This piece of work reflects solely a personal feeling and shall never been considered a scholarly article. The Article is intended to provoke discussion among scholars and religious thinkers on sensitive subjects such as this. The benefits of religion may outweigh its negativity but the article is not about comparing its pros and cons. Religious faith is also both a matter of individual and public domain. Due to the social nature of this public good, my opinion is jut to target the social realm of faith otherwise I have no any vested interest to attack individual believers.   

Now days we have often heard shocking news about the ever polarizing nature of Oromo differences. Among several possible factors, I believe, Oromo fragmentation is principally caused by the differences harbored by religious ideology. Even though the early Oromo world view was shaped by its indigenous belief, the introduction of aliens’ faith had changed things for good. By design we happened to intake various religious prescriptions. Christianity has outlawed the “Waqeffannaa”¹. Islam has become the most competing force against Christianity to further conquer and scramble the Oromos. In due process the Oromo society have seen unparalleled and inconceivable deconstruction to its entire foundation of the social structure. As the home grown social system was abolished and replaced by the foreign one, the Oromos had lost the wisdom of their appealing tradition. “Oromummaa”² was at stake and faced incomparable danger from these forces of foreign evils.

In those good old days Oromo “Gada” system was the hallmark of the entire Oromo life. Egalitarianism, communality and mutual cooperation were the sources social order, ultimate peace, security, harmony and Oromo democracy. “Waqqeffannaa” had promoted understanding among various Oromo groups; it capitalized on their common values, shared vision and vitalized tolerance and resilience. In this sense of harmony and unity, Oromos used to pray to the supreme “Waqayyo”³ in search of answers in times of major challenges and catastrophes. “Waqayyoo” was answerable and had never let them down.

There was a real love to one another; the fraternity and sorority that existed was based on unfettered greed and there was not ideological corruption. Through their unity and strength the Oromos were able to defend their country; they protected the national interest and defeated their common adversaries. They had never emphasized on significance of religious belief, and not on any particular clans and tribes either rather they centered their conviction on the underlying concept of “Oromummaa”. “Orommumma” was equally felt and applicable across the entire Oromo Land and the faith had ruled over their collective universal interest. In general, there was a genuine human face of “Oromumma” than any other pursuit of opportunistic and divisive group curiosity.

In any given circumstance, diversity in religion faith breeds different values and vision. The space is so limited for these social groups to come to common denomination while promoting different religious ideology. They are mostly characterized by a deficit of common vision and are less likely to appreciate their opponent’s faith. They usually eye animosity and see each other as threat to one another rather than cooperating partners. At times religion is a source of conflict and contention and can be a dangerous one. For instance, “at the dawn of the twenty-first century, a casual glance at world affairs would suggest that religion is at the core of much of the strife around the globe. Religion is also important because, as a central part of many individuals’ identity, any threat to one’s beliefs is a threat to one’s very being. This is a primary motivation for ethno-religious nationalists.”⁴

Religion shapes the way we perceive the world around us like how we view others, cooperate with others, socialize, customize, build and capitalize on our identity. When it comes to synchronizing the very foundation of Oromo identity, however, the diverse nature of Oromo faiths have made it difficult if not impossible. By their very polarizing views these characteristic features of religious faith is less active utmost and staggeringly dormant at all among the contemporary Oromo society.

Based on their religious denominations, I would like to categorize the contemporary Oromo society in to two primary groups. These categories are the ‘Born’ and the ‘Made’. The first class /“Born” Oromos are those who have stick to their original religious belief and who uphold the original values of Oromo indigenous system. To me this group is a genuine believer in the primacy of Oromo identity who put “Oromumma” before any thing else. They value authenticity than artificial cosmetic makeover in their being Oromo. They have more devotion to their origin, see wider and bigger picture in “Oromummaa’ and maintain strong affiliations to the pioneering value of Oromo democracy and Gada system. They demonstrate strong social cohesion and solidarity that can inspire and promote trust among the members. This group of the Oromo society is few in number and that is why we see a small minority in the contemporary times.

On the other hand, the second group, “Made”, Oromo are those groups, which happened to be the majority, have been forced to abandon their original faith of the home grown Oromo religious belief. They have been artificially engraved in the images of their religious masters and have deviated from their precedes’ religion due to exposure to foreign religious domination. These constitute two categories. One is the Christian group who had been subjected to religious slavery by the European colonialists and missionaries. In this group falls domestic colonization that devastated the way of Oromo life by forceful conversion to Orthodox Christianity. The other category is Muslim. Like that of Christian group this category is also the victim of religious domination by their Arab masters who were able to convert a massive number of people in the Oromo society.

The second group (“Made”) of Oromo society has many things in common. They both may not possess the true spirit of the original Oromo after all. They are victims of colonizers who have been incarcerated to grab the prescription of their colonial masters at the cost of trading their own minds and spirit. The Christian denomination pursues the values of the western ideological divide. The Muslim group models the Arab world and capitalizes on the values of Islam. Both place their religious faith before their Oromo Identity and they are short of common denomination with home grown Oromo world view if they have any at all. They are less likely to promote cooperation with different faith groups except within themselves. They dream different Oromia and see different vision instead of aspiring for the indigenous Oromo social system. Both the Christian and Muslim groups tend to mainly identify themselves most commonly with their colonial masters than they have with the Oromo people⁵.

Once ethno-identity is compromised against religious identity the fracture is so wide and powerful. Like a broken glass assembling it would be a very difficult and awkward task. I hold a firm belief that this is among the principal sources of disintegration among the Oromo. And also the same factor might have played a greater part in crippling the Oromo freedom movement for liberation and social justice.

Let me use a simple example to make a point. Ask a devoted protestant or a Muslim about his/her preference of ethno- national identity versus religious belief. While I should not expect 1000% response rate, I can be 100% sure that religion would be the most single important factor in building solidarity and strong social cohesion in any society. In similar circumstance, ask a person if he or she value their Oromo Identity more than their religious denomination. I wouldn’t be mistaken he or she tell you religion is more important, crucial and an essential part of their life than the Oromo identity.

The Arab world comprises “1.75 billion Muslim populations.” What make them earn the common term the “Arab’? Be it the Shiite, Sunni or any other denominations, whatever its form may be, they share ‘Islam’ as ideological divide and Islam as religious faith shapes their way of thinking around common good. Each Muslim nation has its own race or ethno national identity, be it the Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, or Indonesia to mention a few. Indonesians, or Iranians and or Saudi Arabians, for instance, are predominantly Muslim and described as Muslim Nations. Indonesians never identify themselves with the Philippines even though they have much in common in terms of race, social status, geographic location and so forth. However, for Indonesians and Saudi Arabia the bond is so powerful because they all are assembled around a very powerful common denomination- Islam. The Hajj pilgrimage is the best example that brings millions of Muslim together world wide annually.

On the other hand, Christianity is also an indisputably powerful force that indoctrinates and assembles billions around common objectives. What would be the primary interest of an individual priest of Ethiopian origin to associate himself to a vulgar white protestant German or a Catholic American? The former is a desperate poor, black and uncivilized whatever his socioeconomic status may be. The latter is a white, affluent, extravagant, and modernized. Even though they both maintain their distinct identity, there is a fundamental fact we would not afford to deny. They both claim one thing in common because they belong to same category, Christianity.

My argument is not to talk about the sheer religious diversity in any particular context. However, I attempt to argue that religious diversity in a given society is a divisive force when it comes to rally society around common goals. At the same time, the stark reality is that faith is a powerful and an essential ingredient of identity formation compared to any particular source of identity. Therefore, religion plays a very decisive role in bringing desired changes among various social groups and its effect on winning the sole and mind of individuals for any particular cause is so enormous. In any circumstance, religion is unparalleled by any factors such as race and ethnicity when it comes to enslaving its devout followers. We Oromos have been severely infested with this syndrome that undermines our unity and costs us the fundamental value of self-possession- Oromo Identity. Do you understand that we do not really own ourselves?

“Religion continues to influence social and political values at the foundational level. Take the Catholic Church for instance one can hardly separate it from the evolution and governing ideals of Western nations. Even if subtle or ingrained, faith and spirituality are a part of identities at many levels of society”⁶. Even though, I believe in the separation of state and religion, I am still convinced that religious belief is the core component of nation formation and nation building. Let us assume Oromia will be free and autonomous, in any form, sooner or later. And which dominant religious ideology should it pursue then? Christianity? Islam? Waqeffanna? I do not think the Oromos will come to consensus when it comes to nation formation on the core values of religious belief. Because Oromos have been subjected to the polarizing establishment of religious faiths, it may instigate conflict against one another and further aggravate the differences. Each group would push for an acute form of religious fascism. Christianity would be considered a legitimate imposition on their converts. Islam would fight hard to expand and maintain the status qua.

In any case the nation will not be formed and built on a single fundamental religious value when it is basically fragmented on several fronts. An attempt to unify the population on a common ground would also be that hard to achieve. This is basically what we are witnessing at this particular time in point. To my understanding, the unproductive and ineffective Oromo struggle reflects, in part, this fundamental reality. I challenge you to critically examine your self and come up with your opinion to share with your fellow citizens.

Even though the essential destiny of all major world religions is preaching love, peace and eternity, among many other intractable religious values, Oromians are deeply divided among themselves pursuing different religious ideologies to uphold those sacred values. When the division is so obsolete and irresistible, religion eats them in and out very hard. It erodes their internal strengths; consumes the tolerance needed to understand one another; deeply disconnects one group from the other and provides an ideal condition for conflicting interests while breeding confusion, illusion and ultimately resulting in irreconcilable identity crisis. Religion subjects individuals to slavery by degenerating self-confidence and taking away their consciousness to a particular cause other than the consciousness needed to advance the destiny of eternity.

Generally the lethal force of religion makes its victims so weak and dependent by enslaving their reasoning power and corrupting the intellectual judgment to a skewed and a single side of reality. Religion after all is a coercive instrument primarily designed to control their victims and inherently a necessary evil. “Religion controls billions of people using concepts not based on reality. It tells people how to think, and what moral guidelines to follow. It undermines the most basic concepts of reality, and becomes the entire foundation for one’s thinking.”⁷

I am not prescribing a remedy for every single Oromo individuals to abandon their religious belief. I have no any intention to target and attack a single faith for that matter and describe the negative or/and downside of any religion in the Oromo society. In fact, any religion has its own positive merits and downside. And I also have neither moral authority nor professional ethics to make such a sweeping recommendation. My message is simple and clear. The more society is divided along various religious faiths the less likely that it finds a common ground and shared vision particularly when it comes to the very sensitive and delicate pursuit of identity.

My fellow citizen, my appeal is to try to provoke an open dialogue about the very nature of our division along various religious ideologies. Constructive engagement and discussion among us would unfold the potential for understanding reality and challenge the obstacles contributing to the making of our own failure. Open dialogue will give us strong resilience for self awareness and fight our illusion so that we may be able to find a common ground in pursuit of “Oromumma” and confront the horrifying oppression in that empire state. Keep your religious faith as personal and private matter and stand united to defend the truth cause of “Oromummaa”. Put your Oromo identity foremost before any thing else and battle the religious prejudice imposed on you by unimaginable force of evils.

As a society we all have made a greater stride to a clear and unambiguous historical route towards building “Oromumma”. Our religious faith came far later after we had formed “Orommumma” as a common denominator. However, we have terribly lost a greater momentum against our conquerors fighting an agonizing, senseless and shameful war among ourselves. Those lost years of internal chaos, confusion and skirmish must come to an end for the common good. Now “Oromummaa” is in a desperate need of renaissance and unity than ever before. Stop the present status qua as a sleeping giant and wake up to step up your self-consciousness and advance the cause of freedom, human dignity and social justice. A protracted and further failure to unite toward our collective cause would leave us in an absolute, never-ending suffering, and pains of slavery under the brute force which we all describe as our common enemy.

Notes

¹ . “Waqeffannaa” is an Oromo word meaning belief in God
² “Oromumma” is an Oromo word roughly translated into Oromo Identity
³ “Waqayyoo” is an Oromo word which means God.
⁴ www.beyondintractability.com
⁵ Note that my opinion focuses on the religious institutions rather than individual believers. And also not every Christian, Muslim and or Waqeffata are self-conscious of their being belonging to an Oromo identity and not all Christian and Muslim are in identity crisis. Millions from every single faith are out there are proud of their identity.
⁶ www.pulse-berlin.com, Religion and Identity, As much bad as good? By Erin Wilson
⁷ www.groups.google.com: How religion makes you weak. Thinking men cannot be ruled. – Ayn Rand

The Oromo constitute the most numerous ethnic group in Ethiopia and occupy a huge land area that extends from the Sudan border to the Kenyan border. According to the 2007 census, the Oromo account for about 35 percent of Ethiopia’s population. (The OLF claims that the Oromo constitute almost half of Ethiopia’s population.) Throughout recent Ethiopian history, the Oromo have never held political power commensurate with their numbers, resulting in political marginalization and real and perceived grievances. The Oromo practice Islam, Christianity and traditional Oromo faiths. The largest group is Muslim with Christians not far behind. Persons following traditional beliefs constitute the smallest percentage. Established in 1973, the fundamental objective of the OLF is the Oromo peoples’ right to national self-determination. Some in the OLF interpret this as an independent Oromia while others seek Oromo autonomy within a unified Ethiopia where the political system reflects the Oromo population percentages. The OLF describes its armed resistance as an act of self-defense by the Oromo people against successive Ethiopian governments. From its inception, however, there has been tension within the OLF between those who pursue political or military solutions to resolve Oromo grievances. The OLF opposed the Derg regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam and even aligned itself with the TPLF during the period immediately before the overthrow in 1991 of Mengistu. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the OLF controlled significant territory in southeastern Ethiopia. It opened a front in western Ethiopia in 1981 from bases in Sudan. In 1991, as the TPLF marched on Addis Ababa, the OLF advocated a policy of ethnic federalism. The OLF joined the EPRDF and EPLF at a conference in London aimed at a peaceful political transition after the fall of Mengistu. The OLF did not, however, achieve its objective in London of convincing the EPRDF to hold a referendum on Oromo self-determination. Nevertheless, it joined the new transitional government led by the EPRDF. At the same time, it retained some of its fighting force. Its participation in the EPRDF’s transitional government was brief and contentious. The OLF objected to the procedures for district and regional elections in June 1992 and withdrew from the transitional government. OLF leaders went into exile and the organization resumed its armed struggle to liberate Oromia. The OLF armed insurrection occurred mostly in eastern Ethiopia where it achieved little. Some forces, which claimed to be OLF, resorted to terrorist tactics by placing bombs in hotels and restaurants. The OLF signed a political and military agreement with the Ogaden National Liberation Front in 1996. It also continued ties with the largely defunct Sidama Liberation Front, Beni Shangul Liberation Movement and Gambela People’s Liberation Front. Other OLF supporters regrouped in Sudan where the government welcomed them until the outbreak of the Ethiopian-Eritrean war in 1998, after which Ethiopia normalized relations with Sudan and convinced it to end support for the OLF. Requiring a new base, the OLF moved its operations briefly to unstable Somalia on Ethiopia’s eastern border and operated sporadically out of northern Kenya. Eritrea, which for all practical purposes has been at war with Ethiopia since 1998, began training OLF fighters and provided them with military assistance. The OLF concluded that Somalia was too difficult a country to operate from and that most Somalis had no interest in helping the Oromo. The OLF then moved its headquarters to Eritrea, which was and continues to be the only country bordering Ethiopia that is willing to receive the organization. The OLF also maintains small political offices in London, Washington, Khartoum and perhaps elsewhere. Soon after the OLF left the Ethiopian transitional government in 1992 and went into exile, it began to engage in a series of talks organized outside Ethiopia by third parties to establish a process for resolving differences with the EPRDF. The most recent initiative involved Oromo elders and the OLF, who met in Amsterdam in late 2008. The discussions continued into 2009. All of the efforts so far have failed. The OLF insists on holding substantive talks without conditions while the EPRDF has consistently required that the OLF first renounce the use of armed force and accept the Ethiopian constitution. The EPRDF argues that the OLF is a terrorist organization and encourages foreign governments to add the OLF to their lists of such groups. The OLF strongly condemns terrorism in all of its forms and points out that it is no more a terrorist organization than was the TPLF when it toppled the Mengistu regime. Since the EPRDF came to power in 1991, the OLF military wing has never seriously threatened Ethiopian government forces. Over the years, the OLF has conducted small scale military actions. In 2006, Brigadier-General Kemal Gelchu, an Oromo commanding Ethiopia’s 18th Army division on the Ethiopia-Eritrea border, defected to the OLF with between 150 and 500 soldiers. This development led many to believe that the OLF would finally become a significant military threat. It did not happen and the OLF leadership actually split in 2008. There was already a dissident OLF faction led by former OLF chairman Galassa Dilbo in London. The new split left the main OLF group under its longtime chairman, Dawud Ibsa, at its headquarters in Asmara. The new faction is led by Kemal Gelchu, who remained in Asmara. Lenco Latta, a former OLF deputy secretary general who lives in Oslo, is working with others to reconcile the factions in the context of reinventing the movement. So far, all efforts to reconcile the factions have failed, further diminishing the OLF’s military activity inside Ethiopia. Because of the OLF leadership split, it is difficult to estimate the number of effective soldiers now under arms. Earlier estimates put the figure at a few thousand; the OLF has claimed as many as 5,000 soldiers in recent years. The number is probably lower now. The OLF recruits fighters from Oromo communities inside Ethiopia, Oromo refugees outside the country and Oromo defectors from the Ethiopian army. The OLF has both long and medium range radio sets and trained radio operators. Military equipment includes Kalashnikov and G-3 assault rifles, RPGs and anti-tank mines. The OLF frequently uses small remote-controlled explosive devices. Eritrea has provided some military training to OLF fighters and may provide military advisers and land mine experts. Eritrea is the primary source of arms. OLF troops are organized conventionally into military units with corresponding rank structures and differentiated roles within each unit. The Oromo diaspora in North America, Europe and Australia contributes funds that help pay for headquarters’ expenses and the purchase of weapons.

CSUN student showcase sheds light on Oromo women’s ensembles

May 01, 2011
By Krista Daly

The Art 404 exhibition design class designed the exhibit Bareedina: Women of Oromia, based on their art history professor’s dissertation.

Dr. Peri Klemm traveled to Ethiopia as a graduate student to conduct research for her dissertation. The question turned out to be why women who were so poor spent so much time and energy on the arts of the body, which included hairstyles, tattoos, dress, jewelry and generally the ensemble of things that make up body art.

“The Oromo are the ethnic majority within Ethiopia but they have lived under Ethiopian imperial rule,” Klemm said. “It is within this context, where issues of identity are crucial, that women’s costume in Oromia becomes especially important.”

In the Afaan Oromo language, Bareedina refers to the state of being beautiful, Klemm said.

“I realized that for an Oromian woman, her personal arts are very important for a variety of reasons,” Klemm said. “They communicate something about her age, her religion, her occupation, what political affiliation she holds and most importantly her identity as an Oromio.”

Klemm added that it’s through language, culture and art that they maintain a sense of themselves.

“Women’s bodies become a really important canvas for Oromo identity and Oromo expression,” Klemm said.

She said she took the photos in the exhibit to document what women are doing with their bodies.

Joan Klemm, Peri’s aunt, said she thought the photographs are beautiful.

“I knew of her travels, but I had never been acquainted with her photos,” Joan said. “The people themselves are very beautiful. The way people decorated themselves even through their poverty is just amazing.”

Peri added that the exhibit is very accessible and at the same time very different.

Julie Moss, a grad student in art history, said she doesn’t think a lot of students get to see the end result of their research.

“Of course it’s a beautiful exhibit, the way they have it arranged, but also being able to have them see the fruition of the work and their studies, that to me is what’s unique about it,” said Moss, 42.

Peri Klemm said students chose the photos, designed the exhibit, created a website and a catalogue.

“The catalogue is wonderful,” Peri Klemm said. “It makes you really remember what you’ve seen. In the peace and quiet of your own home, you can get to know the people a little more.”

Monica Tobon, art history major, was involved in telling people about the exhibit.

“We work as more of a team than a class,” Tobon said. “All of us do something different.”

Peri Klemm said the guest speaker, Mardaasa Addisu, is an Oromo activist she met at a conference a couple years ago.

“He has continued to promote the love and generosity of the Oromos,” Peri Klemm said. “He continues to inspire me.”

Addisu is involved in the organization Macha Tulama, which helps Oromo people improve their health care, education and even what it means to be Oromo.

In the last few months, he said he has been active in helping Oromian refugees.

“Being recognized as Oromo was a challenge,” Addisu said. “They were all lumped into Ethiopian.”

Marathon runners are having the same identity issue, he added. Oromian runners are still considered Ethiopian and Addisu said he is trying to help them to be recognized as Oromo.

Addisu said he has been working on a pollution project for the last four years because many have died from it in Oromia.

No one enforces the environmental protection law and Addisu said the EPA director said enforcing the policy is extreme.

The Bareedina: Women of Oromia exhibit will be at the West Gallery until May 5.

What is the Gada system? Was it a system used through out Oromia or was it prevalent in one region of Oromia only? and the follow up question is politically speaking, was there an Oromia nation before Menelik?

The original homeland of the Oromo people is East Africa,Oromia. However, this original land of Oromo people was  deliberately slanted to the present region of Bali and Borena. Particularly, Guji and northern Borena land areas seemed to be recognized as the cradle land of Oromo culture. Further more, it was said from these areas that the Oromos  moved into the eastern, western, and central highlands of Ethiopia and intermingled with the people inhabiting over these areas starting from the second quarter of the sixteenth century. However, the Oromo were and are pastorals and semi agriculturalist, and their social organization was based on an egalitarian socio-political and cultural institution called Gadaa system.

The Gadaa system was a system of an age-grade classes (luba) that succeed each other every eight years in assuming military, economy, political and ritual responsibilities. Each Gada class remained in power during a specific term (Gada) which began and ended with a formal power transfer ceremony. Before assuming a position of leadership, the Gada class is required to wage war against a community that none of their ancestors had raided. This particular war is known as Butta and is waged on schedule every eight years. (See, Asmarom Legesse (1973), Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Societies. London, p.8; Mohammed Hassen (1990), The Oromo of Ethiopia: A History 1570-1860). Cambridge, pp. 9-17). The Gada system spread with the migration and intermingle of the Oromo ethnic group and following their permanent settlement the system began to shade its traditional egalitarian socio-political character. (Refer our earlier discussion on the Zemene Mesafint in Southern Ethiopia).

Regarding the second part of the question, "was there an Oromia nation before Menelik", I could not find literature specifically addressing this point. During my stay at the 12th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, I asked this same question to one scholar who is an Oromo by ethnic. He said "you have the Oromigna language that has different dialects; you have a Gada system which gives sense to an Oromo living in Welega and Hara". I then asked him bluntly if he meant by that an Oromia nation and he said yes. Accordingly, he has considered two or three factors to define a nation: common language, culture, and I suspect he had also in mind defined geography. Others may have different definition, but what is the point to try discuss and write on "Oromia nation", for that mater on any "non-dominant" ethnic group. What is the purpose behind the "scholarly" interest to construct the historical past of an ethnic group and attempts to mythology. And how are we able to analyse and understand the various activities by national(ist) movements of a "non- dominant" ethnic groups?

I would like to take this opportunity to raise some issues and methods which I believe may help us to understand nation and national(ist) movements by "non-dominant" ethnic groups. Looking back to the history of Europe, and going through the bulk of literature on nations and nationalism, one has the impression that "nation" is a product of long and complicated process of historical development. To all intents and purposes, "nation" is defined as "a large social group integrated not by one but by a combination of several kinds of objective relationships (economic, political, linguistic, cultural, religious, geographical, historical), and their subjective reflection in collective consciousness". Many of these ties could be mutually substitutable, but, among them, three stands out as irreplaceable:

i) a memory of some common past, treated as destiny of the group,

ii) a density of linguistic or cultural ties enabling a higher degree of social communication within the group than beyond it,

iii) a conception of the equality of all members of the group organized as a civil society.

If we follow this definition, then there was no "Oromia nation" in the past. There were Oromo people, their history and socio-political organization, but we do not find the ties in a "collective consciousness". That is why today we find activists both inside and outside the government demanding national self determination, and the discussion around "Oromia nation", as part of an effort to create "memory of some common past". Ethnic national movement starts the moment when selected groups within the non-dominant ethnic community begin to discuss their own ethnicity and to conceive of it as a potential nation-to-be. The demand for national self determination could mean autonomy or statehood, and it all depends on the political development. The growth from cultural national movement to a political one (to a state nationhood) has at least three stages:

Phase One: the "patriotic stage", at this stage the energy of the activists is devoted to scholarly enquiry into and dissemination of an awareness of the linguistic, cultural, social and sometime historical attributes of the non-dominant ethnic group. At this stage the activists may not press specifically national demands. Their intellectual activity may not be called an organized social or political movement. Some members of their group may not even believe that their ethnic could develop into a nation. At this stage the activists mainly collect information about the history, language and custom of their ethnic group. They try to "discover" the ethnic group and lay a base for the subsequent formation of a "national identity".

Phase Two: is the stage of "national agitation", a new range of activists emerge seeking to win over as many of their ethnic group as possible to the project of creating a future nation, by agitation to awaken national consciousness among them.

Phase Three: the stage of "mass movement", in which the major part of the ethnic population store their special national identity. This stage heralds the birth of the nation state.

The question is now does an ethnic movement which passed the first two phases reach into the critical phase three? In other words what are the objective circumstances which ultimately lead successfully in passing over into a mass movement of phase three and attaining the imagined nation. There are three factors:

i) the degree of success in creating and agitating the "memory of former independence or statehood situated far in the past". This could stimulate not only historical consciousness and ethnic solidarity, but the continuity of past history and "violation of a historical right". In Ethiopia, we have seen cases argued based on theory of colonialism and colonial history.

ii) the degree of social mobility and communication: if more members and activists from the ethnic group attain higher vertical social mobility, "national agitation", (phase two), has more appealing. In other words increase in the number of educated elite from the non-dominant ethnic group. In addition, the rate of literacy among the peasant population (literary tradition of the ethnic group) facilitates social communication as the transmission of information. (Activists of the Oromo national(ist) movement have introduced Latin alphabet in the Oromo language, have they considered this alphabet as an asset?)

iii) besides the above two circumstances, a weighing factor is the degree of crisis and conflict of interests: absolute repression lives no room for a developed form of political discourse or argument. In this kind of system it is easy to articulate social contradictions or hostilities in national language–as danger to a particular language or ethnic group. In societies where you have a high level of political culture and experience, conflicts of interests are often articulated in political terms not in national terms. Issues of human and civil right are, therefor, important for national integration.

To conclude, theoretically speaking, the basic precondition of all national(ist) movements of ethnic group is a deep crisis of the order, with the breakdown of its legitimacy, and of the values and sentiments that sustained it. This crisis is combined with economic depression and wide spread poverty, social decline, generating increasing popular distress. A third crucial element of the situation is the prevalence of low level of political culture and experience particularly among the elite. The coincidence of these three conditions unleash ethnic movements and once they acquire a mass character, they can not be stopped by use of force. The remedy against this danger is prevalence of unconditional democracy and economic prosperity.

Further Readings:

Hroch, Miroslav (1985), Social Preconditions of National Revival in Europe,London.

Hobsbawn, E.J. (1990), Nations and Nationalism Since 1780. Programme, Myth and Reality. Cambridge.