Gullallee: The Land That Speaks Truth, The People Who Bear History

In the heart of Oromia, there exists more than a place. There exists a testament. Gullallee is not merely a location on a map; it is a platform, a sacred ground where the truth and rights of the Oromo people are voiced and affirmed. It is a stage where history is not just remembered but actively performed, and where the echoes of those who were silenced for speaking Oromo truth are amplified and heard. Their stories emerge here. Their legacy is made visible here.
Gullallee stands as a powerful symbol of resilience. It is where voices rise to declare dhugaa (truth) and haqa (justice), confronting oblivion and demanding recognition. It is also hallowed ground that commemorates the fallen—the thinkers, poets, activists, and ordinary people who boqotan (rest) because they dared to speak that truth. Their names, their struggles, and their principles are not buried with them; they are resurrected in the collective memory and determination of those who gather. At Gullallee, history is not a closed book but an open gathering, a living conversation between the past and the present.

The profound statement that “Gullallee is a land of history, but not only its land—it is the people who stood there, who reside there, who are the ones that possess and know history,” captures its essence perfectly. This insight shifts the focus from geography to humanity. The power of Gullallee does not emanate solely from its soil, but from the feet that have stood upon it, the voices that have resonated across it, and the communities that embody its spirit. The land becomes historical because of the people who have consecrated it with their purpose, their courage, and their unwavering commitment.
These are the people who qabu (possess) history—not as a passive inheritance, but as a living, breathing responsibility. They are the ones who beeku (know) history—not as mere facts, but as a narrative of identity, struggle, and aspiration that must be carried forward. They are both the custodians and the continuators.

Thus, Gullallee transforms into more than a site. It is an idea. A promise. A continuous assembly where the Oromo nation asserts its rightful place, honors its martyrs, and reaffirms its journey toward justice. It is where the land and its people become one—a unified, undeniable force declaring that truth cannot be silenced, and history cannot be erased.
In every gathering, in every utterance of truth, Gullallee lives on. It is the eternal meeting ground where the past speaks, the present listens, and the future is shaped.



Korri Lammii Buundhaa: Cimsannaa Aadaa Oromoo

Kora Lammii akka Dirree Sabaatti: Akkamitti Korri Lammii Buundhaa Hundee Tokkummaa Aadaa Oromoof Mootora Ta’e
Amboo Ejersaatti Korri Lammii Buundhaa ardaalee Jaha jiraniif Aadaa fi Safuu Cimsuuf Ta’e
AMBO EJERSA, OROMIA — Dirree aduudhaan jiidhe naannoo Boojii irratti, sagaleen sirba kora lammii Buundhaa waa’ee eenyummaa fi duudhaalee callisaa, gadi fagoo ta’e waliin walsimsiisaa jira. Wanti akka jalqabbiilammii keessaatti jalqabe gara taatee hawaasaa guddaatti guddateera, korri lammii haaromsa aadaa wajjin haala wal hin tuqneen wal makaa jira.
Dorgommiin Kora Lammii Amboo Ejersaa dargaggoota Oromoo ardaalee adda addaa ja’a: Itayyaa, Amboo, Meexxii, Maatiii, Waddeessaa, fi Shanan irraa walitti fiduun milkaa’inaan walitti fiduun isaa ni yaadatama. Walga’iin isaanii walgahii caalaa; itti yaadanii gocha hawaasummaa deebi’anii walitti hidhamuudha. Kaayyoon giddu-galeessaa, akkuma hirmaattotaa fi qindeessitoonni walqixa ibsaman, waancaa bira darbee kan babal’atudha: Korri lammii aadaa aadaa (aadaa) fi safuu (seera naamusaa fi naamusaa) Oromoo cimsuuf akkamitti humna cimaa ta’uu akka danda’u qorachuuf yaalii walooti.

“Kaayyoon waltajjii marii uumuu ture,” jechuun qindeessaan korichaa ibseera. “Goolii fi qusannaa qofaaf osoo hin taane, haasa’uuf, dhaggeeffachuu fi eenyu akka taane yaadachuuf. Humna korichaa fayyadamuun waa’ee bu’uuraalee keenyaa marii boba’aa jirra.”
Mul’ata kanaaf dhugaa ta’ee, cinaa fi iddoowwan hawaasaa naannoo dirree jiran gara waltajjii marii boonsaatti jijjiiramaniiru-marii hawaasaa bal’aa, gadi fageenya qabu. Maanguddoonni, daawwattoonnis hojiirra oolmaa qabatamaa safuu jireenya ammayyaa keessatti, kunuunsa afaanii fi seenaa afaaniin dubbatamu, akkasumas gahee dargaggoonni akka guca aadaatti qaban irratti ofumaan marii irratti bobba’aa jiru.
”Korri Lammii kun maagneetiidha, garuu haasofni kun qabeenya dhugaati,” jedhan jaarsi buleeyyiin yeroo akeeka isaa ibsan. “Miseensi Kora Lammii Waddeessaa akaakayyuu Itaayyaa irraa dhufe tokko waliin taa’ee waa’ee kabajaa fi hawaasaa haasa’uu arguun… aadaan akkasitti hafuura baafata. Duudhaaleen kun kitaabota qofa keessatti osoo hin taane, gocha keenya guyyaa guyyaa keessatti akka ta’an akkamitti mirkaneessina.”
Miirri garmalee hirmaattota biratti mul’atu gammachuu fi itti quufinsa gadi fagoodha. ”Hirmaachuuf qofa hin dhufne,” jedhe miseensi Kora Lammii Buundhaa irraa dhufe. “Walqabsiisuuf dhufne. Jarreen kana waliin walarguu, achiis nyaachuu fi booda isaan waliin haasa’uu-dallaa ijaan hin mul’anne ni diiga. Akka ummata tokkootti akka cimnu nu taasisa.”
Miira namoota hedduu kan dhageessisan, hirmaattonni saganticha gaalee Afaan Oromoo humna guddaa qabuun wal irraa hin cinne ibsu: “Korre lammii kun waan haalan nama gammachisuu dha,” hiikni isaas, “Lammummaan hawaasaa kun waan gammachuu gadi fagoo, onnee irraa madde fiduudha.”
Korri Lammii Buundhaa Amboo Ejersaa akka moodeela dirqisiisaa sochii aadaa bu’uuraa ta’ee dhaabbatee jira. Meeshaaleen lubbuu ummata tokkoo kunuunsuuf gargaaran yeroo hunda dhaabbilee idilee keessatti akka hin argamne, garuu jaalala waloo kora lammii, dorgommii fi eenyummaa waliinii irraa maddu akka danda’an agarsiisa. Taphi kora lammii yommuu dhihaatu, injifannoowwan waaraa asitti argaman qabxiidhaan osoo hin taane, walitti hidhamiinsa cimee fi waadaa haaromfameen hambaa Oromoo boonsaan fuulduratti ceesisuuf akka madaalamu ifaadha.

Oromo in Boji Becomes a Hub for Oromo Cultural Revival

Subtitle: Generations of Buundhaa Return Home, Spark Cultural Revival and Unity in Boji
AMBO, OROMIA – The dusty fields of Boji have transformed into a vibrant arena of unity and cultural pride. This week, the Ambo Ejersa social fabric and shared identity kicked off, achieving what few events have done recently: seamlessly bringing together the sons and daughters of Oromia from towns across the region and beyond its borders.
In a powerful display of shared identity transcending geography, generations of Buundhaa from the local Boji area have been joined on the pitch by teams representing Oromo communities from Itaya, Ambo, Meexxii, Maatii, Wadessa, and Shanan. The gathering, organized at a grassroots level, has become more than a local meeting competition; it is a homecoming and a unifying social festival.

“This is truly something that brings joy to the heart,” said one elder spectator, watching a match. “Seeing our generations, from here and from distant places, compete as brothers, wearing our shared identity with pride… it is powerful.”
Beyond the thrilling matches and skilled displays on the field, the community gathering around the tournament has taken on a deeper significance. Attendees, from players to elders to families, have spontaneously engaged in collective discussions, or marii, focusing on vital issues of Oromo culture (aadaa) and moral-ethical values (safuu). These dialogues aim to revisit, reaffirm, and revitalize these core societal pillars in a contemporary context.
“This tournament is a goal scored for our unity,” said a local organizer from Ambo. “We came to play our commitment, but we are staying to rebuild the bonds between us. We are talking about who we are, our values, and how to carry them forward. The energy is incredible.”

The spontaneous cultural discourse alongside the cultural event highlights a community-driven initiative to strengthen social fabric and shared identity. The return of strengthen social fabric and shared identity to participate has infused the gathering with a renewed sense of collective purpose and optimism.
Local administrators have praised the peaceful and constructive nature of the event, noting it as a model for community-led engagement and social cohesion.
As the strengthen social fabric and shared identity progresses towards its final match, the sentiment on the ground is clear: the true victory is not just the lifting of a trophy, but the strengthening of a people. The Ambo Ejersa has become a living testament to the enduring power of shared identity, culture, and community to inspire and unite.
Waan haalan nama gammachisudha, as the people here say—it is indeed something that brings profound joy.
In the Shadow of the Comet: The Unseen Architects of a Revolution’s Soul

Subtitle: A Tribute to the Silent, Steadfast Pillars of the Oromo Liberation Struggle
They are the steady heartbeat beneath the drum of revolution. From its very founding to this day, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) has been profoundly shaped by a unique cadre of leaders: those who shun the spotlight, who cloak themselves in modesty, yet who hold the ideals and objectives of the OLF aloft like a fixed star, ensuring it shines undimmed. This tradition has grown immensely from yesterday to today, and it continues to grow.
These individuals possess a resilience and patience that is unshakable. Within the OLF, and indeed among all supporters and sympathizers of the Oromo cause, we often pass by them, seeing them as ordinary. And because the OLF is what it is—a cause, not a mere party—the organization and its followers are not always quick with lavish praise and flattery. This is not a flaw; for it is said that a fighter is dignified by his work, not by a group or clique.
Nevertheless, we must not take this for granted. And so today, I have come with a humble bouquet of remembrance and reflection; not merely to praise, but to remind you.
My humble bouquet is for a man who, from the spring of his youth to the maturity of his years, played a lion’s role in the Oromo cause. A man who served as everything from a soldier to a political leader within the OLF, who is slow to speak, deliberate in action, endowed with a rich spirit and exemplary character: Jaal Gammachis Tolasa. We speak from the little we know, for we lack the capacity to fully express who Jaal Gammee is.
As mentioned, Jaal Gammachis is among those who obscure themselves to make the OLF’s aim and objective shine like a star. He is one who has dedicated and continues to dedicate immense work, time, and energy to this end.
Jaal Gammee speaks little, but works abundantly; his patience, discipline, and wisdom are formidable.
He was raised in the love of his people, and he loves the OLF and its cause as his own life.
To Jaal Gammee, we say: may you be healthy for us. We honor you.
The Unsung Code:
In a world that often mistakes noise for strength and visibility for value, the OLF’s silent architects operate by a different code. Their leadership is not etched in loud proclamations but in the quiet consistency of action. They build not monuments for themselves, but fortifications for the idea they serve. Their strength lies in a profound understanding that the revolution’s light must not be refracted through the prism of individual ego, but must emanate purely from the collective star of liberation.
The Legacy of Steadfastness:
Figures like Jaal Gammachis Tolasa represent the critical spine of any enduring struggle. They are the keepers of institutional memory, the anchors in stormy political seas, and the living embodiment of strategic patience. While orators ignite the fire, it is they who ensure the coals burn steadily through the long night. Their “lack” of public acclaim is, in fact, a testament to their success; their identity has successfully merged with the cause, making their personal story secondary to the collective history they are helping to write.

A Call for Recognition:
This reflection is not an attempt to create cults of personality. It is a necessary correction, a reminder to a community and a movement to consciously honor its own ethos. To look beyond the stage and see the builders of the stage itself. To remember that the most radiant stars are often those whose light reaches us from the deepest, quietest parts of the universe.
The Oromo liberation journey, long and arduous, is paved with the silent sacrifices of its Gammachises. They ask for no parades. But they deserve our deepest remembrance and respect. For in guarding the purity of the star, they guard the destiny of the nation.
Fayyaa nuuf haa ta’u, Jaal Gammee. Isin jenna.
Honoring Oromo Scholars: Asmarom Legesse and Hamdesa Tuso

A Legacy Forged in Scholarship and Struggle: ABO Honors Professors Asmarom and Hamdesa
(WAJJJIRA, MUUMMEE GLLALLETTI, FEBRUARY 07, 2026) – Under the solemn banner of memory and celebration, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) today convened a ceremony of profound significance at its headquarters. The gathering paid tribute to two intellectual giants who dedicated their lives to the Oromo cause: the late Professor Asmarom Legesse and Professor Hamdesa Tuso.
The event, more than a memorial, served as a powerful reaffirmation of the inseparable bond between academic rigor and the national struggle. It drew a distinguished assembly of Oromo elders (Hayyoota), scholars, OLF leadership—including Chairman Jaal Dawud Ibsa—and numerous members of the community, all united in gratitude and reflection.
In a poignant address, Chairman Jaal Dawud Ibsa spearheaded the tribute by dismantling what he termed “the great lies of Professor Asmarom Tulu.” This direct refutation underscored the ceremony’s deeper purpose: to reclaim historical truth and honor those whose scholarship authentically served the Oromo people. The chairman and other speakers extended particular gratitude to Eritrean nationals who have steadfastly supported the Oromo liberation struggle through the OLF, singling out Gaaxaseessaa Tesfaayee G/Ab for his exemplary role.

The ceremony highlighted the enduring impact of the two professors. Professor Asmarom Legesse was celebrated for his groundbreaking anthropological research, most notably his seminal work Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society. His scholarship did not merely document Oromo culture; it presented the Gada system to the world as a profound and democratic form of governance, pulling Oromo history from the shadows of a repressive past (bar dukkanaa) into the global light.
“Oromummaa (Oromo national identity) is not just about blood,” one speaker affirmed, echoing the professors’ legacy. “It is a great symbol. During that dark era, rather than simply placating Habasha hegemony, it was Asmarom who made the world accept that the Gada system is a great and democratic governance tradition.”
Professor Hamdesa Tuso, a revered philosopher and peace scholar, was honored for his relentless dedication to framing Oromo liberation within universal principles of justice, human rights, and ethical philosophy. His work provided the intellectual and moral framework that elevated the struggle beyond mere political contestation.
A poignant moment arose with the participation of Obbo Dirribi Damise, former head of the Oromo Broadcasting Service (WMT). His presence symbolized the bridge between scholarly work and public dissemination. Speakers expressed deep gratitude for his role in carrying the professors’ profound knowledge of Oromo affairs to the world, ensuring their insights reached a broad audience.

The gathering was not only a look backward but a call to the future. The elders and leaders issued a clear directive to the younger generation (dhaloota): the monumental work begun by Asmarom and Hamdesa remains unfinished. They must take up the mantle and continue it.
In a powerful closing sentiment, the elders emphasized the collective responsibility to this legacy. “Professor Asmarom has left an unforgettable mark that other Oromos can emulate,” they stated. “We must internalize the mission he started and left for us, and pledge to carry it forward.”
Today’s ceremony in Wajjira solidified a central truth for the Oromo movement: that the pen and the resolve for freedom are allies in the same fight. The legacy of Professors Asmarom Legesse and Hamdesa Tuso stands as a challenging and illuminating torch, guiding the path toward both intellectual sovereignty and national liberation.

A Generation Passing: On the Legacies of Tussoo and Legesse

By Alemayehu Diro
Commentary
When two intellectual pillars of a people fall within a span of two months, it is not merely a moment for mourning. It is a historical event, a closing of a distinct chapter, and a profound test of a community’s capacity to be its own custodian. The passing of Professors Hamdeessaa Tussoo and Asmarom Leggesse represents precisely such a rupture. Their collective departure compels a reckoning not just with what has been lost, but with the monumental, unfinished work they have bequeathed.
These were scholars whose lives formed a powerful dialectic. Professor Tussoo, a foundational pillar of the Oromo Studies Association, wielded the scalpel of political science and history. His works—The Survival of Oromo Nationalism, The Oromo Problem and U.S. Foreign Policy—were acts of intellectual demystification, systematically dissecting the structures of domination and articulating the “Oromo question” on a global stage. His was the scholarship of confrontation, dismantling the “mythical Ethiopia” brick by academic brick.
Professor Legesse, in contrast, wielded the archeologist’s brush and the anthropologist’s deep gaze. His seminal works, Gadaa: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society and Oromo Democracy, were acts of majestic reconstruction. He did not just study an indigenous system; he resurrected its sophisticated architecture for the world, proving that democracy, checks and balances, and rule of law were not Western imports but African traditions practiced for centuries. His was the scholarship of reclamation, restoring a pillar of cultural and philosophical identity.
Together, they formed a complete intellectual front: one deconstructing the prison, the other rebuilding the home. Their shared mission was to arm the Oromo people with the two most powerful weapons against erasure: a true history of their oppression and a true understanding of their innate capacity for self-governance.
The personal recollection of Professor Legesse in forums like the GPAAC meetings is illuminating. His insistence on discussing Gadaa even while representing Eritrean civil society was not mere academic interest; it was a lifelong vocation. His profound insight—that Oromo unity (tokkummaa) is not an abstract goal but a lived reality woven through the exogamous fabric of their social life—reveals the depth of his understanding. He saw the political in the cultural, the unity in the everyday, long before it became a slogan.
This is why his unfinished agenda, shared in private conversation, is not a personal footnote but a collective mandate. His five visionary projects—from translating Oromo Democracy into Afaan Oromoo to developing a Gadaa-based educational curriculum—are not merely items on a to-do list. They are the blueprint for the next phase of intellectual sovereignty. They represent the critical work of moving from explaining a system to institutionalizing its wisdom for future generations.
Herein lies the true challenge and the call to action. The passing of this generation of intellectual giants—Tussoo, Legesse, and before them, figures like Sesay Ibsaa—creates a daunting vacuum. But it also presents a clear, urgent charge. Their legacies are not passive monuments to be admired; they are active toolkits to be used. The responsibility now falls squarely upon institutions like the Oromo Studies Association, universities within Oromia, and a new generation of scholars to pick up the threads of these unfinished projects.
To honor Professor Tussoo is to continue the rigorous, unflinching analysis of power structures. To honor Professor Legesse is to build the educational systems and cultural institutions that can breathe continuous life into the Gadaa philosophy. Their work was, in essence, a single project: the restoration of Oromo agency in history and in the future.
Their physical voices are silent, but their scholarship shouts. The question now is who will answer. The highest tribute to these “giant scholars” will not be found in eulogies alone, but in the determined, collaborative effort to complete the monumental tasks they envisioned. To ensure their history remains dignified, their memory indestructible, and their contributions timeless, the work must continue. Bol’a isaanii daadhiin haa guutu—may the earth rest lightly upon them. But may their unfinished work weigh heavily upon us, guiding our hands and sharpening our minds in the struggle they so brilliantly illuminated.


Revealed: Internal Talks on War Crimes by Ethiopian and Eritrean Leaders

Internal Communication Reveals Ethiopian and Eritrean Leaders’ Concerns Over War Crimes Accountability
5 February 2026 – Internal communications from the early stages of the Tigray War, revealed in former Ethiopian official Gedu Andargachew’s open letter, show that the leadership of Ethiopia and Eritrea privately expressed concern over potential legal consequences for alleged human rights violations, while publicly denying them.
According to the letter, in January 2021, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed tasked Gedu with delivering a message to Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki. The message included a warning that “supporters of the TPLF and foreign forces who do not want good relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea have launched a widespread defamation campaign through various international organizations and media regarding human rights violations.”
The message, as conveyed by Gedu, stated that this issue “could expose us to serious accountability if left to fester, so we must exercise shared caution.”
President Isaias Afwerki’s reported response, as detailed in the letter, was one of alignment and caution. He allegedly agreed that “all possible caution should be taken” and that both sides should issue instructions to their respective structures. He then reportedly added, “Beyond that, there is still much work to be done based on the agreement that Isaias and I have reached.”
The letter states that Gedu, after receiving these instructions, reported back to PM Abiy that the meeting had been positive and that Isaias emphasized the need for caution regarding human rights allegations.
This private exchange, now made public, stands in stark contrast to the official wartime narratives from both capitals, which largely dismissed reports of atrocities. It reveals that at the highest levels, the potential for “serious accountability” was a recognized risk from the outset of the conflict.
Gedu’s letter presents this communication as evidence that his mission to Asmara was focused on coordinating a political and legal defense, not on addressing the humanitarian situation, stating that “no message whatsoever concerning the suffering of the people of Tigray was conveyed.”
For more detail see the official Amharic letter of Gedu Andargachew
Ethiopian Ex-Foreign Minister’s Open Letter Challenges PM Abiy’s War Accounts

Former Ethiopian Foreign Minister Challenges PM Abiy’s War Narrative in Explosive Open Letter
ADDIS ABABA – 5 FEBRUARY 2026 – In a remarkable and unprecedented public rebuke, Gedu Andargachew, a former high-ranking Ethiopian official, has published a detailed open letter directly contradicting Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s account of Eritrea’s role in the Tigray war and alleging the PM displayed open contempt for the Tigrayan people.
The letter, addressed to “His Excellency Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed,” is a point-by-point rebuttal of statements Abiy made in Parliament on February 3, 2026, where the Prime Minister cited Gedu as a witness regarding Ethiopia-Eritrea relations.
Direct Challenge on Eritrea’s Role
Gedu’s most significant claim fundamentally alters the official narrative of the 2020-2022 war. He asserts that the Eritrean army was a consistent, integrated ally of the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) from the very beginning.
“From the outset of the war in Tigray until it was halted by the Pretoria Agreement, there was hardly a moment when the Eritrean army was not fighting alongside the Ethiopian National Defense Forces,” Gedu writes. He provides a specific military detail, alleging that when Tigrayan forces advanced into the Amhara region in mid-2021, “the Eritrean army operated as far as the vicinity of Debre Tabor.”
He states the two armies functioned as “a single force” and only ceased joint operations after the Pretoria ceasefire was announced, directly challenging narratives that sought to minimize or obscure the extent of Eritrean involvement.
Allegations of Moral Failure and Deflection
The letter accuses PM Abiy of avoiding responsibility for the war’s catastrophic human toll. “After such widespread destruction, I expected that you would seek forgiveness from both the people of Tigray and the people of Ethiopia,” Gedu states. Instead, he claims the Prime Minister engages in “distorted” storytelling to “deflect responsibility.”
Gedu links the Tigray conflict to ongoing crises in Amhara, Oromia, Benishangul, and Gambella, arguing they are “primarily the result of your weak governance and the mistaken belief that political survival requires perpetual conflict.”
Explosive Claim of Abiy’s Contempt for Tigrayans
The letter’s most incendiary passage recounts a private meeting Gedu says occurred after the capture of Mekelle in late 2020. After Gedu advised establishing civilian rule to avoid fueling resentment, he claims Abiy summoned him and expressed a radically different view.
Gedu quotes the Prime Minister as allegedly saying:
“Gedu, do not think the Tigrayans can recover from this defeat and rise again. We have crushed them so they will not rise… Who are the people of Tigray above? We have broken them so they will not rise again. We will break them even further. The Tigray we once knew will never return.”
Gedu presents this as evidence of Abiy’s “true attitude toward the people of Tigray.”
Denying a Secret Humanitarian Mission
Gedu forcefully denies Abiy’s parliamentary claim that he was sent to Eritrea as a special envoy concerning atrocities in Tigray. He clarifies he resigned as Foreign Minister “within days of the outbreak of the war.”
He confirms a single trip to Asmara in early January 2021 but describes a mission with three military-focused objectives: congratulating President Isaias Afwerki on joint operations, thanking Eritrea for hosting the shattered Northern Command, and coordinating a response to mounting international “human rights violations” allegations.
Critically, Gedu claims that when he suggested asking Eritrea to withdraw its forces—as the international community demanded—Abiy explicitly forbade it. “You explicitly instructed me not to raise this issue under any circumstances,” he writes. He states unequivocally that “no message whatsoever concerning the suffering of the people of Tigray was conveyed.”
A Call for Historical Truth
Presented as a necessary act of conscience, Gedu’s letter concludes, “This is the truth as I know it.” It stands as a direct challenge from within the former political establishment to the Prime Minister’s version of history, demanding a reckoning with the war’s conduct and moral consequences that, the author implies, has yet to occur.
The Prime Minister’s office has not issued an immediate public response to the allegations.
For more detail see the official Amharic letter of Gedu Andargachew
For more information see the English copy of the letter of Gedu Andargachew
Gedu Andargachew: To Abiy Ahmed: Regarding Statements Made in Parliament
Press Release
February 5, 2026
To: His Excellency Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed
From: Gedu Andargachew
Subject: Regarding Statements Made in Parliament Referencing My Name Your Excellency,
On February 3, 2026, during the address you delivered before Parliament, you spoke about the causes of the disagreement between Ethiopia and Eritrea and, in doing so, cited my name as a witness. I became aware of this through a video clip that was recorded and shared with me.
As you yourself noted in that speech, such matters should be properly documented for the historical record. For this reason, and without adding to or subtracting from the facts, your remarks compel me, in good conscience, to clarify the truth as I know it.
1. From my side, I had no intention of offering public commentary on matters related to Eritrea–Ethiopia relations. I hold the view that the history between these two sister countries has been marked by deep bitterness and therefore requires exceptional care and responsibility. For this reason, I had decided to remain silent about what I know.
From the outset of the war in Tigray until it was halted by the Pretoria Agreement, there was hardly a moment when the Eritrean army was not fighting alongside the Ethiopian National Defense Forces. Moreover, when Tigrayan forces advanced into the Amhara region in the summer of 2021, the Eritrean army operated as far as the vicinity of Debre Tabor.
The Ethiopian National Defense Forces and the Eritrean army ceased joint military operations only after the ceasefire announced under the Pretoria Agreement. Until then, they functioned effectively as a single force. If any distinction existed, it was that during the lull following the second phase of the war, after Tigrayan forces withdrew from the Amhara region, Eritrean commanders were not included when Ethiopian commanders were highly promoted.
2. After such widespread destruction, I expected that you would seek forgiveness from both the people of Tigray and the people of Ethiopia. Instead, when I observed the issue being presented in a distorted manner, I chose to respond only to the specific matter you raised.
The devastation inflicted during the war in Tigray by all parties involved, was so severe that it has left the people of Tigray struggling to survive. Attempting to absolve oneself by assigning responsibility exclusively to one party does not remove legal, political, or moral accountability. On the contrary, it prevents the country from learning the necessary lessons to avoid similar tragedies in the future.
In truth, during that war, the people of Tigray had no government or political force that stood firmly by their side. The limited support they received came from a small number of Ethiopian political figures, international organizations, and certain foreign governments. This is an uncomfortable but accurate account of our recent national history.
3. Had you sought to repair your severely damaged relationship with the people of Tigray, I would have been among those who welcomed such an effort. Instead, you showed no sign of remorse for past mistakes and attempted to deflect responsibility for the massive loss of life, destruction of property, social fragmentation, and the country’s existential crisis by shifting blame to others.
This deeply alarmed me. It appears that you are attempting to manufacture a new crisis at a time when the country is already overwhelmed by instability. While you and your administration bear primary responsibility for the disasters suffered by our people, you consistently attribute these failures to external conspiracies.
The war in Tigray, the atrocities being committed against the Amhara people, the protracted war in Oromia, the violence in Benishangul, the recent conflict in Gambella, and numerous other crises across the country are, in my view, primarily the result of your weak governance and the mistaken belief that political survival requires perpetual conflict.
4. With this context in mind, I now address the specific claim you made in Parliament concerning my alleged role as your envoy to Eritrea.
Your assertion that I was serving as Minister of Foreign Affairs after the outbreak of the war in Tigray, and that I was sent to Eritrea as your messenger regarding crimes committed against the people of Tigray, is entirely false. It is a complete fabrication. I stepped down from my position as Minister of Foreign Affairs within days of the outbreak of the war, something you could not have forgotten.
Unless this misrepresentation is intended to manufacture justification for future harm to the country and its people, my tenure as Foreign Minister and my later trip to Eritrea are entirely unrelated.
5. You further called upon me to serve as a witness to support your claim that you sent me to Eritrea with a message stating, “Do not harm my people,” in reference to the suffering of civilians in Tigray. In this matter, too, you have committed a serious error.
Because the truth as I know it is fundamentally different, I cannot serve as a credible witness for such a claim. If you seek a witness whose testimony contradicts the facts, you would need to look elsewhere.
If I were to speak honestly about your true attitude toward the people of Tigray, it would differ greatly from what you have stated publicly. One of the issues that most angered you during the war was the mere act of raising concerns about abuses committed against the people of Tigray.
I recall, from my own experience, a meeting of the Executive Committee convened to celebrate what was described as the defeat of the TPLF within three weeks and the capture of Mekelle. An assessment was presented stating that the people of Tigray had largely remained neutral, viewing both the attack on the Northern Command and the military response as equally problematic.
Based on this assessment, I cautioned that efforts must be made to calm the population, prevent lawlessness, restrain victorious forces from abusing civilians, rapidly establish civilian administration, and allow the region to be governed by its own people. Otherwise, I warned, mistreatment would only revive support for the TPLF.
Although you appeared to accept this view during the meeting, you later summoned me privately and expressed a very different perspective. You stated:
“Gedu, do not think the Tigrayans can recover from this defeat and rise again. We have crushed them so they will not rise. People keep saying ‘the people of Tigray, the people of Tigray.’ Who are the people of Tigray above? We have broken them so they will not rise again. We will break them even further. The Tigray we once knew will never return.”
Subsequently, when international pressure mounted to negotiate with the Tigrayan forces, you publicly stated that the strategy was to gradually render Tigray ineffective. In my view, this accurately reflects your true attitude toward the people of Tigray.
6. The only element of your parliamentary remarks that contains a partial truth concerns my trip to Eritrea. Although I cannot recall the exact date, in early January 2021 you sent me, accompanied by a Foreign Ministry official, to deliver a message to President Isaias Afwerki. I arrived in Asmara the following day and returned shortly thereafter.
The message consisted of three points:
1. Conveying congratulations to President Isaias on the joint success of the coordinated military operation against the TPLF.
2. Expressing gratitude to the Eritrean government and people for receiving members of the Northern Command and providing support that enabled their recovery and counteroffensive.
3. Warning that supporters of the TPLF and foreign actors opposed to Eritrea–Ethiopia relations were conducting a widespread campaign accusing both of us of human rights violations, which could expose us to serious accountability, and that we should remain vigilant and take coordinated action.
After receiving these instructions, I raised one question: given that we had publicly declared the war over and the international community was demanding the withdrawal of Eritrean forces from Ethiopia/ Tigray, why not we formally request such a withdrawal?
You explicitly instructed me not to raise this issue under any circumstances. I complied and carried out the mission. No message whatsoever concerning the suffering of the people of Tigray was conveyed. At the time, your sole concern was the potential consequences of human rights allegations, not the suffering of civilians at all.
Upon arrival in Asmara, we met President Isaias and delivered the message. There was no disagreement regarding its contents. When the issue of human rights allegations was raised, President Isaias responded that both sides should exercise caution and issue appropriate instructions, adding that there remained further work to be done based on his prior agreement with you.
I have no knowledge of the details of any such agreement. After concluding the discussion, we returned to Addis Ababa. The following day, I called and reported to you that the meeting had been positive and that President Isaias had emphasized caution regarding human rights allegations. That concluded our exchange.
This is the truth as I know it.
Respectfully,
Gedu Andargachew
Oromo Federal Congress Pays Tribute to Professor Legesse

Oromo Federal Congress Honors Professor Asmarom Legesse: “The Star of Your Scholarship Will Not Fade”
(Finfinnee, Oromia – February 5, 2026). – The Oromo Federal Congress (OFC) has issued a powerful and culturally resonant statement mourning the passing of Professor Asmarom Legesse, hailing him not merely as a distinguished scholar but as a “hero of great intellect” whose life’s work was a “sacrificial investment” in Africa’s intellectual reawakening.
The statement, rich with tributes to his scholarly legacy, positions Professor Legesse’s work as a defiant act of intellectual reclamation. It asserts that at a time when African political systems were “dismissed as relics” by Western scholars, Professor Legesse “provided scientific evidence” to prove the Oromo people possessed a sophisticated system of “negotiation, equality, and democracy” long embedded in human history.
The OFC specifically highlighted the professor’s foundational texts, “Gadaa: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society” and “Oromo Democracy,” praising them for doing more than recording history. These works, the statement says, “restored the dignity” of the Oromo people and irrefutably proved that democracy was not a “foreign concept imported to African countries” but a lived reality for the Oromo for centuries.
The Congress emphasized the practical impact of his research, crediting it with playing a “leading role” in the successful inscription of the Gadaa System as a UNESCO World Intangible Cultural Heritage. Furthermore, his work ensured the Gadaa system was recognized globally as a “source of world democracy.” For the KFO and the Oromo people, the statement notes, his research formed a “great foundation for the development of our culture and unity.”
Looking toward the future, the OFC underscored the enduring relevance of his scholarship. By studying the checks and balances and peaceful transfer of power within Gadaa, Professor Legesse provided the current generation with “a great tool of knowledge” to build their identity and governance upon. His work, the statement declared, has provided “indisputable evidence” for the Oromo struggle for self-determination and democratic rights.
The tribute concluded with a poetic and culturally profound farewell, stating: “Although his body has departed from us, his soul will not die; his light will remain in the orbit of the Gadaa star forever. Professor Asmarom Legesse, may the earth rest lightly upon you.”
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About the Oromo Federal Congress (OFC):
The Oromo Federal Congress is a political organization advocating for the rights and self-determination of the Oromo people within a federal Ethiopian framework. Its statement reflects the deep intersection of academic scholarship, cultural identity, and political aspiration in the Oromo national movement.





