The Oromo people are the single largest ethnic group in Ethiopia and the wider Horn of Africa, making up upwards of 40% of the Ethiopian population. Despite this and the fact that the Oromo people have been systematically oppressed politically, socially and econmically for decades, the past seven days has seen the Ethiopian government violently attack Oromo protestors accross the country.

Seven days. Over 60 dead and many more injured. Children. The elderly. Unwarneted arrests and unlawful detention. This is what is rapidly unfolding in Ethiopia as you read these very words.

The protest’s were sparked by the governments plan to implement what is known as the ‘intergration master plan’. Put simply, the intent of unravelling this plan is to extend the capital city, Addis Ababa, which means that neighbouring towns that are majorly populated by Oromo’s are dismpowrered; Oromo farmers displaced and the Oromo identity further stifiled.

We, the international Oromo diaspora, call on the mentioned governments to firstly, demand that the Ethiopian government publicly explain why they have exercised such extreme and violent actions against peaceful Oromo protestors. Secondly, request that the Ethiopian government increases the level of media coverage surrounding the protestors and the resulting deaths of protestors. And thirdly, we call upon these governments to demand that the leaders of Ethiopia authorise human rights groups’ access to regions affected by the civil unrest.

You, as a single individual have the power to help the Oromo community in Ethiopia and abroad, realise this action.

http://www.change.org/en-AU/petitions/oromoprotests-join-the-movement#

On the urgent meeting of 4^th May 2014 afternoon  at 13a Wingate Avenue, the community members agreed to conduct peaceful public rally on the coming Friday, 9^th May 2014 from 9:30AM.  It is planned to protest against the Ethiopian government brutal crackdown of protesters.

Since April 25, Oromo students have demonstrated throughout Oromia to protest the government’s plan to substantially expand the municipal boundaries of Finfinne (Addis Ababa) which the students believe would threaten communities currently under regional jurisdiction. Security forces have responded by shooting at and beating peaceful protesters in various Oromia cities.

The students protest in many areas of the Oromia has been intensified leading to the deaths of at least 100 civilians in Oromia under the hands of government security forces. According to our sources so far more than 500 have reportedly been injured and over 5000 people have been detained in unknown camps and centres.

Therefore, we would like to notify that our community members in Victoria is going to hold a one day public rally to protest against killing, innocent Oromo Students in day light and to support Oromo farmers who will be displaced, to raise public awareness and to seek the  Australian government and the broader community to intervene.

When: 9^th of May 2014

Time:  9:30 AM

Starting point:   Spring St & Treasury Pl, East Melbourne, VIC 3002 ‎

Destination:   Parliament of Victoria, Spring Street, Melbourne, Vic

Bourke Street, Melbourne, Victoria to Federation Square

Corner Swanston St & Flinders St, Melbourne VIC 3000 ‎

Please find the Press Release 06-05-2014 of our community about the coming Friday, May 9th of 2014 rally in Melbourne.

Members of the Oromo diaspora line up to share their ideas for showing support for the student protests in Oromia. Photo credit: Big Z, facebook.

The Oromo Community of Minnesota hall was packed yesterday afternoon. Twice we scooted our chairs forward to make room for the crowds at the back; our knees were pressed up against the backs of the chairs in front of us. And when community members took the microphone, we could hear a pin drop. People I spoke with said the turnout and show of unity was unprecedented. The Oromo diaspora in Minnesota was gathering together to develop strategies to show support for the student protests that have been breaking out over the past two weeks in their homeland.

Who are the Oromo people?
The Oromo people are near and dear to my heart. I learned about them first-hand when I taught social studies for English Language Learners at Minneapolis South High School. Most of my ELL students were newly arrived refugees from Ethiopia. But many bristled at being called “Ethiopians.” They identified themselves as Oromos, and their homeland was Oromia—the largest of nine federal states in Ethiopia.

The Oromos are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, and there are Oromos in northern Kenya and parts of Somalia as well. Oromos speak Oromiffa, or Afan Oromo, a Cushitic language that shares approximately 35% of its vocabulary with Somali. Approximately 47% of Oromos are Muslim, and a similar percentage are Christian. As a civics teacher, I was fascinated to learn that the Oromo people had a sophisticated traditional system ofdemocratic governance called the Gadaa system.

The Oromo people have long faced persecution from the Ethiopian Government and in Ethiopian society. In fact, one of the reasons I decided to leave teaching and become a human rights lawyer was to try to play a role in stemming the systematic human rights abuses that had driven my refugee students away from their homelands. The Advocates for Human Rights highlighted some of the persecution that Oromos face in astakeholder report for the UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review of Ethiopia, which takes place tomorrow in Geneva.

Oromo students are mobilizing for change in Oromia

Last month, the Ethiopian Government announced a controversial “Integrated Development Master Plan for Addis Ababa.” The Ethiopian capital, which Oromos call Finfinnee, is surrounded by the state of Oromia. The Master Plan would expand the territory of Addis Ababa, annexing thousands of hectares of Oromia’s fertile agricultural lands, and then selling or leasing them to commercial agricultural enterprises.

Oromo students sounded the alarm about the Master Plan, recognizing that it would displace Oromo farmers and leave them without a livelihood or access to their traditional lands.

Oromo students protesting in Burayu. Image courtesy of Gadaa.com.

Students have been staging protests at 12 universities in Oromia. Last week, federal special forces opened fire on what seems to have been a peaceful student demonstration at Ambo University. The government has confirmed 11 fatalities, but people on the ground say the toll is closer to 50. The Ethiopian government asserts that the protests have been led by “anti-peace forces.”

One Oromo diasporan based in London told me that his sister fled Meda Welabu University in Oromia on Sunday after military forces took control from the local police and then began beating students. She saw one student killed.

Students in several universities have been under lock-down, ordered confined to their dormitory rooms and not allowed to leave campus. There are reports that officers come through the dorms at night and arrest people. One female student leader is being kept incommunicado, raising concerns that she is being ill-treated. At transportation check-points, officials check passengers’ identification and detain people with student IDs. Students who have fled are not allowed back on campus.

Getting the word out: The power of remote monitoring
Ethiopia has one of the most restrictive governments in the world. There are no independent local media organizations. No Ethiopian non-governmental organizations work openly on controversial human rights issues, and international human rights groups have been expelled from the country.

In these circumstances, it’s nearly impossible to safely conduct human rights monitoring on the ground. Oromos in the diaspora have expressed frustration that major international human rights organizations like Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have been silent about the protests.

Remote human rights monitoring is a critical tool for diaspora communities like the Oromo who want to show support for and solidarity with human rights defenders on the ground in their countries of origin. In 2009, The Advocates published a report based on a remote fact-finding project here in Minnesota called Human Rights in Ethiopia: Through the Eyes of the Oromo Diaspora. The report has been used for advocacy at the United Nations and in support of applications for asylum. In our new toolkit, Paving Pathways for Justice & Accountability: Human Rights Tools for Diaspora Communities, we expanded on the human rights monitoring we did with the Oromo diaspora to develop an entire chapter on remote monitoring strategies.

Oromo diaspora mobilizes to conduct remote monitoring
Over the past two weeks, the Oromo diaspora has mobilized to shine an international spotlight on the protests. Like many diaspora groups, Oromos outside of Ethiopia maintain contacts with friends and family “back home,” some of whom have been victims of police violence or have witnessed events. Through telephone calls, text messages, email, and social media, Oromos in the diaspora have their fingers on the pulse of the student protest movement in Oromia.

Oromos in Minnesota held a candlelight vigil to remember the Oromo protesters who were killed last week.

The Oromo diaspora has been buzzing on social media, quickly adopting the #OromoProtests hashtag to allow people around the world to follow and contribute to the remote monitoring process. People are posting photos of victims on twitter and uploading video of some of the demonstrations to YouTube. The Oromos I’ve talked to have also recommended following Jawar Mohammed onfacebook and twitter. They say he has the trust of Oromos on the ground, who feed breaking news to him. Ayantu Tibeso has compiled a list on facebook of ways that diasporans can support the Oromo protests and get involved in raising awareness. Paving Pathways includes an appendix on effective human rights advocacy using social media platforms, and the Oromo diaspora is deploying many of these tactics. I’ll be using one of my favorite social media strategies—live tweeting—during the UN’s Universal Periodic Review of Ethiopia tomorrow morning.

The Oromo diaspora also has more traditional media, including the newly launchedOromia Media Network, Oromo Voice Radio, as well as diaspora blogs and news websites like Gadaa.com, Ayyaantuu New Online, and O-Pride. These media have helped consolidate information into useful posts, first-hand accounts, and broadcasts for people who are unable to keep up with the flurry of activity on twitter, facebook, and YouTube. And they have started a more systematic effort to verify reports of deaths and injuries, maintaining lists of victims and connecting photos with dates and locations.

The diaspora’s efforts are beginning to get traction with mainstream media, with some initial coverage from the BBC, Voice of America, Think Africa Press, and an editorial piece in Al Jazeera America. Human Rights Watch just published a statement. A Minnesota-based radio program called Reflections of New Minnesotans just released apodcast of a show it did with two members of the Oromo diaspora talking about recent developments in Oromia.

Oromo youths prepared a video showing photos and YouTube clips of the Oromo student protests and government crack-down for the Oromo Community of Minnesota forum on Sunday.

Momentum is building, and Oromos in the diaspora are pressing mainstream media and human rights organizations to raise visibility on the issues. They’re planning protests around the world on Friday, May 9. But diasporans who want to pitch stories and lobby policymakers will need to undertake careful remote monitoring to find receptive audiences. With the restrictions on civil society in Ethiopia, reporters, lawmakers, human rights organizations outside of the country will need to work with the Oromo diaspora to verify sources and confirm reports coming out of Oromia.

This post is the first in a four-part series about human rights in Ethiopia. Part 2 will highlight Tuesday’s Universal Periodic Review of Ethiopia at the United Nations. Part 3 will explore the Oromo diaspora’s strategies for showing solidarity with the Oromo students while pushing for human rights and holding perpetrators accountable for the violence against peaceful demonstrators. Part 4 will tell the stories of Oromos in the diaspora who have spoken with friends and family members on the ground in Oromia about events over the past two weeks.

If you are an Oromo diasporan who has talked to people on the ground who are involved in the protests, facing restrictions on their freedom of movement or freedom of speech, or have other first-hand information, and you’d like to share what you’ve heard for an upcoming blog post, please contact me at abergquist@advrights.org or 1-612-746-4694.

By Amy Bergquist, staff attorney for the International Justice Program of The Advocates for Human Rights.

(OPride) — Ethiopia is gripped by widespread student demonstrations, which has so far left at least 47 people dead, several injured and hundreds arrested, according to locals.

In a statement on April 30, the government put the death toll at 11. About 70 students were seriously wounded in a separate bomb blast at Haramaya University in eastern Oromia on April 29, the statement added.

The protests began last month after ethnic Oromo students voiced concerns over a plan by Addis Ababa’s municipal authorities, which aims to expand the city’s borders deep into Oromia state annexing a handful of surrounding towns and villages. Ethiopia’s brutal federal special forces, known as Liyyu police, responded to nonviolent protests harshly, including with live bullets fired at close range at unarmed students. The government’s brutal crackdown swelled the ranks of demonstrators as defiant students turned out around the country expressing their outrage.

Ethiopia maintains a tight grip on the free flow of information; journalists are often detained under flimsy charges. Given the difficulty of getting any information out of the country, it is very hard to fully grasp the extent, prevalence, and background of the latest standoff. Here are ten basic questions about the protests:

• Who are the Oromo?

The Oromo are Ethiopia’s single largest ethnic group, constituting close to 40 percent of the country’s 94 million population. Despite their numerical majority, the Oromo have historically faced economic, social and political marginalization in Ethiopia. Theoretically, this changed in 1991, when Ethiopia’s ruling party deposed Mengistu Hailemariam’s communist regime. The transitional government set up by a coalition of rebel groups endorsed ethnic federalism as a compromise solution for the country’s traumatic history. The charter, which established the new government, divided the country into nine linguistic-based states, including Oromia — the Oromo homeland. Covering an area of almost 32 percent of the country, Oromia is Ethiopia’s largest state both in terms of landmass and population. Endowed with natural resources, it is sometimes dubbed as “Ethiopia’s breadbasket .” Want to know more? Here is a handy guide: http://www.gadaa.com/thepeople.html

• What are the Oromo students protesting exactly?

In a nutshell, the protesters oppose the mass eviction of poor farmers that are bound to follow the territorial expansion of Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa. Addis Ababa is a busy city that’s been rapidly expanding over the last decade — dispossessing and rendering many a poor farmer into beggars and daily laborers.

Last month, in an apparent effort to improve the city’s global competitiveness and accommodate its growing middle-class, city officials unveiled what they call an “Integrated Development Master Plan,” which would guide the city’s growth over the next 25 years. But Ethiopia’s constitution places Addis Ababa in a peculiar position where it is at once a federal city and a regional capital for Oromia. While the city’s horizontal growth has always been contentious, this is the first attempt to radically alter its territorial boundaries.

The actions by the authorities raise several disturbing questions. First, how does a jurisdiction annex another constitutionally created jurisdiction without any due process? What does this say about the sanctity of Ethiopia’s federalism? What arrangements were made to mitigate the mass eviction of poor farmers that accompanied previous expansions?

Oromo students say the “master plan” is meant to de-Oromonize the city and push Oromo people further into the margins. But there’s also a long history behind it.

The Oromo, original inhabitants of the land, have social, economic and historical ties to the city. Addis Ababa, which they call Finfinne, was conquered through invasion in 19th century. Since its founding, the city grew by leaps and bounds. But the expansion came at the expense of local farmers whose livelihoods and culture was uprooted in the process. At the time of its founding, the city grew “haphazardly ” around the imperial palace, residences of other government officials and churches. Later, population and economic growth invited uncontrolled development of high-income, residential areas — still almost without any formal planning.

While the encroaching forces of urbanization pushed out many Oromo farmers to surrounding towns and villages, those who remained behind were forced to learn a new language and embrace a city that did not value their existence. The city’s rulers then sought to erase the historical and cultural values of its indigenous people, including through the changing of original Oromo names.

Read more at Think Africa Press: http://thinkafricapress.com/ethiopia/addis-ababa-sleeping-beauty-no-longer-student-protests-police-response-oromo

• Who are the protesters?

Ethnic Oromo students at various universities around the country sparked the protests. It has now spread to high school and middle schools in the Oromia region. A handful of those killed in the last few days have been identified. Media is a state monopoly in Ethiopia. There is not a single independent media organization — in any platform — covering the state of Oromia. For this and other reasons, we may never know the identity of many of these victims. But thanks to social media, gruesome photographs of some students who sustained severe wounds from beating and gunshots have been widely circulating around the social web. Here are few images (view these at your own discretion):http://gadaa.com/oduu/25751/2014/05/02/in-review-photos-from-the-oromoprotests-against-the-addis-ababa-master-plan-and-for-the-rights-of-oromiyaa-over-finfinne

• Are the protests related to the recent arrest of bloggers and journalists?

Yes and no.

Yes, the struggle for justice and freedom in Ethiopia is intractably intertwined as our common humanity. So long as the ruling party maintains its tight grip on power, the destiny of Ethiopia’s poor — of all shades and political persuasions — is one and the same. Oromo students are being killed and harassed for voicing their concerns. Ethiopian bloggers and journalists are jailed for speaking out against an ever-deepening authoritarianism. As the Martin Luther King once said, regardless of our ethnic and political differences, “injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” This is much closer to home.

No, technically because the bloggers were not part of the protests opposing Addis Ababa’s expansion. But we would go on a limb to suggest that they would have been the first to show a moral support and chime in on social media. Their past conducts suggest as much.

• But the government says the plan is still open to public consultations

Tedros Adhanom        ✔ @DrTedros

Follow

@DireTube #Addis Master Plan’s still open 4 discussion by concerned members of society & their inputs can be accommodated.No need 4 conflict

10:12 PM – 1 May 2014        27 RETWEETS19 FAVORITES

Sure. This government says a lot of things, like there is free press and democratic governance in Ethiopia. From our reading, Oromo students are not opposed to genuine development. In fact, given their numerical majority, the Oromo stand to gain from any or all community-centered development. But Addis Ababa’s own history gives us reasons for serious doubt. In the last century, every time the city expanded horizontally, it sought to remake Oromo dwellers into “Ethiopia’s Other.”

Evictions and displacement has been the plight of the original dwellers of the area. Farmers were evicted or systematically pushed out time and again, without compensation, to make a way for lavish residential buildings, luxury hotels and shopping malls. If officials do mean what they say, there is still time to make amends.

However, a talk alone won’t do it. The plan has not been shared with the public to date. There are no details on how long the consultation period will be or what venues they will use to engage the public. In all, there are no precedents for such consultations in Ethiopia. There are no reasons to suggest Ethiopian officials are sincere about holding public hearings on the plan at this point.

In addition, the protesters are likely to demand end of impunity and accountability for the death of their brethren over the last few days. Again, when this would end depends on two things: the central government’s willingness to engage Oromo opposition in good faith and liberalize the political system.

• I am really concerned about what is happening to #OromoProtests, how can I approach foreign journalists and media organizations

First, do your homework to get some facts and information in order. Once you know what the story is, identify journalists and media organizations that cover Ethiopia with some level of frequency. For example, a local newspaper in Minnesota is unlikely to be interested in protests so far removed from its audience base. Once you identify whom and which organizations to approach, sharpen your pitch (a journalism word for ‘what’s the story?”). Do not go about tweeting at journalists: “be a voice for the voiceless.” That is journalism’s long-held motto. Chances are the person you are targeting won’t even be a journalist if she/he did not believe his mission to be just that.

Also, remember that journalists are busy people. There are so many stories (and social media platforms) that compete for their attention every passing minute. Therefore, keep your pitch to 14o characters or less. Ask if you could email them more stories. If they show some interest, include links to reports in reputable media outlets in your email along with who they can contact if they need more information (typically more than one person).

Most importantly, reach out to your local Oromo community and help organize solidarity rallies, vigils and letter writing campaigns. Fanning petty differences and hating one’s own who happen to disagree with one is not going to help those being killed for speaking at the risk of their lives. And last but not least, reach out to allies both inside and outside. Craft your messages carefully. Press your representatives to condemn the killing. For scheduled rallies see:http://gadaa.com/oduu/25768/2014/05/02/oromoprotests-worldwide-oromo-rallies-all-on-this-page-to-stop-the-addis-ababa-master-genocide-plan-and-to-demand-justice-for-the-ambo-massacre 

• I am a journalist, I want to report on this but I don’t have any contacts inside Ethiopia

No problem. Email us at editor@opride.com and we are happy to connect you to the right people on the ground. On Twitter and Facebook, follow #OromoProtests,  @DiasporicLife, @Gadaa, @Oromo_NT, @Leggesse, @AbiyAtomssa, @OPride and @HenokOromiyaa, among many others.

• Okay, is this going to end anytime soon?

It depends.

If the “master plan” advances as planned and crackdown on protesters is unabated, opposition is likely to grow. And unfortunately, we will see even more heartbreaking images coming from Oromia. In their attempts to downplay the crisis, Ethiopian authorities have indicated the plan is still up for public consultations. While it is difficult to trust a regime that breaks promises as quickly as it makes them, involving all stakeholders, especially the farming and small business communities where Addis Ababa is expected to expand in good faith, can save the country from further mayhem. The regime might also want to wait it out, as it did with a sustained Muslim protest in the last two years. Under this scenario, the students will continue to protest — leaders would be arrested or threatened. But come 2015 when Ethiopians go into polls, the issue of Addis Ababa is likely to resurface. That would make the electoral fight murky and messy. Okay, we admit, for now that seems like a long shot.

• I am a member of the Oromo diaspora feeling a little helpless. What can I do?

It turns out plenty. Bontu Itana has compiled a list of social media activities you can engage in right now and here is the link: https://www.facebook.com/notes/bontu-itana/how-you-can-support-the-oromoprotests-through-social-media/10152392338789100

The most important thing you can do on social media is use a consistent hashtag. This will make it easier to keep tabs on the issue for journalists and anyone interested in the protests. Tag all your posts under #OromoProtests and share only relevant, informative and verified information.

• I still don’t understand this; could you please summarize it for me?

Students in the Oromia state took to the streets a week and half ago to protest a new Addis Ababa city development policy peacefully. They were unarmed but the government responded harshly killing at least 50 protesters in two days, according to eyewitnesses. By any national and international standards, let alone democratic principles, this is a gross violation of human rights, one that is taking place in a country considered the United States’ top African ally. It demands your attention and action now. Read over numbers 6-9 again on what you can do.

Bonus: It is important to respect the agency and voice of those who are protesting. Your role as a diaspora-based activist should only be to amplify their voices. Don’t call for more protests unless you will be joining it yourself. The government has already suggested that the students are acting not out of their own volitions but being enticed by anti-peace forces in the diaspora. Therefore, speak out against injustice but do not try to take ownership or position yourself as the leader of the movement. This endangers the students and strengthens the government’s argument. This is a people’s movement; it is not FDG run by shadowy political or activist groups. This is a struggle that shouldn’t be brought under anyone group’s control.