
The solemn program, which emphasized both reflection and steadfast resolve, featured several key speakers:
- Jaal Gammachiis Tolosaa, a member of the GS-ABO, opened the memorial ceremony.
- Jaal Yaasoo Kabbabaa, an OLF organizer, led the main program, honoring the sacrifices of Oromo sons and daughters in the struggle for freedom. The event followed Oromo tradition, concluding with prayers and blessings from elders.
- Jaal Girmaa Nagaasaa, one of the Qeerroo movement organizers, underscored the day’s significance, stating, “Commemorating Sadaasa 9 is not only about remembering the past, but also about continuing to work towards achieving its goals.”
Reflections on the FDG Movement’s Journey
The ceremony featured a presentation tracing the origins and evolution of the FDG movement.
- Jaal Lammii Beenyaa, an OLF leader, presented a paper outlining the role of the OLF and the Oromo youth in the struggles from the inception of the FDG up to the political changes of 2018. He stated, “The FDG was the foundation of the Oromo youth struggle; the OLF provided leadership, and the youth continued their fight.”
Acknowledging the Role of Oromo Women
- Jaal Biyyaa Ashabbir, a member of the GS-ABO in charge of the Women’s and Children’s Affairs branch (DDD), highlighted the multifaceted contributions of Oromo women. She noted that they were not only fighters on the battlefield but also mobilized the public through poetry and song, provided medical care, and played a crucial role in organizing the FDG movement from its inception.
A Look Back and a Look Forward
Jaal Yaasoo Kabbabaa, a political leader of the OLF and a surviving organizer of the FDG, provided historical context. He recalled that the Oromo people have faced similar challenges for the past 168 years, but the FDG was unique because it was channeled through the organizational structure of the OLF.
Addressing the relationship between the people and the front, Jaal Yaasoo stated, “The OLF has shown you the enemy; it is up to you to fight. The OLF alone cannot win its freedom without the people.” He also pushed back against critics of the OLF, asserting that the organization has grown from zero to achieving over 80% of its objectives.
Attendees, including families of martyrs, those injured in the movement, and many who lost loved ones, also shared their testimonies, highlighting the profound personal costs of the struggle.
A Call for Self-Determination
In a concluding speech, Jaal Amaan Filee, a member of the GS-ABO, declared, “The Oromo people are the owners of Oromia!” He emphasized that the Oromo people must be prepared to decide their own destiny, and that any delay is due only to the patience of the Oromo people themselves. He stressed that the immense sacrifices made must be validated by concretely securing and openly affirming Oromo identity and sovereignty.
The 20th-anniversary commemoration of the Sadaasa 9 FDG concluded with prayers for unity, messages of reconciliation, and the triumphant raising of the Oromo flag, symbolizing hope and continued resolve.
The Oromo of Kenya: A Community Preserves its History and Prophecy of Unity
In Kenya’s Tana River County, a community of Oromo people upholds the traditions of their ancestors. While the Oromo are one of the largest ethnic groups in Ethiopia, this community’s presence in Kenya is the result of a centuries-old migration, a story kept alive by their elders.
To understand their origins, we spoke with Haji Kulisa Bona, an elder and representative of the community. He shared the oral history of how his people journeyed from their ancestral homeland.
The Great Migration and a Change of Name
Haji Kulisa explains that their ancestors migrated from a place in Ethiopia known as “Tula Saglan” or “Megga.” As he states, “We are Ethiopians whose history here began 523 years ago. We came from Mega, passed through Moyal, and finally settled where we live now.”
This journey was not taken lightly. According to tradition, the community’s wise leaders, the Abba Geda, initially opposed the migration. A pivotal moment came when a scholar named ‘Kotte Golo Wata’ was sent to a group known as the Warda, who had already left. His mission was to convince them to return.
The Warda’s response was definitive. Haji Kulisa recounts, “They refused, saying, ‘Even if you stay with us for seven days, we will not come back. We are Oromo, from you, and we are Oromo.'” It was after this separation that the name “Oromo” was fully embraced, replacing their previous identifier, “Warda.”
The Parting of Brothers and a Prophecy
The separation was formalized in a poignant ceremony. Haji Kulisa describes the words of the wise men: “We are born as brothers. We cannot be parted by force. Let us live apart, but let us not hate each other. Instead, let us visit and know one another’s situation.”
A prophecy was made at this parting 512 years ago: two children, a red Warda boy and a black Borana boy, would one day be the key to reuniting the divided people.
Two Migratory Paths
The migrants then split into two main groups:
· The Anna Akkar group, led by Lemmeeso, attempted to reach the “sea of Salalu” (likely Sudan) but were thwarted by floods. They eventually settled in areas of Kenya like Mandera County and Wajir.
· The Anna Bakke group successfully crossed the Salalu sea and settled in what is now Jubaland, Somalia.
Haji Kulisa notes that these groups faced subsequent pressures, including conflicts with other tribes like the Jarrol, which led to further dispersal and the loss of some traditional practices like the Gada system.
The Fulfillment of the Prophecy and a Hope for Unity
Today, it has been 523 years since the initial migration, and over 200,000 Oromos live in Tana River County. Haji Kulisa believes the ancient prophecy is coming true.
He reveals that a decade ago, he traveled to Borana in Ethiopia and met with the community there, fulfilling the prophecy of the two “children” reconnecting. “They said the day of Oromo unity is coming soon,” Haji Kulisa states.
Expressing the community’s deepest wish, he concludes: “We have been separated before. Now we know each other. We want the Oromo people to come together, to know one another, and not to fight. The day for the Oromos to unite has come.”
Honoring Oromo Traditions at the 2025 Irreecha Festival
November 2, 2015 – The 2025 Irreecha festival was celebrated at the historic site of Malka Alaltuu.
This follows last year’s celebration, which was held in the village of Kabii Goloolcha within the Darraa district.
The event was honored by the presence of distinguished guests, including the Governor of Darra District, Mr. Masfin Taayyee, and the Head of the District’s Prosperity Party Office, Mr. Masfin Yeshaanaw.
The festival at Malka Alaltuu was conducted in a manner faithful to Oromo tradition and ethics.
The ceremony was held in the presence of Abbootii Gada, Siinqee mothers, and the wider community, who gathered to observe this important cultural celebration.
Position Statement of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)
We, the members of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), convened in a two-day meeting on October 25 and November 1, 2025, at our headquarters in Gullalle.
Our deliberations have produced this five-point position statement concerning the past, present, and future of our party, the critical situation in Ethiopia, and ongoing developments in the African region and the world at large.
1) The Imperative for Peace and Justice
The pursuit of peace for the Oromo people is paramount. We unequivocally condemn the crimes against humanity perpetrated against the Oromo in recent years. We hold the government responsible for a systematic campaign of torture, employing tactics such as extrajudicial killings, forced displacement—notably through the Somali Special Forces in the East—and persecution under various pretexts across the nation.
The Oromo people possess an inalienable right to human rights and self-determination, equal to all peoples of the world. We therefore demand the establishment of an independent international body to investigate the wave of killings committed against the Oromo people over the past seven years, which continues unabated, including the assassination of our comrade, Jaal Battee Urgeessaa.
2) The Inviolability of Oromia’s Borders
The land of Oromia is the ancestral homeland of the Oromo people, whose presence spans centuries. All violations of Oromia’s established borders must cease immediately. The territorial integrity of Oromia is non-negotiable and must be respected unconditionally.
3) The Demand for Political Freedom
The current regime has deliberately closed the political arena and obstructed the lawful activities of the Oromo Liberation Front. This repression has perpetuated the subjugation of our people and illegally prevented our party from engaging with its constituents.
We demand the immediate and unconditional reopening of all OLF offices nationwide. Our party must be guaranteed the freedom to operate, to communicate its political program openly, and to dialogue directly with the people. OLF leadership must be free to travel, to conduct public forums, and to educate without hindrance. We further call for an end to the arbitrary arrests of our members and supporters, and for the immediate restoration of fundamental freedoms for media and civil society organizations.
4) The Sacred Unity of the Oromo People
We condemn in the strongest terms any and all attempts to fragment the Oromo people for transient political advantage. The unity of the Oromo is sacrosanct, forged by the ultimate sacrifice of our Shinigga heroes. It is a legacy built with their blood and bones, and it will not be weakened, bargained away, or destroyed.
5) A Renewed Vow and Final Resolution
In conclusion, and to fully achieve the aims and objectives of our struggle, we solemnly renew our vows to the Oromo cause. We reaffirm our acceptance of the duty before us and declare this position statement to be our final and resolute decision.
Victory to the Masses!
Members of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)
November 1, 2025
Finfinnee
Irreecha: A Celebration of Unity and Cultural Heritage
Panel Discussion Highlights Irreecha’s Role in Unity and Cultural Renaissance
In a prelude to the upcoming Malka Daabana Irreecha festival, a panel discussion was held at Birbirsa Lakkuu in the Bunnoo Beddellee district, focusing on the festival’s profound significance and the importance of cultural preservation.
Irreecha, celebrated as the greatest tradition of the Oromo people, was emphasized as a powerful symbol of reconciliation and unity. Panelists reflected on the long-standing efforts to protect and develop these traditions, which have been underway for over 150 years.
Key officials and spiritual leaders underscored the collective responsibility to safeguard this heritage:
Mrs. Tigist Andaargee, District Culture and Tourism Officer, stated that cultural reforms are being implemented to address the breakdown in Oromo traditions and ensure their proper practice.
Xilaahun Lammaa, Deputy Governor of the district, called for all-party cooperation to ensure the Irreecha festival is celebrated in a warm, beautiful, and authentic manner.
Goobanaa Hoolaa, Deputy Collector of the Oromo Gadaa Union and Abbaa Gadaa Tuulamaa, urged the Oromo people to celebrate Irreecha in a spirit of unity and harmony to foster reconciliation.
Warqinaa Tarreessaa, Coordinator of the Oromo Abbootii Gadaa Association and Abbaa Gadaa Maccaa, delivered a closing charge, stating, “The Oromo should continue to build on the traditions and systems they have started.” He noted that while the development of Oromo culture is at a promising beginning, everyone must play their part in its continued growth.
The discussion concluded with a unified resolve to honor the past while actively building a vibrant future for Oromo cultural traditions.
Ethiopia’s Red Sea Dilemma: A One-Sided Perspective
General Bacha Debele’s article presents a characteristically Ethiopian nationalist perspective on the Red Sea issue, skillfully blending pragmatic language with a deep-seated narrative of historical grievance and a thinly veiled threat. While it calls for cooperation, its foundational premises are so fundamentally one-sided and dismissive of Eritrean sovereignty that they ultimately undermine its own stated goal.
Here is a counter-analysis of its core arguments:
1. On the “Existential Imperative” and Historical Grievance:
- The Article’s Claim: Ethiopia’s need for sea access is an “existential imperative” due to an “unjust” deprivation in 1993. It challenges the legal legitimacy of its loss of Assab and frames the issue as a demand for “historical truth.”
- The Counter-Response: This framing is the primary obstacle to cooperation. It resurrects the central ideological conflict that led to a 30-year war. The 1993 Eritrean independence referendum was conducted with overwhelming international recognition and Ethiopian consent. To now question its legal and moral foundation is to question the very basis of Eritrea’s statehood. For Eritrea, this is not a negotiating point; it is a non-starter. An “existential imperative” for one nation cannot be pursued by threatening the existential sovereignty of another. True pragmatism would accept the 1991-1993 settlement as the immutable foundation for all future talks, not as a subject for “continuous reflection” and re-litigation.
2. On the Portrayal of Eritrea and Its Leadership:
- The Article’s Claim: Eritrea is a “stagnant,” “closed,” “totalitarian” state, a “political relic” whose leadership is isolated, illegitimate, and betrays its own people.
- The Counter-Response: This ad hominem attack on President Isaias and the Eritrean state is not a basis for diplomacy; it is a provocation. Regardless of the accuracy of these criticisms, using them as a preamble to a call for “cooperation” is deeply disingenuous. It positions Ethiopia as both judge and interested party, demanding partnership from a regime it simultaneously declares morally and politically bankrupt. A genuine pragmatist would engage with the state as it is, not as they wish it to be, and would avoid inflammatory language that guarantees a defensive and hostile response.
3. On the Accusations and the “Burden of Restraint”:
- The Article’s Claim: Ethiopia has shown “maximum restraint” while Eritrea “recklessly” undermines it by supporting insurgents and engaging in illicit activities. It places the entire “burden of maintaining stability” on Ethiopia.
- The Counter-Response: This narrative completely inverts the recent history of the region. From an Eritrean and regional perspective, it was Ethiopia under Abiy Ahmed that unilaterally tore up the foundational 2018 peace agreement by reigniting the Tigray conflict in 2020, drawing Eritrea into a devastating war. The article’s portrayal of Ethiopia as the perpetual victim of Eritrean aggression ignores this pivotal context. The claim of “restraint” rings hollow to those who witnessed the consequences of that conflict. The “burden of stability” is a shared one, and Ethiopia’s own actions have been the single greatest destabilizing factor in the Horn in recent years.
4. On the Nature of “Pragmatic Cooperation”:
- The Article’s Claim: The solution is “pragmatic, mutually beneficial cooperation,” which it defines as joint ventures in ports and logistics.
- The Counter-Response: The article’s concept of “pragmatism” is entirely transactional and self-serving. It proposes cooperation on Ethiopian terms, predicated on Ethiopia’s needs, while demanding Eritrea abandon its core security posture. For Eritrea, which fought a long war for sovereignty, security is paramount. Its “isolation” is, from its perspective, a defensive necessity against a much larger and historically dominant neighbor that has never fully accepted its separation. True pragmatism would require Ethiopia to first provide irreversible security guarantees and demonstrate through sustained action that it respects Eritrea’s sovereignty unconditionally. Only then could talks about port access be credible.
Conclusion:
General Bacha’s article, despite its polished language, is not a genuine offer of partnership. It is an ultimatum disguised as diplomacy. It tells Eritrea: “Your state is a failed relic, your leader is a tyrant, your independence is legally questionable, and you are a source of instability. Now, please grant us sovereign access to your coast for our existential needs.”
This approach is destined to fail. It reinforces every Eritrean suspicion about Ethiopian hegemony. If Ethiopia sincerely desires Red Sea access, it must abandon the language of historical grievance and moral superiority. It must:
- Formally and unequivocally reaffirm the borders established in 1993.
- Engage in quiet, respectful diplomacy without public preconditions and inflammatory rhetoric.
- Acknowledge its role in regional instability and work to rebuild decimated trust.
The “defining moment” for the Horn of Africa is not whether Eritrea capitulates to Ethiopian demands, but whether Ethiopia can evolve beyond a neo-imperial mindset that views its neighbors as extensions of its own national destiny. Until it does, the Red Sea will remain not a conduit for shared prosperity, but a moat guarding against a past Eritrea will never accept again.
The Evolution of ODF: From Independence to Self-Determination
How has ODF’s platform evolved since its founding?
The platform of the Oromian Defense Force (ODF), often associated with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), has evolved significantly since its founding. While the core principle of national self-determination for the Oromo has remained constant, the specific vision and political tactics have adapted to changing conditions in Ethiopia.[1][2][3]
Early Objectives: Independence and Liberation
At its founding in 1973, the OLF/ODF’s primary goal was achieving full independence for Oromia, framed as liberation from what was perceived as Abyssinian (Amhara) colonial rule. This initially included calls for the creation of a sovereign Oromo state outside of Ethiopia, accompanied by armed struggle against the government.[2][4][1]
Evolution to Self-Determination Within a Federal Ethiopia
Over time, especially after Ethiopia’s regime change in 1991, the OLF began shifting toward the idea of national self-determination—asserting the right of the Oromo to decide, through a democratic process, whether to remain within a restructured, truly federal Ethiopia or pursue independence. The platform emphasized voluntary union with other nations based on equality and mutual respect rather than enforced secession.[1][2]
Engagement and Withdrawal from Federal Politics
The OLF participated in Ethiopia’s transitional government after the fall of the Derg regime in 1991, indicating willingness to cooperate with broader Ethiopian movements. However, citing harassment and political exclusion, the OLF soon withdrew, reinforcing its orientation toward armed struggle and political autonomy.[5][1]
Shift Toward Democratization and Inclusive Struggle
By the 2010s and especially after 2012, some OLF factions voiced a willingness to work for democracy and freedom within Ethiopia rather than outright secession. This broadening of goals to include justice, democratization, and inclusion emerged more strongly during the Abiy Ahmed era.[3][5][1]
Recent Developments: Unity, Decentralization, and Peace
Recent ODF and OLA documents highlight continued emphasis on:
– Self-determination and responsive government via democratic means[3]
– Economic sovereignty and development for the Oromo people[3]
– Socio-cultural rights: language, culture, local governance[3]
– The possibility of a political union with other Ethiopian groups based on voluntary association and equality, rather than either forced unity or imposed independence[2][1]
– Openness to negotiation and peaceful resolution, alongside continued resistance to central state repression[6][3]
Factional Complexity
The evolution of the ODF’s platform has also included internal splits, such as the division between the OLF and the OLA over armed resistance and disarmament processes. These reflect broader debates within Oromo nationalism regarding practical versus maximalist goals, and engagement versus resistance, as Ethiopia’s political context has shifted.[5][6]
Overall, the ODF’s platform evolved from calls for independence to a nuanced program of self-determination, democratization, and potential federal partnership—adapted to challenges and opportunities presented by Ethiopian politics since the 1970s.[1][2][5][3]
Sources
[1] Oromo Liberation Front – Wikipediaen.wikipedia.org › wiki › Oromo_Liberation_Front https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oromo_Liberation_Front
[2] Mission – Oromo Liberation Front https://oromoliberationfront.org/english/mission/
[3] A BRIEF POLITICAL MANIFESTO https://www.fnnmedia.org/media/images/OLA_Brief_Manifesto.pdf
[4] Political program of Oromia Liberation Front- O.L.F – FINFINNE MEDIA http://samsondoya.blogspot.com/2013/08/political-program-of-oromia-liberation.html
[5] Country policy and information note: Oromos, the … https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/ethiopia-country-policy-and-information-notes/country-policy-and-information-note-oromos-the-oromo-liberation-front-and-the-oromo-liberation-army-ethiopia-march-2022-accessible
[6] About the Oromo Liberation Army | OLF-OLA https://www.olf-olahq.org/about
[7] Open Dialogue Foundation https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Open_Dialogue_Foundation
[8] Clark Anna 2010, ‘Politicians Using History’, Wiley https://opus.lib.uts.edu.au/bitstream/10453/14057/1/2009008262.pdf
[9] The good old days: how nostalgia clouds our view of … https://theconversation.com/the-good-old-days-how-nostalgia-clouds-our-view-of-political-crises-52309
[10] Oromo Liberation Army – Wikipedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oromo_Liberation_Army
Advocacy for Oromia 