Advocacy for Oromia

By Begna Dugassa

Recently, Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki publicly expressed concerns that Oromummaa poses a threat and destabilizes both his country and the surrounding region. In my published work in a peer-reviewed journal, I argue that Oromummaa promotes democracy, equity, diversity, gender equality, and environmental sustainability. Furthermore, it has the potential to significantly improve public health development. My paper critiques the failures of the governments in the Horn of Africa, particularly in their attempts to adopt borrowed ideologies like capitalism and socialism, as well as national identities such as Ethiopia and Eritrea. Unfortunately, these imported systems have not served the populations well. Countries embracing capitalism and socialism often struggle with self-sufficiency and food security, leading many young people to seek refuge abroad, frequently risking their lives in the Mediterranean Sea. I emphasize the need to shift towards indigenous African perspectives, which are essential for the continent’s future. I propose Oromummaa as one viable perspective. What exactly are the President’s concerns regarding Oromummaa? Is he apprehensive because it fosters democracy, equity, diversity, gender equality, and environmental sustainability, or because it undermines colonial identities and ideologies—or perhaps both? Either way, both implications are deeply concerning.

Let me clarify the distinction between a colonized mind and a liberated mind by examining the conflicts between Eritrea and Ethiopia. The long-standing territorial and political disputes between these two nations illustrate how external influences have shaped African borders, identities and ideologies. Historians from Eritrea and Northern Ethiopia acknowledge that these nations settled in neighboring territories and share a common history that predates the Italian invasion. It is noteworthy that the names “Eritrea” and “Ethiopia” are derived from Greek words. The Greek word “Eritrea,” meaning “red,” is reflected in the term “Red Sea,” named for the red algae present there. In contrast, “Ethiopia” comes from two Greek words meaning “burned face,” a reference to black people. Both terms have endured in the Greek lexicon.

Some Ethiopians claim that the date when the term “Ethiopia” became part of Greek vocabulary over three thousand years ago as the beginning of their written history. However, the records show that Abyssinia changed her name and became Ethiopian in 1945. In the bloody struggle for Eritrean liberation, led by President Afewerki against Ethiopia, both sides incurred heavy costs. Ethiopians fought to assert their Ethiopian identity and took measures to suppress Eritrean aspirations, while Eritreans fought valiantly to assert their Eritrean identity. Ultimately, both sought to validate the identities that the Greeks had attributed to them. It seems they both want to appease the Greeks.

The Ethiopian government has been actively suppressing Oromummaa—an identity deeply rooted in a pan-Africanist vision—in favor of identities imposed by Greek nomenclature. President Afewerki has opted to ally with the Ethiopian government in its struggle against Oromummaa. One can only hope that the Greeks do not find amusement in the fact that two African nations are embroiled in a violent conflict over names they themselves assigned, while simultaneously waging a war on African identity and perspectives. Furthermore, we can only hope that such laughter does not persist.

I understand that President Afeworki has a packed schedule, which may prevent him from fully grasping the essence of Oromummaa. Given the limited availability of the internet in the country, it can be challenging for him to access contemporary ideas and perspectives. However, the importance of understanding Oromummaa cannot be overstated. It can stimulate a paradigm shift in our thinking and daily lives, enlightening and informing us. Relying on borrowed ideas, ideologies, and identities, borders and hindering Afro-centric ideas is detrimental. Instead, we should focus on cultivating Afro-centric ideas rooted in indigenous worldviews. Oromummaa is not about imposition or control but embodies the concept of emancipation. It also plays a crucial role in challenging colonial ideologies, empowering us to shape our own narrative. Ultimately, Oromummaa poses a threat only to colonial identities, ideologies, and policies that disregard environmental sustainability and perpetuate inequality.

If you are interested in reading the whole article, it is published in the Journal of Oromo Studies.

Dugassa, Begna (2022) Fostering Healthy Social Policies and Sustainable Development: Employing Oromummaa as a Framework of Thinking, The Journal of Oromo Studies, Vol. 28, No.1, pp. 65- 90.

The elimination of language-based federalism in Ethiopia—particularly in Oromia, the largest and most populous regional state—could have profound political, social, and economic consequences. Since 1991, Ethiopia’s federal system has been structured along linguistic and ethnic lines, with Oromia being a key beneficiary of this arrangement. Removing this system could trigger the following impacts:

1. Political Consequences

• Loss of Autonomy: Oromia currently has self-rule under the federal system, with Afaan Oromo as its working language and control over local governance. A centralized system could weaken Oromo political representation.
• Resurgence of Oromo Nationalism: Historically, marginalization of Oromo identity led to resistance (e.g., OLF insurgencies). Recent protests (2014–2018) were partly about preserving self-rule. Dismantling federalism could reignite unrest.
• Power Struggle in Addis Ababa: Finfinne (Addis Ababa) is a contested city, legally part of Oromia but federally administered. A shift could escalate disputes over land and resources.

2. Social & Cultural Effects

• Threat to Afaan Oromo’s Official Status: Language-based federalism helped revive Afaan Oromo in education/media. Centralization might reduce its institutional use, leading to cultural erosion.
• Identity Backlash: Many Oromos see federalism as protection against assimilation (e.g., past Amharization policies). Its removal could be seen as an attack on Oromo identity.
• Interethnic Tensions: Oromia hosts other ethnic groups (e.g., Amhara, Gurage). A centralized system might fuel competition over resources and representation.

3. Economic Implications

• Resource Control: Oromia has key resources (agriculture, minerals). Centralization could redirect wealth without local consent, breeding discontent (e.g., Addis Ababa land grabs protests).
• Investment Uncertainty: Ethnic federalism allowed Oromia to negotiate investments (e.g., industrial parks). A unitary system might reduce regional bargaining power.

4. Security Risks

• Potential for Armed Resistance: Hardline factions (e.g., OLF-Shane/Oromo Liberation Army) could gain support if Oromia’s self-rule is dismantled.
• Clashes with Federal Forces: Centralization could lead to crackdowns, as seen during the 2016–2018 Oromo protests.

Possible Outcomes

• Best Case: A reformed, inclusive system addressing grievances while maintaining unity.
• Worst Case: Escalation into widespread rebellion, destabilizing Ethiopia further.

Historical Context

Ethiopia’s 1995 constitution introduced ethnic federalism partly to address Oromo marginalization. Before that, Oromo language/culture was suppressed under Haile Selassie and the Derg. Many Oromos see federalism as a safeguard, not a divider.

Conclusion

Eliminating language-based federalism without a credible alternative for power-sharing risks:
✔️ Oromo alienation & renewed conflict.
✔️ Cultural and linguistic suppression backlash.
✔️ Economic grievances over resource extraction.

Waaqeffannaa (also spelled *Waaqeffanna*) is the indigenous, monotheistic religion of the Oromo people of Ethiopia and parts of Kenya. It centers on the worship of **Waaqa (God)**, a supreme, omnipresent deity associated with the sky, nature, and moral order.

Core Beliefs & Practices:

1. Waaqa (God) – The creator and sustainer of life, often referred to as *Waaqa Tokkicha* (the One God).

2. Ayyaana (Spirits) – Divine manifestations or intermediaries of Waaqa, linked to natural forces (e.g., rivers, mountains).

3. Uumaa (Nature) – Sacred connection to the environment; trees (*Odaa*), water, and land are revered.

4. Moral Code – Emphasizes truth (*dhugaa*), respect (*naagaa*), and balance (*safuu*—ethical harmony).

5. Rituals & Ceremonies – Led by *Qallu* (spiritual leaders), include:

– Irreechaa (Thanksgiving festival at lakesides).

– Thanksgiving prayers (*kadhannaa*) under sacred trees.

Modern Revival & Challenges:

– Suppression: Historically marginalized by Christianity/Islam and past Ethiopian governments.

– Revival: Since the 1990s, Oromo intellectuals and activists have worked to reclaim Waaqeffannaa as part of cultural identity.

– Irreechaa Festival: Now a major public celebration, symbolizing Oromo unity (e.g., annual event at Lake Hora Arsadi).

Connection to Women’s Roles:

– Equality: Waaqeffannaa traditionally granted women spiritual roles (e.g., *Qallitti*, female diviners).

– Feminist Reinterpretation: Some Oromo women activists draw on Waaqeffannaa’s principles (*safuu* = balance) to advocate for gender justice.

The call to rename structures, regions, and landmarks in **Oromia**—such as **Shawaa (Shewa)**, **Wallaggaa (Wollega)**, **Baalee (Bale)**, and **Harargee (Harar)**—with their original Oromo names is a significant step toward **cultural reclamation**, **decolonization**, and the affirmation of Oromo identity. These names, often imposed during periods of external domination, reflect a history of marginalization and erasure of Oromo culture. Replacing them with their authentic Oromo names is not just a symbolic act but a necessary move to restore the Oromo people’s connection to their land, history, and heritage. Here’s a deeper exploration of this issue:

—

### **Historical Context**

1. **Imperial and Colonial Legacy**:

   – Many of the names used today for regions and landmarks in Oromia were imposed during the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire under Emperor Menelik II in the late 19th century.

   – These names often replaced or overshadowed the original Oromo names, contributing to the erasure of Oromo identity, language, and history.

2. **Cultural Suppression**:

   – The imposition of foreign names was part of a broader effort to suppress Oromo culture and assimilate the Oromo people into a centralized Ethiopian identity.

   – This cultural suppression has had lasting effects on the Oromo people’s sense of identity and belonging.

3. **Resistance and Reclamation**:

   – The Oromo people have a long history of resisting external domination and fighting for their rights, including the right to preserve and celebrate their culture. Renaming structures and regions is part of this ongoing struggle for recognition and justice.

—

### **Why Renaming Matters**

1. **Cultural Identity**:

   – Names are deeply tied to cultural identity. Restoring Oromo names helps reclaim and celebrate the rich history, language, and traditions of the Oromo people.

   – It affirms the Oromo people’s connection to their land and heritage.

2. **Decolonization**:

   – Renaming is an act of decolonization, challenging the legacy of imperialism and asserting the Oromo people’s right to define their own identity and history.

   – It is a way to dismantle systems of oppression and reclaim autonomy.

3. **Historical Justice**:

   – Restoring Oromo names is a form of historical justice, correcting the injustices of the past and honoring the contributions of the Oromo people to their land and society.

4. **Empowerment and Pride**:

   – Renaming fosters a sense of pride and empowerment among the Oromo people, particularly the younger generation, by connecting them to their roots and cultural heritage.

—

**Examples of Renaming**

1. **Shawaa (Shewa)**:

   – The region known as **Shewa** (or Shawaa) has deep historical significance for the Oromo people. Restoring its original Oromo name would honor its Oromo heritage and history.

2. **Wallaggaa (Wollega)**:

   – **Wallaggaa** is one of the major regions of Oromia. Reclaiming its Oromo name reinforces its identity as an integral part of Oromo land and culture.

3. **Baalee (Bale)**:

   – **Baalee** is a historically significant region for the Oromo people, known for its resistance against external domination. Restoring its Oromo name would acknowledge its Oromo roots and contributions.

4. **Harargee (Harar)**:

   – **Harargee** is a historically significant region for the Oromo people. Restoring its Oromo name would acknowledge its Oromo roots and contributions.

—

### **Challenges and Considerations**

1. **Political Will**:

   – Renaming requires political will and support from both the Oromo people and the Ethiopian government. It may face resistance from those who benefit from the status quo.

2. **Awareness and Education**:

   – Raising awareness about the importance of renaming and educating the public about Oromo history and culture is essential for gaining widespread support.

3. **Practical Implementation**:

   – Renaming involves practical considerations, such as updating maps, official documents, and signage. This process requires coordination and resources.

4. **Inclusivity**:

   – The renaming process should be inclusive, involving Oromo communities, elders, historians, and cultural experts to ensure that the restored names are accurate and meaningful.

—

### **Steps Toward Renaming**

1. **Community Engagement**:

   – Engage Oromo communities, elders, and cultural leaders in discussions about renaming to ensure that the process is inclusive and respectful of local traditions.

2. **Historical Research**:

   – Conduct thorough research to identify the original Oromo names and their meanings, ensuring accuracy and authenticity.

3. **Advocacy and Awareness**:

   – Raise awareness about the importance of renaming through education, media, and public campaigns to build support for the initiative.

4. **Policy and Legislation**:

   – Advocate for policy changes at the regional and national levels to officially recognize and implement the restored Oromo names.

5. **Celebration of Oromo Culture**:

   – Use the renaming process as an opportunity to celebrate Oromo culture, history, and contributions through festivals, educational programs, and public events.

—

**Conclusion**

The call to remove foreign-imposed names like **Shawaa**, **Wallaggaa**, **Baalee**, and **Harargee** and replace them with their original Oromo names is a powerful act of cultural reclamation and decolonization. It is a step toward restoring the Oromo people’s identity, history, and connection to their land. By honoring Oromo names, we acknowledge the resilience and contributions of the Oromo people and affirm their right to self-determination and cultural preservation. This effort is not just about changing names—it is about reclaiming a legacy and building a future rooted in justice, pride, and unity.

A Calculated Diversion from Domestic Failures
1. The Distraction Playbook
Eritrea’s Independence Day should celebrate liberation—yet Afwerki presides over:
– A nation where **1 in 10 citizens** have fled indefinite conscription (*UN estimates*).
– **Zero elections** since 1993; a **single-party dictatorship** masquerading as a “liberation government.”
– **Starvation wages** and forced labor condemned by *Human Rights Watch* as **modern slavery**.
*By scapegoating Oromummaa*, he deflects from his regime’s collapse into irrelevance.
2. Geopolitical Grudge-Match
Afwerki’s fury stems from:
– **Failed Puppetry**: He bet on Abiy Ahmed as a pliable proxy, but Ethiopia’s chaos slipped his control.
– **Regional Isolation**: Eritrea’s only “ally” (Abiy) is now drowning in civil wars. Attacking Oromummaa is **cheap propaganda** to rally Amhara extremists and Tigrayan dissidents against a common “enemy.”
– **Historical Jealousy**: The Oromo struggle’s moral clarity (*grassroots, democratic*) exposes his hollow “liberation hero” myth.
3. The Deeper Fear
Oromummaa’s power terrifies dictators because:
– It **unites 50+ million Oromo** across borders—a demographic he cannot bully.
– Its **Gadaa values** contrast his kleptocracy: *Where he hoards power, we share it; where he silences, we debate.*
– Its **global resonance** (*Black Lives Matter, indigenous rights*) makes repression harder to hide.
—
The Irony He Wants You to Miss
Afwerki’s speech invoked Eritrea’s “heroic struggle”—yet he now **mirrors the Derg**:
– **Then**: Ethiopia called Eritreans “secessionists.”
– **Now**: He brands Oromummaa “divisive.”
– **Then**: World ignored Eritrean famine.
– **Now**: He blocks UN investigators into his own crimes.
**True freedom fighters don’t fear other people’s liberation.**
—
Our Response? Weaponize the Truth
– **Archive his hypocrisy**: Contrast his 1970s speeches (*”Self-determination for all!”*) with today’s bile.
– **Amplify Eritrean voices**: Partner with Eritrean activists who say: *”Our revolution was stolen—don’t let him steal yours.”*
– **Globalize the frame**: Link Oromo rights to *UN Declaration on Indigenous Peoples*—Eritrea voted *for* it in 2007.
Afwerki’s words are a backhanded compliment: **Oromummaa matters so much, even dictators waste Independence Day on it.**
*”When they go low, we go Gadaa.”*
—
Key Strengths:
– **Evidence-based**: Uses UN/HRW data to undermine his legitimacy.
– **Psychological warfare**: Exposes his insecurities (e.g., jealousy of Oromo unity).
– **Solidarity-building**: Positions Oromo struggle alongside Eritrean dissent.
– **Actionable**: Offers concrete ways to counter his narrative.

Daniel T. Dibaba

May 26, 2025 | Finfinne

1. On Eritrea’s Independence Day: Acknowledgment and Critique

The OLF acknowledges Eritrea’s 34th Independence Day and the sacrifices of its people. However, true freedom remains incomplete while Eritreans endure human rights abuses and extreme poverty—issues murmured by generations awaiting justice.

President Isaias Afwerki’s speech, framed through ERI TV, revealed a fundamental misreading of Ethiopia’s political reality:

• He falsely conflates PM Abiy Ahmed’s government with the Oromo people, as if Abiy’s Oromo identity makes Ethiopia an extension of Oromo power.
• His growing hostility stems from failed manipulation: When his attempts to influence Abiy (whom he underestimated) yielded no strategic gains, he turned against the Oromo cause itself.
• Now, his regime employs propaganda, political meddling, and even military support to extremist groups like Fano and potentially the TPLF—repeating its betrayal of leaking OLF secrets to the EPRDF regime.

2. Afwerki’s Dangerous Delusions and Desperation

Let us be clear: Isaias Afwerki is no elder statesman. He is a hardened autocrat whose philosophy is control, not liberation. Under his rule:

• Eritrea became one of the world’s most repressive states, denying basic freedoms and conscripting generations into endless military servitude.
• He squandered Eritrea’s independence, betraying the very ideals of self-determination he once fought for.

His attacks on Oromummaa expose:
✔ Political desperation: Unable to dominate Ethiopia through Abiy, he scapegoats Oromo identity.
✔ Strategic bankruptcy: He fuels regional conflicts to distract from his regime’s failures.

3. The Historical Betrayal: Eritrea’s Role in Undermining Liberation

The OLF once fought alongside EPLF against the Derg. Yet Eritrea:

• Conspired with TPLF to sideline the OLF in 1991, strangling Ethiopia’s democratic transition.
• Waged the 1998–2000 border war for political gain, sacrificing countless lives.
• In 2018, again sabotaged Oromo aspirations by propping up Abiy’s regime—proving it never wanted Oromo success.

4. Oromummaa: The Unstoppable Will of the People

Afwerki’s lies cannot erase truths:

• Oromummaa is indigenous identity, not a “threat.” Like Eritrea’s independence struggle, it is rooted in justice and self-determination.
• No dictator can silence a rising people. His propaganda may delay, but never prevent, liberation.
• The Oromo struggle transcends regimes. While Afwerki clings to power, Oromummaa grows stronger.

5. Conclusion

To the Eritrean regime: Your fear of Oromummaa reveals your weakness.
To the world: Recognize these lies. Stand with truth.
To our people: No force can stop a movement whose time has come.

Victory to the Oromo People!
Nagaan.

Statement of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)
“Oromummaa” Is an Identity, Not a Security Threat – Rejecting Political Manipulation
May 26, 2025 | Finfinne

1. On Eritrea’s Independence Day: Acknowledgment and Critique

The OLF acknowledges Eritrea’s 34th Independence Day and the sacrifices of its people. However, true freedom remains incomplete while Eritreans endure human rights abuses and extreme poverty—issues murmured by generations awaiting justice.

President Isaias Afwerki’s speech, framed through ERI TV, raised alarming misrepresentations:

• He portrayed Africa’s instability as rooted in foreign dependency, yet ignored his regime’s role in regional crises.
• He falsely linked Ethiopia’s conflicts over the Nile and Red Sea to “Oromummaa,” a deliberate distortion of Oromo identity.

This is not ignorance—it is a strategic conspiracy to scapegoat the Oromo people for broader geopolitical failures.

2. The Dangerous Misrepresentation of Oromummaa

Oromummaa is not a political agenda. It is the cultural, historical, and social identity of the Oromo people—a symbol of self-determination and unity. Yet, Eritrean leaders and Amhara elites (heirs of the Minilik regime) are:

• Weaponizing Oromummaa as a “security threat” to justify repression.
• Promoting divisive ideologies (Ethiopiawinet, Eritreawinet, Tegaruwinet, Amharanet) to erase Oromo identity.
• Aligning with Ethiopian elites (e.g., calling Abiy Ahmed a “prophet”) to suppress Oromo rights.

This is a historical betrayal. The Eritrean government, once a ally in liberation, now fuels oppression.

3. Historical Betrayal: Eritrea’s Role in Undermining Oromo Liberation

The OLF fought alongside the EPLF and TPLF against the Derg, envisioning a free, federal Ethiopia. Yet, after victory:

• The EPLF conspired with TPLF to sideline the OLF, strangling democracy and enabling TPLF’s 27-year dictatorship.
• The 1998–2000 Eritrea-Ethiopia war, waged for political gain, cost countless lives.
• In 2018, Eritrea again sabotaged Oromo aspirations by backing Abiy’s regime, extinguishing hopes for freedom.

Hindering Oromummaa is not just historical revisionism—it is a plot to deny self-determination and perpetuate dictatorship.

4. Oromummaa: The Path to Unity, Not Division

The Oromo people reject the false narrative that their identity threatens the Horn of Africa. In truth:
✔ Oromummaa is the solution—it fosters ethnic unity, democracy, and lasting peace.
✔ Propaganda against Oromummaa will fail, as it has throughout history.
✔ No nation can silence the Oromo struggle for equality, sovereignty, and justice.

To the Eritrean and Ethiopian regimes: Your fearmongering only exposes your weakness. The Oromo people cannot be erased.

To the world: Recognize these lies. Stand with truth.

5. Conclusion

1. Oromummaa is our identity—not a weapon for regimes to exploit.
2. The Oromo struggle is unstoppable. No propaganda can break our resolve.
3. The people’s will prevails. Victory belongs to the masses.

Victory to the Oromo People!
Victory to All Oppressed Nations!

Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)

The deliberate misrepresentation of Oromummaa—by both internal and external forces seeking to undermine the Oromo people—must end. It is time we stand firmly together to defend our identity, reclaim our truth, and uphold our dignity against these malicious distortions.

Oromummaa Is Not a Political Ideology—It Is Our Soul

Oromummaa is the cultural essence, historical memory, and lived identity of the Oromo people. It embodies:

• Pride in our heritage,
• The values of the Gadaa system—justice, democracy, and balance,
• A demand for equality—not domination—among all nations and nationalities in Ethiopia.

This is not an ideology; it is who we are.

The Dangerous Lies Being Spread

Extremist factions—particularly within Amhara nationalist circles and the Eritrean regime—are aggressively pushing a false narrative that frames Oromummaa as a “dangerous political ideology.” This is:

• A lie designed to delegitimize our identity,
• A tactic to justify repression against the Oromo people,
• A distraction from the real issue: Ethiopia’s failure to ensure equality and justice for all.

By labeling Oromummaa as a threat, these actors reveal their true goal: to silence Oromo voices, suppress our demands for fairness, and maintain systems of exclusion.

The Real Threat: Division and Scapegoating

The true danger lies not in Oromummaa, but in:

• Fear-mongering that turns cultural pride into a political weapon,
• Ethnic scapegoating that blames the Oromo for broader governance failures,
• Manufactured divisions that destabilize the region.

This propaganda does not just harm the Oromo—it poisons the possibility of peaceful coexistence for all peoples in Ethiopia.

Our Right to Exist, Celebrate, and Demand Justice

The Oromo people, like all others, have the right to:

• Define ourselves on our own terms,
• Celebrate our culture without being labeled “extremists,”
• Demand justice without being branded as a threat.

When asserting these rights is twisted into “radicalism,” it exposes the hypocrisy and fear of those making the accusations.

A Call to Action: Vigilance and Unity

We must:
✔ Reject distortions of Oromummaa—whether from internal opportunists or external agitators.
✔ Stand united in defending its true meaning: cultural survival, equality, and unity.
✔ Challenge lies wherever they appear—in media, politics, or international discourse.

Oromummaa is not a tool for power struggles. It is the banner under which we assert our rightful place in history and in the future.

To our allies: Stand with us in truth.
To our adversaries: We see through your fabrications—and we will not be silenced.

Together, in unwavering solidarity, we resist lies, division, and hate.

“There is no state of Oromummaa in Ethiopia. There is a government established by the Prosperity party. This government is rooted in multi-nationalism. While this is clear, the so-called Oromummaa state is deliberately to disgust and isolate: This is, intelligently, named to prepare and named to hate, to disgust and isolate.“

You raise a critical point about the political framing of Oromummaa (Oromo nationalism) within Ethiopia’s current system. Let’s dissect this carefully to separate myth from reality and analyze how the Ethiopian government’s narrative shapes perceptions of Oromo identity and autonomy.

1. The Prosperity Party’s “Multinationalism” vs. Oromummaa

The Prosperity Party (PP) claims to uphold “multinational federalism,” but in practice:

• Centralized Power: Decision-making remains concentrated in Addis Ababa, despite Oromia’s nominal autonomy.
• Contradictions in Practice: While PP rhetorically celebrates diversity, Oromo political demands (e.g., language rights, resource control, self-rule) are often labeled as “divisive” or “extremist.”
• Selective Application of Federalism: Tigray’s war proved that real autonomy is crushed when it challenges the center.

Your Point Stands: The Ethiopian state denies the existence of an “Oromummaa state” because acknowledging it would mean conceding Oromia’s right to true self-determination—something the current system resists.

2. The Weaponization of “Oromummaa” as a Dirty Word

You’re right: “Oromummaa state” is a loaded term—not because Oromo nationalism is inherently hateful, but because the state deliberately frames it that way to:

• Isolate Oromo Activists: By painting Oromo demands as “ethnic chauvinism,” the state justifies repression (e.g., jailing Jawar Mohammed, banning OLF).
• Divide Opposition: Framing Oromummaa as “anti-Ethiopian” pits other groups (Amhara, Somali, etc.) against Oromo movements.
• Legitimize Crackdowns: If Oromummaa = “hate,” then suppressing it becomes “protecting national unity.”

Example: When Hachalu Hundessa was killed, the state blamed “Oromo extremists”—erasing his calls for justice, not hatred.

3. The Reality of Oromummaa: Liberation or Threat?

Oromummaa isn’t about dominating others—it’s about:
✔ Cultural dignity (Afaan Oromo in schools, media).
✔ Economic justice (land rights, Addis Ababa’s revenues).
✔ Political equality (real federalism, not tokenism).

Yet, the state redefines it as:
✖ “Secessionist” (even if most Oromos seek autonomy, not independence).
✖ “Violent” (ignoring decades of state violence against Oromos).
✖ “Anti-coexistence” (though Oromo movements have allied with other oppressed groups).

This is a classic tactic: Demonize a group’s identity to justify their oppression.

4. How Should Oromummaa Navigate This?

For Oromo nationalism to succeed amid state distortion, it must:

1. Reframe the Narrative
   • Shift from “Oromummaa vs. Ethiopia” to “Oromummaa within a democratic Ethiopia.”
   • Emphasize that federalism benefits all—e.g., Somali, Sidama, Afar regions also want autonomy.
2. Build Alliances
   • Partner with other marginalized groups (e.g., Kimant, Ogaden) to show this isn’t just an “Oromo issue.”
   • Expose how the state uses divide-and-rule tactics against all.
3. Focus on Policy, Not Just Symbolism
   • Demand concrete reforms:
     • Oromia’s control over its resources.
     • An end to killings in Wollega.
     • Release of political prisoners.
4. Counter Disinformation
   • Use media (podcasts, documentaries) to show what Oromummaa truly means—not hate, but justice.

5. The Bigger Picture: Ethiopia’s Future

The state’s fear of Oromummaa isn’t about “unity”—it’s about control. If Oromia gets real autonomy:

• Other regions will demand the same.
• The centralized power structure collapses.

That’s why the state must vilify Oromummaa—to survive.

Conclusion: The Battle Over Meaning

The term “Oromummaa state” is weaponized because the struggle isn’t just about land or laws—it’s about who defines Oromo identity.

✅ Oromos see it as liberation.
❌ The state paints it as hate.

The path forward? Claim the narrative. Prove that Oromummaa isn’t about isolating Oromos—it’s about freeing all Ethiopians from a system built on their marginalization.