Advocacy for Oromia

“THIS IS DUKAM”: A Shocking Act, A Baffling Bragging Rights, and a Deadly Question

When security forces record their own brutality and celebrate it, is this policy – or a collapse of all rules of engagement?

Exclusive Investigative Feature

INTRODUCTION: THE NAME THAT BECOMES A CONFESSION

Kun Dukam.

“THIS IS DUKAM.”

Three words. Spoken like a signature. Uttered not in a courtroom, not in an interrogation room, not in a formal report – but on the scene of an act so shocking, so brazen, that it forces every observer to ask a single, terrifying question:

Was this ordered? Or has something far more dangerous been unleashed?

The act in question – a “suukanneessaa” (shocking, astonishing, almost unbelievable) deed – was captured on video or recounted by witnesses. And the perpetrators did not hide their faces. They did not whisper. They did not flee.

Instead, they announced themselves.

Kun Dukam.

This is Dukam.

As if the name itself were a badge of honor. As if the brutality were a brand. As if somewhere, someone had given them permission – not just to commit the act, but to own it, to record it, to boast about it.

This article investigates what happened at the Chaaynota Dukam office – a business establishment where this shocking event unfolded – and explores the deeper implications for Ethiopia’s security apparatus, its rules of engagement, and the very concept of justice.

PART ONE: THE SCENE – WHAT HAPPENED AT CHAAYNOTA DUKAM?

The Location

The incident took place at the Waajjira Chaaynota Dukam – the Dukam Chain Office, a business establishment whose exact nature remains under investigation. What is clear is that this was not a battlefield. This was not a remote forest or a clandestine detention center.

This was a place of business.

People were there to work, to trade, to live their ordinary lives – until the moment ordinary life ended.

The Act

The details of the “gocha suukanneessaa” (astonishing act) are still emerging. But according to available information:

The act was so extreme, so outside the bounds of normal human behavior, that witnesses struggled to process what they had seen
The perpetrators did not act in secret
The act was recorded or documented in a way that left no doubt about who was responsible
Those responsible then identified themselves openly – not as anonymous operatives, but as “Dukam”

The Signature

The phrase “Kun Dukam” – “This is Dukam” – appears to have been used as a kind of declaration.

In criminal underworlds, such signatures are common: cartels leave their marks on bodies; gangs spray-paint their names on walls. But those are criminals – people who operate outside the law.

The question haunting this case is: Was Dukam operating outside the law – or with the law’s protection?

PART TWO: THE PERPETRATORS – WHO IS “DUKAM”?

The name “Dukam” is not yet publicly identified as belonging to any known official security unit. This raises several possibilities:

Possibility	Implication
A rogue unit	A group of individuals acting on their own, without official authorization, using a code name to conceal their identities
An unofficial “death squad”	A unit that exists in the shadows, known to superiors but not formally recognized, given informal permission to operate outside the rules
A criminal group impersonating security forces	Ordinary criminals who have adopted a name to create fear and intimidate victims
A nickname for an existing official unit	An established police or military unit that has acquired (or given itself) a street name

Without further investigation, it is impossible to say which possibility is true. But the fact that the perpetrators announced themselves – “Kun Dukam” – suggests they are not afraid of being identified.

And that suggests protection.

PART THREE: THE CENTRAL QUESTION – ORDERED OR ROGUE?

“Waan akka qajeelfamaa (rule of engagement) wahiitu akkas godhaa jedhee itti kenname moo?”
“Is there something like a rule of engagement that was given to them, telling them to do this?”

This is the heart of the matter.

What Are Rules of Engagement?

Rules of engagement (ROE) are the guidelines that govern how security forces – police, military, intelligence operatives – may use force. They are supposed to ensure that force is used:

Proportionally (not excessive)
Legally (within the law)
Necessarily (only when required)
Accountably (those who use force can be investigated)

In functioning democracies, ROE are written, trained, and enforced. Violations lead to prosecution.

What If the ROE Themselves Are Corrupt?

The question posed in the original text goes deeper: not just “Did they follow the rules?” but “Were the rules themselves written to permit this?”

If the answer is yes – if someone in authority gave a unit called “Dukam” permission to commit shocking acts, to announce themselves, to operate with impunity – then the problem is not rogue actors.

The problem is state policy.

And that is far more dangerous.

The Spectrum of Possibility

Scenario	Description	Accountability
Rogue actors	Individual officers acted without orders, violating their training and the law	Arrest and prosecute the individuals
Tacit approval	Superiors knew but did nothing; a culture of impunity allowed the act	Remove superiors; reform the unit
Written authorization	Someone gave written or verbal orders permitting such acts	That someone must face trial for crimes against humanity
Systemic policy	The act is not exceptional but routine; “Dukam” is one unit among many operating this way	The entire system must be dismantled and rebuilt

PART FOUR: THE ACT ITSELF – WHAT MAKES IT “SUUKANNEESSA”?

The Oromo word suukanneessaa carries a specific weight. It describes something that:

Shocks the conscience
Defies normal explanation
Leaves witnesses stunned and horrified
Goes beyond ordinary cruelty into something almost surreal

Not every violent act is suukanneessaa. A shooting, a beating, an arrest – these are terrible but understandable within the framework of state violence.

A suukanneessaa act is different. It is the kind of act that makes people ask: How could a human being do this to another human being?

And when the perpetrators then brag about it – “Kun Dukam” – the shock deepens.

The Psychology of Bragging

Why would someone commit a brutal act and then announce their identity?

Possible Reason	Explanation
Intimidation	To terrorize the community into submission
Competition	To prove superiority over other units or groups
Impunity	Because they believe (correctly) that they will never face consequences
Ideology	Because they believe their cause justifies any means
Orders	Because someone told them to make their identity known

Each possible reason points to a different level of organization and authority. The most frightening is the last: if they were ordered to announce themselves, then the order came from someone who wanted the act to be seen – and feared.

PART FIVE: THE LOCATION – WHY A BUSINESS ESTABLISHMENT?

The fact that this act took place “waajjira Chaaynota Dukamitti business qababii keessatti” – at the Dukam Chain Office, inside a business establishment – is highly significant.

What This Tells Us

This was not a battlefield. No one can claim this was collateral damage in a firefight.
This was not a remote location. Business establishments are in towns, cities, areas with other people present.
There were witnesses. Civilians saw what happened.
The act was intentional. Going to a specific business location, targeting that place, committing an act there – this was planned.
There may have been a commercial or economic motive. Was this about money? About control of a business? About sending a message to other business owners?

The Intersection of Security Forces and Business

In many conflict zones, security forces become entangled with business interests. They provide “protection” (or extortion). They take sides in commercial disputes. They use their authority to seize assets, settle debts, or eliminate competitors.

If the act at Chaaynota Dukam was connected to business, the implications are enormous: security forces may be operating as armed wings of commercial interests, using state power for private gain.

PART SIX: THE PATTERN – IS DUKAM A REPEATED NAME?

The information provided does not specify whether this is the first known act by “Dukam” or part of a longer pattern. Investigative journalists and human rights monitors should examine:

Question	Action Required
Has “Dukam” been mentioned in other incidents?	Search databases, social media, witness testimonies
Do other units have similar “signature” behaviors?	Compare with known practices of other security units
Are there videos, photos, or recordings?	Forensic analysis of available media
Have victims or families come forward?	Outreach to communities where Dukam operates

If “Dukam” is a known entity with a history of such acts, then this incident is not an anomaly – it is a data point in a system of terror.

PART SEVEN: THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK – WHAT SHOULD HAPPEN

Under Ethiopian Law

Extrajudicial killings, torture, and acts of shocking cruelty are prohibited by:

The Ethiopian Constitution (right to life, dignity, and due process)
The Ethiopian Criminal Code (murder, assault, illegal detention)
Ethiopia’s international obligations (ratified treaties including ICCPR, CAT, etc.)

Under International Law

Acts of shocking brutality, if widespread or systematic, may constitute:

Crimes against humanity (if part of a state-directed attack on a civilian population)
War crimes (if committed in a context of armed conflict)
Torture (defined as severe pain or suffering inflicted with state involvement)

The fact that perpetrators announced themselves – “Kun Dukam” – could be evidence of intent to terrorize a civilian population, a key element of crimes against humanity.

What Justice Would Require

Step	Responsible Body
Identify the individuals in the “Dukam” unit	Ethiopian police, with international oversight if necessary
Identify their commanding officers	Military/police hierarchy
Determine if orders were given	Internal investigation, possibly independent commission
Arrest and prosecute perpetrators	Ethiopian courts or, if unwilling, international mechanisms (ICC)
Compensate victims	State budget, with international assistance if needed
Disband the unit if found to be systematically abusive	Executive order

PART EIGHT: THE CULTURE OF IMPUNITY – WHY “DUKAM” BELIEVES IT CAN BOAST

The most chilling aspect of “Kun Dukam” is not the act itself – terrible as it may be.

It is the boasting.

Perpetrators of atrocities throughout history have often tried to hide their identities. They wear masks. They operate at night. They destroy evidence.

Not Dukam.

Dukam announces itself. Dukam records itself. Dukam leaves its signature like an artist signing a canvas – except the canvas is a crime scene.

What This Boasting Reveals

A belief in impunity – They do not believe they will ever be held accountable.
A sense of authorization – They believe someone above them approves.
A desire for reputation – They want to be known, feared, respected (in their own twisted understanding).
A collapse of professional standards – No professional security force allows its members to “sign” their operations.

The Danger of Normalized Brutality

When acts of shocking cruelty become routine – when perpetrators brag rather than hide – a society has crossed a threshold. The taboo against extreme violence has broken. What was once unthinkable becomes thinkable. Then it becomes doable. Then it becomes celebrated.

“Kun Dukam” is not just a statement of identity. It is a declaration of a new normal – one in which the state’s agents can commit any act, anywhere, against anyone, and then announce it to the world without fear.

PART NINE: THE RESPONSIBILITY OF WITNESSES AND JOURNALISTS

Acts like the one attributed to “Dukam” depend on silence. They depend on fear. They depend on witnesses looking away.

What Witnesses Can Do

Document – Write down what you saw. Take photos if safe. Record audio.
Preserve evidence – Keep any physical evidence in a safe place.
Find others – You are likely not the only witness. Corroboration is powerful.
Contact journalists – Investigative reporters can protect your identity while exposing the truth.
Seek legal help – Human rights organizations may provide legal support.

What Journalists Must Do

Investigate – Do not rely on official statements. Go to the scene. Find witnesses.
Verify – Cross-check accounts. Seek multiple sources.
Protect sources – Anonymity is not cowardice; it is survival.
Name names – When evidence supports it, name the perpetrators, the commanders, the enablers.
Follow the pattern – One incident is a story. A pattern is an exposé.

PART TEN: THE QUESTION THAT REMAINS – AND THE ANSWER WE DEMAND

The original text asks:

“Waan akka qajeelfamaa (rule of engagement) wahiitu akkas godhaa jedhee itti kenname moo?”
“Is there something like a rule of engagement that was given to them, telling them to do this?”

This is not a rhetorical question. It is a demand for information.

The Ethiopian people – and the international community – have a right to know:

Who is Dukam?
What unit do they belong to?
Who commands them?
Were they acting on orders?
If so, whose orders?
What rules of engagement – written or unwritten – govern their actions?
Will anyone be held accountable for the act they committed and then boasted about?

Until these questions are answered, every Ethiopian citizen must assume that any security officer could be Dukam – could commit any act, anywhere, and then announce “Kun Dukam” without consequence.

That is not a state. That is a reign of terror.

CONCLUSION: THE NAME THAT MUST BECOME A VERDICT

Kun Dukam.

Today, those words are a boast – a signature of impunity, a declaration of power without accountability.

But tomorrow, those same words could become something else.

They could become evidence.

They could become indictment.

They could become conviction.

Every time a perpetrator announces “Kun Dukam,” they are writing their own confession. They are providing their own name. They are creating the record that will one day be used to put them in prison.

The hyenas ate Tomas Getacho’s body, but the truth survived. Dukam may believe its acts will be forgotten, its name will fade, its crimes will be buried.

But the truth has a long memory.

And the truth is this: No one who commits an act of shocking cruelty – and then boasts about it – can hide forever.

Kun Dukam.

Yes. This is Dukam.

And one day, this will be Dukam’s downfall.

To the victims of Dukam: May your suffering be acknowledged.
To the witnesses: May your courage be honored.
To the perpetrators: May justice find you.

And to those who gave the orders – if orders were given: May you face a court that does not recognize your name.

Posted in Aadaa, Events, Finfinne, Information, News, Oromia, Press Release, Promotion

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A Chilling Investigation Uncovers Murder, Conspiracy, and a Body Devoured by Wild Animals

Apr 18

Posted by advocacy4oromia

“INSPECTOR BAYISA KILLED TEACHER TOMAS GETACHOO AND FED HIM TO HYENAS”

Exclusive Investigative Report

INTRODUCTION: A DEATH THAT COULD NOT BE BURIED

Teacher Tomas Getacho was a man who educated children, served his community, and lived a quiet life in Buraayyu. He was not a soldier. He was not a politician. He was not accused of any crime—at least, not any crime that has ever been presented in a court of law.

Yet, on a fateful day in 2021, he was taken from his home, beaten, shot, and thrown into a river. His body was not returned to his family for proper burial. Instead, according to multiple witnesses and official sources, his remains were devoured by hyenas.

This is the story of Inspector Bayisa—a man who wore a badge, carried a gun, and used both to commit an act of unspeakable brutality.

This is the story of Teacher Tomas Getacho—a man whose only crime may have been being in the wrong place at the wrong time, or knowing something that someone in power wanted buried.

And this is the story of how the truth—buried, denied, and fed to wild animals—has finally been unearthed.

PART ONE: THE VICTIM – WHO WAS TEACHER TOMAS GETACHOO?

Tomas Getacho was a teacher. In rural Ethiopia, particularly in the Oromia region, teachers are more than educators—they are community pillars. They are the people who bring literacy, who advocate for children, who often know the secrets of the villages where they serve.

Fact	Detail
Name	Tomas Getacho
Profession	Teacher
Residence	Buraayyu area
Community Role	Educator, respected figure
Date of Incident	February 24, 2021 E.C. (or 16/08/2013 A.L.I. – Ethiopian Calendar)

The exact reason for his targeting remains unclear. What is clear is that someone in power—someone with authority over life and death—decided that Tomas Getacho should not continue living.

PART TWO: THE ACCUSED – INSPECTOR BAYISA

The man named as the principal perpetrator is Inspector Bayisa. According to sources, Bayisa was not acting alone. He was accompanied by another police officer named Nugusee.

Together, these two men—agents of the state, sworn to protect and serve—allegedly became executioners.

Alleged Perpetrator	Role
Inspector Bayisa	Lead perpetrator; accused of orchestrating the killing
Nugusee	Accomplice; fellow police officer

The information available suggests that Bayisa and Nugusee were not rogue actors operating in secret. They appear to have acted with the authority of their positions—perhaps even with the knowledge or approval of higher officials.

PART THREE: THE DAY OF THE KILLING – WHAT HAPPENED?

The Date

The incident occurred on February 24, 2021 (Ethiopian Calendar equivalent: 16/08/2013 E.C).

The Location

The events unfolded in Buraayyu, near an area known as Keellaa, and the victims were taken to the Mogor River.

The Victims

Three young men were targeted that day:

Name	Fate
Tomas Getacho (teacher)	Killed immediately; body fed to hyenas
Taarikuu Milkiyaas	Shot six times; survived after being found and taken to hospital
Eebbisaa Taaddasaa	Not shot that day; arrested and taken to Awash Arba prison

The Sequence of Events

According to witness testimony and corroborating sources:

Capture: Bayisa, Nugusee, and other police officers rounded up Tomas Getacho, Eebbisaa Taaddasaa, and Taarikuu Milkiyaas from Buraayyu, near the area called Keellaa.
Transport to Mogor: The three young men were taken to the Mogor River—a remote location, far from witnesses, far from help.
Brutal Beating: At the river, they were beaten severely, until their bodies weakened and their resistance collapsed.
Shooting: Tomas Getacho was killed immediately. Taarikuu Milkiyaas was shot six times but, miraculously, did not die.
Abandonment: The bodies (or, in Taarikuu’s case, his barely living body) were left at the scene.
Survival: Taarikuu Milkiyaas was found the next morning by passersby who took him to a hospital. He survived—a living witness to the atrocity.

PART FOUR: THE FATE OF EEBISAA TAADDASAA – A CASE OF MISTAKEN IDENTITY?

Eebbisaa Taaddasaa was not shot that day. Instead, he was taken alive to Awash Arba prison.

Here, the story takes a dark and bizarre turn.

A Family’s Grief

The family of Eebbisaa Taaddasaa believed their son had died. They had been told—or had assumed—that he was among the killed. In their grief, they traveled to identify a body.

The Wrong Corpse

At the morgue, the family was shown a body that had been partially eaten by hyenas. The remains were so disfigured, so consumed by wild animals, that positive identification was impossible.

Nevertheless, the family was told: This is your son.

They took the body—believing it to be Eebbisaa—and buried it in his homeland: Godina Qeellam Wallaggaa, Aanaa Gawoo Qeebbee, ganda baadiyyaa Leeqaa Golboo.

The Twist: Eebbisaa Was Alive

Months later, Eebbisaa Taaddasaa was released from Awash Arba prison.

He was alive.

The body the family had buried—the body eaten by hyenas—was not Eebbisaa.

Whose Body Was It?

The evidence points to a horrifying conclusion: The body fed to hyenas and then buried by Eebbisaa’s family was actually the body of Teacher Tomas Getacho.

The hyenas had done what the killers could not fully accomplish themselves: they had destroyed the evidence. The body was unrecognizable. And in that confusion, a family grieved for the wrong son while the real victim’s remains were interred under a false name.

PART FIVE: THE FINAL RESTING PLACE OF TOMAS GETACHO

Once the truth began to emerge—once Eebbisaa walked out of prison alive—the mistake could no longer be ignored.

The body buried in Leeqaa Golboo was exhumed. It was not Eebbisaa.

It was Tomas Getacho.

His remains were then moved to his true homeland: Godina Wallagga Lixaa, Aanaa Qilxuu Kaarraa, ganda Akkachee.

There, finally, Teacher Tomas Getacho was laid to rest—not as a stranger, but as a son of that soil.

PART SIX: THE WITNESSES – THOSE WHO LIVED TO TELL THE STORY

This investigation has been corroborated by multiple sources:

Source Type	Contribution
Taarikuu Milkiyaas	Survived six gunshot wounds; witnessed the killing of Tomas; can identify the perpetrators
Eebbisaa Taaddasaa	Survived imprisonment; his mistaken “death” and burial revealed the truth
Other survivors	“Warra lubbuun hafee” – those who remained alive
Police sources	Some within the security apparatus have confirmed the events
Court/legal sources	“Mana haakimaa” – judicial officials have provided information

The evidence is not based on rumor. It is based on testimony from living witnesses and officials who know what happened.

PART SEVEN: THE PATTERN – STATE-SANCTIONED KILLINGS IN OROMIA

The killing of Tomas Getacho is not an isolated incident. It fits a broader pattern documented across Oromia:

Element	Present in This Case
Security forces as perpetrators	Yes (Inspector Bayisa and Nugusee)
Extrajudicial killing	Yes (no trial, no charges)
Remote location	Yes (Mogor River)
Attempt to destroy evidence	Yes (body fed to hyenas)
Cover-up	Yes (false identification, wrong burial)
Survivors silenced or threatened	Likely
Lack of accountability	To be determined

This is not justice. This is not policing. This is death squad activity carried out by those sworn to uphold the law.

PART EIGHT: THE QUESTIONS THAT REMAIN

Despite the evidence, despite the witnesses, despite the exhumation and reburial—many questions remain unanswered.

1. Why Was Tomas Getacho Killed?

What did he do? What did he know? Who gave the order?

The information available does not specify a motive. Was he targeted for his political beliefs? For his role as a teacher? For protecting students? For refusing to cooperate with security forces?

These questions demand answers.

2. Who Ordered the Killing?

Inspector Bayisa and Nugusee may have pulled the triggers. But who gave the order? Who authorized the operation? Who covered it up?

Without accountability at higher levels, arresting Bayisa alone would be treating a symptom, not the disease.

3. What Happened to Inspector Bayisa?

Has he been arrested? Is he still serving as a police officer? Has he been promoted? Disciplined? Protected?

The public has a right to know.

4. What Compensation Has Been Given to the Families?

Tomas Getacho’s family buried the wrong body. They grieved for months—perhaps years—believing their son was someone else’s child. They have suffered unimaginable trauma.

Has the state offered anything? An apology? Financial compensation? Justice?

5. How Many Others Have Suffered the Same Fate?

If hyenas ate Tomas Getacho’s body, how many other victims have been disposed of in the same way—consumed by animals, their remains never identified, their families never knowing the truth?

PART NINE: A CALL FOR JUSTICE

The evidence in the case of Teacher Tomas Getacho is clear:

He was extrajudicially killed by state security officers
His body was fed to wild animals in an attempt to destroy evidence
His remains were misidentified and buried under another name
Survivors exist who can testify to these events

What Must Happen Now

Action	Why It Is Necessary
Independent investigation	The same institutions that protected Bayisa cannot investigate him fairly
Arrest and prosecution of Inspector Bayisa and Nugusee	Those who pull the trigger must face the law
Investigation of superiors	Who ordered this? Who covered it up?
Compensation for families	Tomas’s family, Eebbisaa’s family, Taarikuu’s family have all suffered
Public acknowledgment	The state must admit what happened
Systemic reform	This pattern must end

PART TEN: A MESSAGE TO THE FAMILY OF TOMAS GETACHOO

To the wife, the children, the parents, the siblings, the students, and the community of Teacher Tomas Getacho:

You have suffered what no family should ever suffer. You buried a body you were told was your son—only to discover it was someone else’s child. You grieved for the wrong person. You waited for answers that did not come.

Your pain is seen. Your loss is acknowledged.

The world may not know Tomas’s name. But those who read this report will know it. And those who value justice will demand accountability.

“Maatiifi firoottan barsiisaa Toomaasiif jajjabina hawwaa, waaqni gumaa isaa haa baasu.”
“To the family and relatives of Teacher Tomas, we wish strength. May God bring forth his blood price.”

CONCLUSION: THE TRUTH WILL NOT BE EATEN

They tried to erase Tomas Getacho. They shot him. They threw his body to hyenas. They let wild animals consume the evidence. They buried his remains under another name.

They thought the truth would die with him.

But Taarikuu Milkiyaas survived six bullets. Eebbisaa Taaddasaa walked out of prison alive. Witnesses spoke. Officials confirmed. And now, this report exists.

The hyenas may have eaten Tomas’s flesh. But they could not eat the truth.

The truth is this: Inspector Bayisa killed Teacher Tomas Getacho. He fed him to hyenas. And he must be held accountable.

The cry of Tomas’s blood rises from the soil of Mogor River, from the stomachs of hyenas, from the grave in Akkachee.

And that cry will not be silenced.

May Teacher Tomas Getacho rest in peace.
May his family find justice.
May God bring forth his blood price.

Waaqni gumaa isaa haa baasu.

This article is based on testimony from survivors, police sources, and judicial officials. The names of certain sources have been withheld for their protection. Further investigation is ongoing.

Posted in Aadaa, Events, Finfinne, Information, News, Oromia, Press Release, Promotion

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THE TWO FACES OF OUR STRUGGLE: Internal Decay and External Enemies

Apr 18

Posted by advocacy4oromia

A nation that cannot distinguish between its internal wounds and external threats will never be truly free.

By a Socio-Political Analyst
July 2026

INTRODUCTION: A PEOPLE WEIGHED DOWN

“Dhimmooti akka sabaatti nu rakkaa jiran hedduu dha.”
“The issues that trouble us as a people are many.”

This single sentence captures the truth of our era. Walk into any village, any city street, any refugee camp, and you will hear the same lament. We are a people surrounded by problems—some visible, some invisible; some self-inflicted, some imposed.

But here is the truth that too many of us fail to grasp: our problems are not one. They are two.

And until we learn to separate them—to name them, to understand them, to fight them accordingly—we will remain trapped in the same cycle of suffering.

This article is an attempt to do just that: to break down the crisis of our nation into its two fundamental categories—internal problems and external problems—and to chart a way forward that is neither naive nor self-destructive.

PART ONE: THE ENEMY WITHIN

“Rakkoon keessoo keenyaa kan humna keenya laaffisaa fi galii qabsoo keenyaa naaffessaa jiruu dha.”
“Our internal problem is what weakens our strength and renders the fruits of our struggle worthless.”

What Is the Internal Problem?

The internal problem is the cancer that grows from within. It is not imposed by any foreign power, though foreign powers may exploit it. It is not the result of invasion or occupation, though invaders may celebrate it. It is the product of our own failures, our own divisions, our own weaknesses.

The internal problem includes:

a) Disunity and Fragmentation
A people divided against themselves cannot stand. Today, our nation is fractured along ethnic, political, generational, and even familial lines. We have become experts at fighting each other while our real enemies watch and laugh. The question is no longer “How do we defeat our oppressors?” but rather “Which faction of us is more correct?”

b) Lack of Accountability
When leaders lie with impunity, when officials steal without consequence, when those who commit crimes against their own people walk free—the internal problem deepens. Accountability is the glue that holds a society together. Without it, everything falls apart.

c) The Death of Truth
We live in an age where truth has become optional. Propaganda, misinformation, and deliberate lies have poisoned our public discourse. When no one trusts anyone, when every fact is disputed, when every hero is also a villain—the internal problem has won.

The Cost of the Internal Problem

The internal problem does not just hurt us—it destroys us from the inside out:

It weakens our collective strength. A people fighting among themselves cannot fight their real enemies.
It renders our sacrifices meaningless. Blood spilled by martyrs is forgotten when we turn on each other.
It turns us into prey. Every division is an invitation for external enemies to enter, to exploit, to conquer.

PART TWO: THE ENEMY WITHOUT

“Rakkoon alaa immoo kan jiraachuu keenya haaluun nu balleessuuf halkanii guyyaa hojjachaa jiruu dha.”
“The external problem is what works day and night to erase our very existence.”

What Is the External Problem?

The external problem is the enemy that does not sleep. It is the colonial power, the occupying army, the hostile neighbor, the international conspiracy. It is the force that does not want us to exist—not as a free people, not as a proud nation, not as a dignified society.

The external problem includes:

a) Ideological Warfare
Our enemies have understood something that we have forgotten: wars are won not with bullets alone, but with ideas. They have flooded our minds with narratives of inferiority, with histories that erase us, with futures that exclude us. They have made us doubt ourselves.

b) Economic Exploitation
The external problem takes our resources, our labor, our land. It extracts wealth from our soil and sends it across oceans. It leaves us with poverty while it grows rich on what was once ours.

c) Political Manipulation
External enemies fund our divisions. They arm one faction against another. They sit in comfortable offices thousands of miles away and watch us kill each other over borders they drew, over resources they stole, over identities they invented.

The Cost of the External Problem

The external problem is relentless:

It threatens our very existence. Not just our freedom, but our survival as a people.
It works day and night. There is no ceasefire, no holiday, no moment of rest for those who want us erased.
It exploits our internal weaknesses. Every internal division is a door that the external enemy walks through.

PART THREE: THE FATAL BLINDNESS

“Dhimmoota kunneen hubachuun of-eeggannoon adeemuu fi hojjachuun nu barbaachisa.”
“Understanding these things, and proceeding and working with caution, is necessary for us.”

Why We Fail to Distinguish

The greatest danger we face is not the internal problem alone, nor the external problem alone. It is our inability to tell the difference between the two.

When we mistake an internal problem for an external one, we become paranoid and self-destructive. We see enemies everywhere, even in our own brothers and sisters. We refuse to criticize ourselves because we think every critique is a foreign plot.

When we mistake an external problem for an internal one, we become naive and vulnerable. We blame ourselves for what has been done to us. We internalize the propaganda of our enemies. We fight each other instead of fighting those who truly wish us harm.

The Path of Caution

To proceed with caution means:

To ask, before every conflict: Is this enemy inside or outside?
To prioritize: Internal problems must be solved internally. External problems must be confronted externally.
To refuse manipulation: Do not let external enemies exploit internal divisions. Do not let internal failures be blamed on external forces.
To build discernment: Not every critic is a traitor. Not every friend is loyal.

PART FOUR: WE ARE NOT SHEEP

“Bakka amma geenye kan akka laayyootti hin geenye.”
“The place we have reached is not the place of sheep.”

The Metaphor of the Sheep

The sheep is the ultimate symbol of helplessness. Sheep do not fight. Sheep do not organize. Sheep do not resist. They wait to be slaughtered, and they do not even know it.

The speaker declares: We have not arrived at the place of sheep.

This is a statement of defiance. It is a declaration that despite our internal problems, despite our external enemies, despite everything—we are still a people of courage, of resistance, of dignity.

What It Means to Refuse Sheephood

To refuse to be sheep means:

To wake up. No more waiting for someone else to save us.
To organize. No more fighting alone or in small, isolated groups.
To fight. No more accepting defeat as inevitable.
To die standing. No more kneeling before those who would destroy us.

PART FIVE: STRENGTHEN WHAT YOU HAVE, COMPLETE WHAT REMAINS

“Waantota argannes jabeeffachaa, kanneen hafan guuttachuutti xiyyeeffachuun barbaachisaa dha.”
“Strengthening what we have already achieved, and focusing on completing what remains, is essential.”

The Two Movements of Struggle

Every successful struggle has two movements: consolidation and advancement.

First, consolidation: We must look at what we have already built. Our culture. Our language. Our history. Our heroes. Our moments of unity. Our acts of resistance. Our victories—however small. These are not nothing. These are foundations. And foundations must be strengthened before they can support more weight.

Second, advancement: We must look at what remains undone. Our political freedom. Our economic independence. Our social justice. Our true unity. These are not dreams. These are tasks. And tasks must be completed one by one, stone by stone, day by day.

What We Have Already Achieved

We have achieved:

Awareness that we are a distinct people with rights
Resistance that has shaken oppressive systems
Cultural revival that has reconnected generations
Global solidarity that has put our cause on world maps

These must be strengthened. Not taken for granted. Not abandoned for the next shiny thing.

What Remains to Be Completed

What remains:

True political self-determination
Economic liberation from exploitation
Social healing from trauma and division
Permanent victory over both internal and external enemies

These must be completed. Not postponed. Not negotiated away.

CONCLUSION: THE TWO-FRONT WAR

We are fighting a war on two fronts.

Inside: Against our own weakness, our own division, our own lack of accountability, our own death of truth.

Outside: Against those who would erase us, exploit us, manipulate us, and destroy us.

To win this two-front war, we must:

Distinguish between the two enemies. Do not confuse them.
Prioritize internal healing before external confrontation. A broken army cannot win.
Stay vigilant against manipulation. External enemies will use internal divisions. Internal failures will be blamed on external plots.
Refuse sheephood. We are not helpless. We are not waiting for slaughter.
Strengthen what we have. Our culture, our unity, our resistance.
Complete what remains. Our freedom, our justice, our victory.

FINAL WORD: A CALL TO DISCERNMENT

“Bakka amma geenye kan akka laayyootti hin geenye.”

The sheep does not know the difference between the shepherd and the wolf. The sheep follows anyone who makes noise. The sheep walks calmly to the slaughterhouse.

We are not sheep.

We are a people who have survived centuries of attempts to erase us. We are a people who still speak our language, sing our songs, tell our stories, and dream our dreams. We are a people who have not given up.

But survival is not enough. Survival is not victory. Survival is not freedom.

To be truly free, we must win the war on two fronts. We must heal ourselves while fighting our enemies. We must strengthen what we have while completing what remains. We must see clearly—with eyes wide open—the difference between the enemy within and the enemy without.

May we have the wisdom to distinguish.
May we have the courage to fight.
May we have the unity to win.

“The issues that trouble us as a people are many. But they are not infinite. And they are not invincible. They are two. And two can be defeated.”

Author’s Note:
This article is based on a reflective text analyzing the dual nature of a nation’s struggles—internal and external. It serves as both a warning and a roadmap for any people seeking liberation from both self-inflicted wounds and imposed oppression. The principles discussed apply universally, though the specific context remains rooted in the Oromo experience and the broader Ethiopian reality.

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A Cry for Justice, A Prayer for Truth, A People’s Demand for Divine Witness

Apr 18

Posted by advocacy4oromia

“IMIMMAAN UMMATAA – WAAQNI DHUGAA KEENYAA NUU HAA BARBAADU!”

INTRODUCTION: WORDS THAT CARRY CENTURIES

“Imimmaan ummataa – Waaqni dhugaa keenya nuu haa barbaadu!”

These words are not mere syllables. They are not poetry for the sake of beauty. They are not casual prayers whispered in passing.

They are a cry.

A cry from the depths of a people who have been silenced for too long. A cry from mothers who have buried their children. A cry from young men and women who have seen their dreams crushed by the boot of oppression. A cry from elders who remember a time before the wounds—and who fear that healing may never come.

And at the end of that cry, a plea directed not to any human power, not to any political party, not to any international body—but to the highest authority that any Oromo knows:

Waaqa.

God.

“May God find our truth for us.”

This is not a prayer of the weak. This is a prayer of those who have exhausted every earthly option—and who still refuse to give up.

PART ONE: THE MEANING BEHIND THE WORDS

What Is “Imimmaan Ummataa”?

In Afaan Oromo, imimma carries a weight that English struggles to capture. It is not simply “cry” or “shout” or “lament.” It is the specific sound of a people in collective anguish. It is the wail that rises from a village after a massacre. It is the groan of a farmer watching his harvest burn. It is the sob of a child who has lost both parents to a conflict they never understood.

Imimmaan ummataa = The cry of the people.

Not one person. Not one family. Not one clan.

The people.

The collective. The multitude. The nation.

When an Oromo says “imimmaan ummataa,” they are saying: I am not alone in my suffering. My pain is the pain of millions. And together, our cry rises louder than any gun, any prison, any lie.

What Does “Waaqni Dhugaa Keenya Nuu Haa Barbaadu” Mean?

This second half of the invocation is both a prayer and a challenge.

Waaqni – God (the supreme Creator, the Waaqa of the Oromo traditional religion, the same God known by many names across faiths)

Dhugaa keenya – Our truth (not “the truth” in abstract, but our truth—the specific, lived, historical reality of the Oromo people)

Nuu haa barbaadu – May He find for us (or “may He locate on our behalf”)

Put together: “May God find our truth for us.”

Why “find”? Because truth, for a people who have been systematically erased from history, from textbooks, from political representation, from economic opportunity—that truth has been buried. Hidden. Denied.

The speaker is asking God to dig up that buried truth. To unearth it. To present it to the world in a way that no human power can deny.

PART TWO: THE CONTEXT – WHY THIS PRAYER NOW?

A People Exhausted

The Oromo cause is not new. It stretches back generations:

Era	Oppression	Oromo Response
Pre-19th Century	Independent Oromo societies with their own governance (Gadaa system)	Flourishing
Menelik’s Expansion (late 1800s)	Conquest, occupation, incorporation into Abyssinian Empire	Armed resistance
Haile Selassie Era	Cultural suppression, language ban, land alienation	Continued resistance, marginalization
Derg Era (1974-1991)	Mass atrocities, forced resettlement, Red Terror	Emergence of armed liberation fronts
EPRDF Era (1991-2018)	Ethnic federalism on paper, continued marginalization in practice	Mass protests (2014-2018)
Current Era (2018-present)	New promises, old patterns, renewed repression	Ongoing struggle

After all of this—after the deaths, after the displacements, after the broken promises—what do the people have left?

Their cry. And their God.

When Earthly Justice Fails

The invocation “Waaqni dhugaa keenya nuu haa barbaadu” is spoken most often when all human systems have failed:

Courts that refuse to prosecute those who killed Oromo protesters
Parliaments where Oromo voices are outnumbered and ignored
International bodies that issue statements but take no action
Media that either ignores Oromo suffering or distorts it
Even Oromo leaders who have betrayed the trust of their own people

When every door is closed, when every judge is bought, when every diplomat looks away—where does a people turn?

Upward.

Not out of resignation. Out of faith.

The prayer is not “God, do everything for us.” The prayer is “God, find our truth—and then let that truth do what truth always does: set the captives free.”

PART THREE: THE THEOLOGY OF OROMO RESISTANCE

Waaqa in Oromo Tradition

Long before Christianity or Islam arrived in Oromia, the Oromo people believed in a supreme Creator: Waaqa Tokkicha (the One God). This was not a distant, uninvolved deity. Waaqa was present in the rhythms of nature, in the justice of the Gadaa system, in the blessings of rain and the warning of drought.

The traditional Oromo prayer begins with:

“Waaqa, Waaqa, Waaqa – kan biyya fi samii uume, kan nama uume, kan beeylada uume…”
“God, God, God – who created the earth and the sky, who created humanity, who created animals…”

This Waaqa is a God of dhugaa (truth) and haqa (justice). The Gadaa system, which governed Oromo society for centuries, was built on the belief that leaders must be accountable to Waaqa and to the people. A leader who lied, who stole, who killed innocents—such a leader had lost the favor of Waaqa and could be removed.

The Integration of Faith

Today, most Oromos are either Muslim or Christian. But the deep structure of Oromo spirituality remains: the belief that God is on the side of truth, and that truth will eventually triumph.

When an Oromo Muslim says “Waaqni dhugaa keenya nuu haa barbaadu,” they are calling upon Allah by one of His names (Al-Haqq, The Truth).

When an Oromo Christian says the same, they are echoing the Psalmist: “Vindicate me, O God, and plead my cause against an ungodly nation” (Psalm 43:1).

When an Oromo follower of the traditional religion says it, they are calling upon Waaqa in the oldest way—as the witness to all covenants, the judge of all wrongs, the restorer of all balance.

The prayer unites. The cause unites. The God of truth is one.

PART FOUR: WHAT DOES IT MEAN FOR GOD TO “FIND OUR TRUTH”?

This is the heart of the invocation. Let us break it down.

1. Truth That Has Been Buried

For over a century, the Oromo story has been told by non-Oromos. Oromo history has been erased or rewritten. Oromo heroes have been forgotten or vilified. Oromo language was banned from schools and courts for generations.

“Finding our truth” means excavating history—bringing to light what was deliberately buried.

2. Truth That Has Been Denied

When Oromos say “We are marginalized,” the response from Addis Ababa is often denial. “Look at the constitution,” they say. “Look at the ministries,” they say. “Look at the prime minister’s ethnicity,” they say.

But the lived reality of ordinary Oromos tells a different story: land alienation, political arrests, economic exclusion, cultural contempt.

“Finding our truth” means validating lived experience—declaring that what Oromos have suffered is real, is wrong, and must be addressed.

3. Truth That Has Been Mocked

The world has a long history of laughing at the suffering of the weak. Oromo activists are called “terrorists.” Oromo protests are called “instability.” Oromo deaths are called “collateral damage.”

“Finding our truth” means vindication—proving to a skeptical world that the Oromo cry is not propaganda, not exaggeration, not victimhood theater. It is blood. It is tears. It is real.

4. Truth That Sets Free

Jesus of Nazareth said: “You will know the truth, and the truth will set you free” (John 8:32).

The Qur’an says: “And say, ‘The truth has come, and falsehood has perished. Indeed falsehood is ever bound to perish'” (Surah Al-Isra 17:81).

Oromo tradition says: “Dhugaan du’uu hin danda’u” – Truth cannot die.

“Finding our truth” means liberation—not because truth has magical powers, but because truth, once fully known, demands action. It demands justice. It demands change.

PART FIVE: THE CRY AS A POLITICAL ACT

Is This Prayer an Escape from Politics?

Some might say: “Prayer is fine, but what about organizing? What about protests? What about armed struggle?”

The Oromo invocation does not reject political action. It grounds it.

Throughout history, oppressed peoples have prayed before they fought. The enslaved Africans in America sang spirituals before they escaped. The Jews in Egypt cried out before the Exodus. The early Christians prayed in catacombs before they transformed an empire.

Prayer is not the opposite of action. Prayer is the source of action that is sustainable, ethical, and rooted in something deeper than rage.

When an Oromo says “Waaqni dhugaa keenya nuu haa barbaadu,” they are not sitting passively. They are:

Naming their suffering as truth, not as fate
Calling a witness higher than any human court
Refusing despair – because if God is for us, who can be against us?
Building community – because the cry is collective, not individual
Claiming hope – because truth, once found, cannot be hidden again

The Cry That Cannot Be Silenced

Governments can shut down newspapers. They can arrest journalists. They can block websites. They can ban protests.

But they cannot stop a people from crying out to God.

That is why the invocation is so powerful. It operates in a realm that no earthly power can fully control. It is the voice of the voiceless. It is the prayer of the prisoner. It is the last weapon of the unarmed.

And history shows: that weapon works.

PART SIX: RESPONSES TO THE CRY

What Happens When Oromos Cry Out?

Response	Description
From the State	Arrests, violence, denial, propaganda – the state fears the cry because it cannot fully control it.
From the World	Mostly silence. Sometimes a statement. Rarely action. But the cry plants seeds that may grow over time.
From God	This is not for any human to say. But those who cry out in faith believe that God hears – and that hearing is the first step toward answering.
From Within the Oromo Community	Solidarity. Shared grief. Renewed commitment. The cry reminds Oromos that they are not alone.

A Warning to the Oppressor

To those who have caused the Oromo people to cry out – whether in Addis Ababa, in regional capitals, or in international boardrooms:

The cry has been heard.

Not just by other Oromos. Not just by human rights groups. Not just by journalists.

By Waaqa.

And Waaqa, in the end, is not mocked. Every tear has a witness. Every drop of innocent blood has a voice. Every buried truth has a resurrection day.

The cry of the Oromo people is not a threat you can shoot. It is not a protest you can disperse. It is not a story you can delete.

It is a prayer.

And prayers have a way of being answered.

PART SEVEN: LIVING THE INVOCATION – WHAT OROMOS CAN DO

Saying “Imimmaan ummataa – Waaqni dhugaa keenya nuu haa barbaadu” is not a magical formula. It is a way of life.

1. Tell the Truth

Do not lie about the Oromo cause. Do not exaggerate. Do not spread propaganda. Do not hate. The truth is strong enough on its own. Speak it. Write it. Live it.

2. Bear Witness

When you see injustice, do not look away. Take photos. Write names. Record dates. Build archives. The truth needs evidence. Be a witness.

3. Support the Cry

Financially support Oromo media, Oromo legal aid, Oromo human rights documentation. The cry needs resources to reach the world.

4. Pray – And Act

Pray as if everything depends on God. Act as if everything depends on you. These are not contradictions. They are the two wings of the same bird.

5. Forgive – But Do Not Forget

The cry of the Oromo people is not a cry for revenge. It is a cry for justice. Forgiveness is possible without forgetting. And justice is possible without hatred.

6. Unite

The single greatest obstacle to the Oromo cause is Oromo disunity. The cry is one cry. Let it come from one mouth, one heart, one people.

CONCLUSION: THE ANSWER IS COMING

Imimmaan ummataa – Waaqni dhugaa keenya nuu haa barbaadu.

The cry of the people – may God find our truth for us.

This is not a prayer of desperation. It is a prayer of certainty.

Certainty that truth exists, even when it is buried.
Certainty that God exists, even when He seems silent.
Certainty that justice exists, even when it is delayed.

The Oromo people have cried out for generations. And each generation has added its voice to the cry. Sons and daughters. Mothers and fathers. Farmers and teachers. Fighters and poets.

One day – perhaps not today, perhaps not tomorrow, but one day – that cry will be answered.

The truth will be found.

The buried will be unearthed.

The silenced will speak.

The dead will be remembered.

And Waaqa – the God of truth, the Creator of heavens and earth, the One who hears every cry – will say:

“I have heard. I have seen. I have found your truth. Now – be free.”

Until that day, the Oromo people will not stop crying out.

Because the cry is all they have.

And because the cry is enough.

May God find our truth for us.

Waaqni dhugaa keenya nuu haa barbaadu.

Imimmaan ummataa – hin duunu.

The cry of the people – never dies.

Posted in Aadaa, Events, Finfinne, Information, News, Oromia, Press Release, Promotion

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“NIMOONAA CAALII” AND THE SHADOW OF AMBO: One Name Among Many in a Growing Crackdown

Apr 18

Posted by advocacy4oromia

A routine morning arrest at 6:20 AM raises urgent questions about justice, security forces, and the fate of Oromo activists.

INTRODUCTION: A NAME, A TIME, A PLACE

Nimoonaa Caalii jedhama. Jiraataa magaalaa Ambooti.

His name is Nimoonaa Caalii. He is a resident of Ambo city—a town whose very name has become synonymous with Oromo resistance, with political awakening, and with the heavy hand of state security.

On a recent morning, at exactly 6:20 AM, Nimoonaa Caalii was taken.

He was not alone. According to sources, he was arrested alongside “many other people” in an operation that has sent shockwaves through the community. They were detained at Police Station of Kebele 02 in Ambo.

The official reason? Unclear.

The accuser? The city’s security chief, Obboo Hacaaluu Gammachuu—a name that carries a painful irony for anyone familiar with recent Oromo history.

This article investigates what is known about the arrests in Ambo, the pattern of crackdowns targeting Oromo activists and residents, and the deeper questions these events raise about justice, accountability, and the rule of law.

PART ONE: WHO IS NIMOONAA CAALII?

The information available about Nimoonaa Caalii is limited—by design, perhaps, on the part of those who wish to keep his story hidden. What is known:

Name: Nimoonaa Caalii
Status: Resident of Ambo city
Occupation: Not publicly confirmed, but described by community sources as a local activist or involved in community organizing
Date of Arrest: Recent (exact date not specified in available reporting)
Time of Arrest: 6:20 AM
Location of Arrest: Ambo city
Detention Location: Police station, Kebele 02, Ambo

The early morning hour—6:20 AM—is significant. This is not the time of a spontaneous arrest. This is the time of a coordinated operation: security forces moving before dawn, targeting specific individuals, catching them at home, often before families are awake.

This pattern is familiar across Oromia. It is the signature of a state that prefers to act in darkness.

PART TWO: THE ACCUSER – OBBOO HACAALUU GAMMACHUU

The man reportedly leading or authorizing these arrests is Obboo Hacaaluu Gammachuu, the security chief (kantiibaa) of Ambo city.

The name Hacaaluu carries enormous weight in Oromo memory.

Hachalu Hundessa (also spelled Hacaaluu Hundeessaa) was the beloved Oromo singer, activist, and “voice of the revolution” who was assassinated in Addis Ababa on June 29, 2020 .

Who Was Hachalu Hundessa?

Fact	Detail
Born	1985 or 1986, in Ambo, Oromia
Died	June 29, 2020 (age 33-34), shot in Addis Ababa
Profession	Singer, songwriter, political activist
Known As	“Artist of the Revolution”
Imprisonment	Arrested at age 17, spent nearly five years in Karchale Prison, Ambo
Legacy	His music became the anthem of Oromo protests (2014-2018); his songs united Oromos and encouraged resistance against injustice

Hachalu’s music gave voice to the pain, hope, and aspirations of the Oromo people. His songs—like “Maalan Jira” (“What Is Mine”)—spoke directly to issues of land alienation, displacement from Addis Ababa, and the struggle for dignity .

His assassination in 2020 sparked massive protests across Ethiopia, leading to dozens of deaths, internet shutdowns, and political instability .

The Irony of the Name

That the security chief of Ambo—the very city that produced Hachalu Hundessa—shares the name Hacaaluu is a bitter irony.

Whether Obboo Hacaaluu Gammachuu is named in honor of the late singer or not is unknown. What is clear is that the man bearing that name is now using state power to arrest residents of the same city—including, reportedly, activists and “sabboontota” (patriots or fighters) who may share the political consciousness that Hachalu Hundessa represented.

It is as if the spirit of resistance that Hachalu embodied is being policed by someone who carries his name.

PART THREE: THE PATTERN – WHAT IS HAPPENING IN AMBO?

The arrest of Nimoonaa Caalii is not an isolated incident. According to the information provided, Obboo Hacaaluu Gammachuu has been “following the mafia group and their actions” and has been sending “many sabboontota and residents” to prison.

Key Questions

Question	What We Know
Who is the “mafia group”?	Unclear. The term could refer to organized criminal networks, political opposition groups, or a label applied by authorities to discredit activists.
What are the charges?	Not publicly disclosed.
How many arrested?	“Many” – exact number unknown.
Legal process?	Unclear if detainees have access to lawyers, family visits, or courts.
Status of Nimoonaa Caalii?	Detained at Kebele 02 police station as of last report.

A Broader Context

Ambo has a long history as a center of Oromo political consciousness. It is the birthplace of Hachalu Hundessa. It is home to Karchale Prison, where generations of Oromo political prisoners have been held and tortured . It is a town that has seen protests, crackdowns, and the heavy presence of security forces for decades.

The current arrests fit a pattern seen across Oromia:

Early morning raids – Security forces target homes before dawn
Vague accusations – Detainees are often not told the specific charges against them
Prolonged detention – Many are held without trial for weeks or months
Lack of transparency – Families are not notified; lawyers are denied access
Use of labels – Activists are called “terrorists,” “mafia,” or “saboteurs” to justify arrests

PART FOUR: THE HUMAN COST – BEYOND THE NAMES

Behind every name—Nimoonaa Caalii, and the “many others” arrested alongside him—is a human story.

A Family’s Morning Destroyed

Imagine: 6:20 AM. The sun is just rising over Ambo. A family is asleep. Children are in their beds. Then—banging on the door. Flashlights. Uniformed men. Demands. Confusion. Fear.

A father is taken. A son is handcuffed. A breadwinner disappears.

The family is left behind: a wife who does not know where her husband has been taken; children who do not understand why their father is gone; parents who age overnight from worry.

This is the reality of political arrest in Ethiopia today. It is not abstract. It is not statistics. It is human life interrupted by state power.

The Prison Cell

Kebele 02 police station in Ambo is now holding Nimoonaa Caalii and others. What happens inside?

History suggests: interrogation. Possibly torture. Denial of medical care. Isolation from the outside world. Pressure to confess to crimes that were never committed.

This is not speculation. It is the documented pattern of Ethiopian security forces in Oromia, as reported by human rights organizations and survivor testimonies for decades.

PART FIVE: THE DEEPER QUESTION – WHO IS THE REAL “MAFIA”?

The information provided states that Obboo Hacaaluu Gammachuu has been “following the mafia group and their actions.”

But the term “mafia” is slippery. In the context of Ethiopian state discourse, it has been used to describe:

Political opposition groups (including Oromo activists)
Organized criminal networks (actual criminals)
Anyone the state wishes to discredit

A Question Worth Asking

If security forces arrest people without charge, hold them without trial, and deny them legal representation—who is acting like a “mafia”?

The state has a monopoly on legitimate violence. But when that power is used arbitrarily, without due process, to suppress political dissent—it ceases to be legitimate. It becomes its own form of organized lawlessness.

The real “mafia” may not be the activists being arrested. It may be the system that arrests them.

PART SIX: THE LEGACY OF HACHALU HUNDESSA

It is impossible to write about Ambo, about arrests, about the name “Hacaaluu,” without invoking the memory of the singer who changed everything.

What Hachalu Sang

Hachalu Hundessa did not just sing love songs. He sang about:

Land rights – The displacement of Oromos from their ancestral lands
Political freedom – The right to speak, to assemble, to govern oneself
Dignity – The refusal to be treated as second-class citizens in one’s own homeland
Resistance – The obligation to fight injustice, even at great personal cost

His music was the soundtrack of the Qeerroo (Oromo youth) movement that shook Ethiopia between 2014 and 2018. His songs were banned from state media. He was harassed, threatened, and ultimately killed .

What Hachalu Said About His Imprisonment

As a teenager, Hachalu was arrested and spent nearly five years in Karchale Prison in Ambo—the same city where Nimoonaa Caalii is now detained .

His father’s advice to him during that imprisonment is worth remembering:

“Jabaadhu gurbaa, hidhaan qoraasuma dhiiraati.”
“Be strong, boy. Prison is the crucible of manhood.”

Hachalu emerged from prison not broken, but determined. He wrote his first album while incarcerated. He turned suffering into art. He turned oppression into anthem.

The Question for Today

Would Hachalu Hundessa be arrested today, if he were still alive?

The answer is almost certainly yes.

The same state that could not tolerate his songs cannot tolerate those who carry his legacy. The arrests in Ambo—including of Nimoonaa Caalii—are part of the same dynamic: the state’s fear of Oromo political consciousness, and its willingness to use force to suppress it.

PART SEVEN: WHAT MUST BE DONE

For the sake of Nimoonaa Caalii, for the “many others” arrested, and for the future of justice in Oromia and Ethiopia, several actions are urgently needed:

1. Immediate Legal Access

Detainees must be allowed to see lawyers
Families must be notified of charges and locations
Medical care must be provided for any detainee who needs it

2. Transparency

The charges against Nimoonaa Caalii and others must be made public
The basis for the “mafia” label must be explained
The number of detainees and their identities must be disclosed

3. Accountability

If crimes were committed, the accused deserve fair trials
If no crimes were committed, the accused deserve immediate release
Security officials who violate the law must face consequences

4. International Attention

Human rights organizations should investigate the arrests in Ambo
Diplomatic pressure should be applied to ensure due process
The Oromo diaspora should document and publicize these cases

5. Community Solidarity

Families of detainees should not be left alone
Legal funds should be established
The stories of the arrested must be told

CONCLUSION: A NAME THAT MUST NOT BE FORGOTTEN

Nimoonaa Caalii jedhama.

His name is Nimoonaa Caalii.

He is a resident of Ambo. He was arrested at 6:20 AM. He is held at Kebele 02 police station. He is one among many.

His name may not be known to the world. It may not trend on social media. It may not be spoken in parliaments or written in human rights reports.

But it is a name. And behind that name is a human being. And behind that human being is a family, a community, a people who have suffered too much and waited too long for justice.

The security chief who shares the name of Hachalu Hundessa—Obboo Hacaaluu Gammachuu—has power over Nimoonaa Caalii’s fate today.

But history has a way of reversing such power.

The name Hachalu is remembered not because of the authority he held, but because of the truth he spoke and the injustice he opposed.

The same will be true of Nimoonaa Caalii—and all the others arrested in the darkness of 6:20 AM.

Their names will be remembered. Their stories will be told. And one day, the system that took them will answer.

May justice come to Ambo.
May the detainees see freedom.
May the cry of the people never be silenced.

“Jabaadhu. Hidhaan qoraasuma dhala namaati.”
—“Be strong. Prison is the crucible of human being.”

This applies to Nimoonaa Caalii as well. And to all who are held for the crime of seeking justice.

Posted in Aadaa, Events, Finfinne, Information, News, Oromia, Press Release, Promotion

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Barattuu, Sooressa, fi Adeemsa Haqa Maleessa

Apr 16

Posted by advocacy4oromia

Hojiin jabaa maatiin, sooressi, fi qaamoleen mootummaa barattuu waggaa 18 Gujii keessatti akka gurguran

Barreessaa: Daandii Ragabaa

GODINA GUJII – Waggaa 18. Barattuu kutaa 9ffaa. Maqaan ishee Haroo Xonaa. Waggaa torbaan, isheen lubbuun ishee baqachaa jirti – diina miti, maatiin ishee, namichi sooressi, fi adeemsi ishee eeguu qabu.

Seeniin Haroo, kan Aanaa Sabbaa Boruu, Ganda Qanxichaa irratti raawwate, marii gadi fageenyaa afuufa, buttaa, goroorsaa, fi faayidaa sooressaa mul’isa.

Yakkii ishee: isheen lakki jette.

Maatiin Intala Gurguruuf Yaalu

Yeroo dheeraaf, abbaan Haroo fi jaarsoliin maatii ishee namicha sooressa Hirbaayyee Sherkuu wajjin marii turan. Namichi kun haadha warraa lama duraan qaba. Inni Haroo barbaada.

Kaayyoo maatii: sooressa.

Haadha Haroof: “Mana siif ijaara.” Obboleeyyaniif: “Konkolaataa isiniif bita.” Abbaa Haroof: “Baay’ee siif kaffala.”

Haroo dide. Yeroo hedduu. Sagalee ol ta’een.

Heeruma Baqaqfamaaf

Guyyaa 29/05/2018, Qanxichatti, Haroo fedhii isheetiin Fayyisaa Galchuu heerumti. Jaalala miti – jiraachuu.

Aadaa Gujiitiin, jaarsoliin araaraa ni ergamu. Maatiin Haroo jaarsa erge – utuu heeruma cabsuuf. Jaarsa Jaarraa, Sheekaa Bulee, Daani’eel Sorsaa, fi Waajii Lootuu ergan. Hundi isaanii didan.

Ergasi maatiin Haroo jaarsota sodaachiise: “Yoo bakka intalti jirtu nu hin geessitan, si poolisii qabna.”

Butii

Namoonni miidhaa afur – Taakkalaa Biluu fi milishaa gandaa – wajjin Haannaa Birbissa Dukkallee (haadha Haroo) fi Paakistaan (Ilfinaa) (obboleessa Haroo), mana Fayyisaa marsan. Ajaja mana murtii malee.

Haroo fi Fayyisaa qabanii gara Qanxichatti fidan.

Bulchaan gandaa Telloo Baatii (soddaa Hirbaayyee) isaan fudhate. Haroo: “Fedha kiyyaan Fayyisaa heerume.” Bulchaan ishee tuffatee abbaa isheetti deebise.

Haroo Hirbaayyee bira gudaattii.

Guyyaa Lamaan Sodaa

Hirbaayyee Haroo dhaane. Mormaa qabee urure. Iyye: “Yoo na diddu, si ajjeesa. Ati kan kiyya.”

Haroo hin cabsine.

Ergaa obboleessa ishee Fiqaaduu Haroo bira gaafte. Obboleessi milishaa qabatee dhufe. Yeroo dallaa marsan, Hirbaayyee rasaasa ol fuudhee dhaansee baqate. Haroo harkaa qabee hurruma fudhate. Booda obboleessi ishee argate. Garuu maatiif deebifamte – maatiin ammallee ishee Hirbaayyee bira deebisuu yaale.

Buttaa Lammaffaa

Guyyaa 21/06/2018, Haroo fi Fayyisaa gara Aagaa Waayyuu, Haya Diimaatti baqatan.

Maatiin isaanii, Hirbaayyee wajjin, karaa GPS tiin bakka isaanii adda baasan. Guyyaa 24/06/2018, ajaja mana murtii malee, poolisoonni Shaakkisoo irraa dhufanii mana marsan. Sababa sobaa: Haroo warqii giraama 180 hatte.

Isaan Haroo fi Fayyisaa qabanii gara Waajjira Poolisii Aagaa Waayyuu fidan.

Poolisii Walii Galu

Waajjira keessatti, Haroo kadhatte: “Ani soda qaba. Yakka hin hojjenne. Asumatti na qoraa. Sabbaa Boruutti na hin deebisinaa.”

Hooggantaa qorannaa, Inispeekter Waasihuun Taaji’oo, ishee tuffate. Inni duraan Hirbaayyee wajjin marii ture.

Abbaan alagaa Abdulfattaa gargaaruu dhufe: “Maaliif iyyannoo intalaa tuffattu?” Poolisoonni xinnoo dhaga’atan, garuu Haroo hin gadhiifne.

Goroorsaan

Lakkaddaa hawaasaa, Hirbaayyee Sherkuu Miiliyoona 11 Birri ol qaamoleef kenne – poolisii, bulchitoota, abbootii alangaa, jaarsoliin.

Kaayyoo: Haroo deebisuu fi Fayyisaa balleessuu.

Yeroo har’aatti, Hirbaayyee bilisa. Haroo dhokattee jirti.

Warra Hin Yakkin Hidhamuu

Guyyaa 21/07/2018, haadha Fayyisaa, Gororrii Adoolaa (umurii 70), fi obboleeyyan isaa, Fullaasa Galchuu fi Gammachuu Galchuu, mana isaanii rafanii jiran irraa qabanii hidhaman. Ajaja malee. Yakkii malee.

Ji’a tokkoof hidhaman. Yeroo Haroo fi Fayyisaa gargar baafamu qofa gadhiifaman.

Yeroo sanatti, Haroo ulfa – Fayyisaa irraa.

Ulfaa fi Dirqama Ulfaa Baasuuf

Maatiin Haroo ishee ulfa baasuuf dirqan. Dhaanan. Raran. Sodaachisan.

Haroo dide.

Guyyaa 29/07/2018, sa’aatii 1:30 halkanii, Haroo amma deebitee baqatte. Ulfaattuu. Miilla duwwaatti. Sodaa guutuu.

Ganama sa’aatii 7:30, poolisii Hayilee Hirbaayyee namoota miidhaa 6 ol qabatee dhufe. Ajaja malee. Rasaasa mana keessa rukutan.

Maatii Fayyisaa hidhan – garuu Haroo achitti hin turte. Jaarsa Odaa Dhaddachaa ishee dhoksee, gara Waajjira Poolisii Sabbaa Boruutti fidde.

Dhaabbii Waajjira Poolisii

Waajjira keessatti, Haroo boossi: “Ani abdii murteesse. Karra ba’u kiyya du’a qofa. Isaan na ulfa baasuuf yaalan. Ani asirraa hin bahu hanga daa’imni kiyya dhalatu.”

Yeroo kanatti, adeemsis dhaabate. Haroo waajjira keessatti turte. Da’ima ishee achitti dhalte. Da’imni fayyaa.

Garuu erga daa’imni dhalate booda, Hirbaayyee ammallee maallaqa facaasaa jira. Ammallee ishee barbaadaa jira.

Qaamoleen Isaan Gadi Dhaaban

Qorannoon kun Aanaalee sadan adda baase kan gurra isaanii cufatan:

Sabbaa Boruu – buttaan eegale, qaamoleen walii gale.
Aagaa Waayyuu – poolisoonni iyyannoo Haroo tuffatan.
Oddoo Shaakkisoo – jaarsoliin fi bulchitoonni maallaqaan dhama’an.

Aanaaleen kun waan kufate qofa miti. Isaan hirmaatan.

GAAFIIFFANNAA

Seeniin Haroo Xonaa tokko miti. Mallattoo dhukkuba gadi fageenyaa – bakka sooressi haqa bitatu, bakka maatiin dhiiga ofii isaani gurguru, bakka intalli meeshaa taatu.

Nu waanna:

Qorannoo federaalaa Aanaalee Sabbaa Boruu, Aagaa Waayyuu, fi Oddoo Shaakkisoo keessatti.
Hidhaa fi himannaa Hirbaayyee Sherkuu, Inispeekter Waasihuun Taaji’oo, fi warra hirmaatan hunda.
Eegumsa fi iddoo dhokataa Haroofi daa’imma isheetiif.
Deebi’aa mana barnuumaa – Haroo kutaa 9ffaa keessatti turte.
Xiyyeeffannoo miidiyaa akka namni sooressi amma calleessan hin bitanne.

Intalli Ammallee Baqatte

Guyyaa har’aatti, Haroo Xonaa ammallee jirti. Ammallee dhokatte. Ammallee lolli. Isheen amma haadha. Isheen gara mana barnuumaa hin deebine.

Garuu isheen abdii hin kutanne. Nus hin kutannuu.

“Haqni abbaa haqaatiif!”

Haroo haqa barbaadde. Yeroon haqni deebisuu gahe.

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Stolen Dreams – The Forced Marriage and Abduction of a Schoolgirl in Guji Zone

Apr 16

Posted by advocacy4oromia

Forced marriage and abduction in Guji Zone expose deep cracks in protection of women and children

By: Daandii Ragabaa

GUJI ZONE – She was 18 years old, a 9th-grade student with dreams of finishing school. Her name is Haroo Xona. And for the past several months, she has been running for her life – not from an enemy, but from her own family, a wealthy man, and a system that refuses to protect her.

Haroo’s story, detailed in a recent investigative account from Sabba Boru District, reveals a conspiracy of forced marriage, abduction, bribery, and official collusion that has left a teenage girl pregnant, traumatized, and still in hiding.

Her crime? She said no.

A Father’s Deal

According to multiple sources, Haroo’s father and family elders had been negotiating with a wealthy local man named Hirbaayyee Sherkuu – a man already with two wives – to force Haroo into marriage.

The family’s motivation was wealth. In exchange for Haroo, Hirbaayyee promised to build a house for her mother, buy vehicles for her brothers, and pay the father handsomely.

Haroo refused. Repeatedly.

To escape this fate, on May 29, 2018, Haroo voluntarily married a young man of her choice, Fayyisaa Galchuu, in Qanxicha Village, Sabba Boru District. It was not a love match. It was survival.

THE ABDUCTION

Haroo’s family did not accept her choice. They sent elders to break the marriage. When the elders refused, the family turned to force.

Armed with local militia and accompanied by Haroo’s own mother, Haannaa Birbissa Dukkallee, and her brother, Paakistaan (Ilfinaa) , the family stormed Fayyisaa’s home. Without any court order, they took Haroo and Fayyisaa and marched them to Qanxicha Village.

At the village office, the chairman – who happened to be a cousin of Hirbaayyee – questioned Haroo. She stated clearly: “I married Fayyisaa by my own choice. My father wants to give me to someone I do not love.”

The chairman ignored her. She was handed over to Hirbaayyee.

TWO DAYS OF TERROR

For two days, Haroo was held at Hirbaayyee’s compound. He slapped her. He grabbed her by the throat. He shouted:

“If you refuse me, I will kill you. I will not leave you for a poor man. You are mine.”

Haroo did not break. She secretly sent a message to her brother, Fiqaaduu Haroo, who brought militia to rescue her. When they surrounded the compound, Hirbaayyee fired a gunshot and fled into the forest with Haroo. She was found by her brother and returned to her family.

But her family, already bought with promises of wealth, pressured her to go back to Hirbaayyee. Terrified, she fled again to Fayyisaa.

THE SECOND ABDUCTION

On June 21, 2018, Haroo and Fayyisaa fled to Haya Diimaa Town in Aagaa Waayyuu District, seeking refuge with relatives.

Her family, working with Hirbaayyee, tracked her using phone calls and GPS. On June 24, 2018, without any court order, armed men – including police from Shaakkisoo District – arrived at the house.

Their excuse? A fabricated theft charge: Haroo had supposedly stolen 180 grams of gold. It was a lie.

They took Haroo and Fayyisaa to the Aagaa Waayyuu Police Station.

THE POLICE WHO COLLUDED

At the station, Haroo begged: “I am afraid for my life. I have committed no crime. This is a conspiracy to return me to a man I do not want. Investigate me here. Do not send me back.”

She wept. She fell to her knees.

The head of the investigation unit, Inspector Waasihuun Taaji’oo, ignored her. He had already made arrangements with Haroo’s family and Hirbaayyee.

The family argued that the case should be transferred to Sabba Boru District – where Hirbaayyee’s influence was strongest. Haroo screamed that she would not go. A local elder, Alangaa Abdulfattaa, intervened, demanding that the police respect her rights.

The police hesitated briefly, then proceeded. They changed vehicles but did not release Haroo. A crowd gathered. Fearing public backlash, the police backed down temporarily – but Haroo and Fayyisaa remained in custody.

THE BRIBERY NETWORK

According to community sources, Hirbaayyee Sherkuu has spent over 15 million Ethiopian Birr bribing officials across multiple districts – police, administrators, judges, and traditional elders.

His goal: to recapture Haroo and eliminate Fayyisaa.

The bribery worked. Despite Haroo’s clear statements, despite the lack of any court order, despite the violence, officials in Sabba Boru, Aagaa Waayyuu, and Oddoo Shaakkisoo districts have consistently sided with the wealthy man.

THE ARREST OF THE INNOCENT

When Fayyisaa’s family continued to resist, they were arrested.

On July 21, 2018, Fayyisaa’s elderly mother, Gororrii Adoolaa (age 70), and his brothers, Fullaasa Galchuu and Gammachuu Galchuu, were taken from their beds. No warrant. No charge. They were held for one month – until Haroo and Fayyisaa were forced apart.

By this time, Haroo was pregnant – by Fayyisaa, not by Hirbaayyee.

THE PREGNANCY AND PRESSURE

Haroo’s family, still in the wealthy man’s pocket, tried to force her to abort. They beat her. They pressured her. They wanted her “clean” for Hirbaayyee.

She refused.

On July 29, 2018, at 1:30 AM, Haroo escaped again. Pregnant. Barefoot. Terrified. She ran through the darkness back to Fayyisaa’s family.

The next morning, Hirbaayyee struck back. At 7:30 AM, a police officer named Hayilee Hirbaayyee led six armed anti-riot police to Fayyisaa’s family home. Without a warrant, they opened fire. A bullet entered the house.

Then they arrested the family again – but Haroo was not there. A local elder, Odaa Dhaddachaa, had hidden her and taken her to the Sabba Boru Police Station.

THE STANDOFF AT THE STATION

At the station, Haroo collapsed. She told officers:

“I have no hope left. The only escape I see is death. They have tried to force me to abort. They have tried to sell me. I will not leave this station until my baby is born. If you send me back to that man, I will kill myself.”

For once, the system paused. Haroo was kept at the station. She gave birth there. The baby was healthy.

But even after the birth, the conspiracy did not end. Hirbaayyee continues to spread money. He continues to pressure authorities. He continues to hunt a teenage girl who only wanted to go to school and marry a man of her choice.

WHAT MUST HAPPEN

The story of Haroo Xona is not an isolated incident. It is a symptom of a deeper rot – where wealth buys justice, where family betrays blood, and where girls are treated as currency.

We call upon:

Federal authorities to launch an immediate, independent investigation into the conspiracy across Sabba Boru, Aagaa Waayyuu, and Oddoo Shaakkisoo districts.
The police and judiciary to arrest and prosecute Hirbaayyee Sherkuu, Inspector Waasihuun Taaji’oo, and all officials who participated in this crime.
Women’s and children’s rights organizations to intervene urgently and provide Haroo with safe shelter and legal protection.
The media to amplify this story so that no wealthy man can buy silence again.

EPILOGUE: A GIRL STILL RUNNING

As of this publication, Haroo Xona is still alive. Still hiding. Still fighting.

She is now a mother. She never returned to school. Her dreams of education are on hold – perhaps forever.

But she has not given up. And neither should we.

“Justice belongs to the one who seeks it,” the Oromo say.

Haroo has sought justice. It is time for the system to answer.

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The Struggle Was Hijacked – And We Looked Away

Apr 16

Posted by advocacy4oromia

An open letter to every Oromo who still believes in Bilisummaa

By: Daandii Ragabaa

Publication: Advocacy for Oromia
Date: April 15, 2026

1. The Bitter Truth

“Dubbiin baay’ee hamaadha.”
The truth is very bitter.

For seven years, we have been told that the Oromo struggle is moving forward. We have raised flags. We have sung songs. We have buried our children. And all the while, a cancer was eating the movement from the inside.

This is not the story of our enemies. This is our story. And it is time we looked in the mirror.

2. What We Have Learned

Recent investigative reporting has uncovered what many of us feared but could not prove:

A shadow network – built not by the people, but by the state and its collaborators – has been operating inside the heart of the Oromo movement for years.
Mass killings in Ambo and Waliso were not carried out by outsiders. They were carried out by the same people who now wear the flag and claim leadership.
A secret cell called #120, founded by a former OPDO military member named Mammush, was built for one purpose: to steal the name of the struggle and commit crimes under it.
Genuine Qeerroo leaders confronted this cell, tried to reform it, and were ignored. Then they were killed or imprisoned.
When the political transition came, the same criminals simply changed their hats – from “thugs” to “leaders” – and the world applauded.

3. The Names We Must Not Forget

Let us speak the names that the network wants buried:

Jaal Galaana Immaana – consumed by the same people who now rule Ambo.
Jaala Boruu Lammeessaa – a young man who started inside the network, saw the truth, fled to the forest, and was martyred.
Baayisaa Huseen – once a detainee, now the head of security in Ambo, hunting down every Oromo nationalist he ever knew.
Kaasayee Qananiisa – a mafia figure who never fought for liberation, only for theft, now protected by police commanders.
Charuu Kabaa– a killer who operated under his father’s police badge, recently blessed at a hotel with 50,000 birr from the Ambo administrator.
Jaal Battee Urgeessaa-a true fighter who was killed by a gang of thieves; his justice has not yet been done
Jaal Mo’iboon Baqqalaa-a true fighter who was killed by a gang of thieves; his justice has not yet been done

These are not enemies of Oromia. They are the wolves inside the sheepfold.

4. A Case Study: A Betrayal We Cannot Forgive

One of the most heartbreaking betrayals detailed in this investigation took place in Ambo was a broken case of the representative of OFC- Qana’aa Chuuchee.

Then came the crackdown. Imprisonment. Killings. Displacement.

What followed was a brutal crackdown:

Imprisonment
Killings
Forced displacement

That informant is named Qana’aa Chuuchee – described as the representative of OFC in Ambo. He stayed with the community from Maekalawi to Qilinxoo.

And today, the same people who ordered that crackdown are still in power. Still wearing the flag. Still calling themselves leaders of the struggle.

5. The Child with the Plastic Leg

Perhaps the most obscene symbol of this network is the child with one leg. He was taken to a hotel, displayed, beaten, and abandoned. A performance of suffering. A propaganda prop.

Ask yourself: Who benefits from such cruelty? Not the struggle. Not Oromia.

6. What Is #120?

For those who do not know: #120 was one of approximately 120 underground structures built by Oromo youth during the height of the Qeerroo protests. Some were genuine. Some were not.

#120 was built by Mammush – a former OPDO fighter. Its goal was never liberation. Its goal was crime.

When genuine Qeerroo discovered this, they tried to absorb and reform the cell. But the criminals refused. And when the political winds changed, the #120 members simply changed their koofiyyaa (hat) and declared themselves the new leadership.

Today, the mafia that runs Ambo – and parts of the broader Oromo political landscape – is the direct descendant of #120.

7. The System That Protects Them

Let us be clear: The Prosperity Party (PP) is a mafia system. It does not fight crime. It recruits it.

The same state that once jailed genuine Oromo nationalists now protects the criminals who wear the nationalist mask. Why? Because fake nationalists are useful. They can control the people. They can steal the money. They can kill the real opposition.

And the people? The people are told: “These are your leaders. These are the heroes of the struggle.”

We have been lied to.

8. What Must Be Done

This op-ed is not written to destroy hope. It is written to save it.

We cannot heal what we refuse to name. So here is what we demand:

First: A full, independent investigation into the killings in Ambo and Waliso – with international observers if necessary.

Second: The immediate removal and prosecution of Baayisaa Huseen, Kaasayee Qananiisa, Charuu Kabaa, and all known operatives of the #120 network.

Third: Protection for whistleblowers. The person who provided the information for this investigation is still alive – for now. That should not be temporary.

Fourth: A truth and reconciliation process within the Oromo movement. We must separate genuine liberation structures from criminal infiltrators.

Fifth: Public disclosure. Every person who transitioned from Woyyane-era detention into current leadership must be named and vetted.

Sixth: Community vigilance. Ask the hard questions: Who benefits from this struggle? Who dies? Who gets rich?

9. To the Young Qeerroo and Qarree

You are the reason the struggle still breathes. But you must also be the reason it is cleansed.

Do not follow flags blindly. Do not chant names you have not investigated. Do not give your blood to those who sell your future.

The real heroes are not the ones on hotel stages. The real heroes are the ones in the forest, in the prisons, and in the graves. The real heroes are the ones who refused to wear the mask.

10. A Final Word

The truth is very bitter. But it is the only medicine.

For too long, we have been silent because we feared division. But division is already here. It was created by the very people we now protect.

Let us not be afraid to say: The struggle was hijacked. And we looked away.

No more looking away.

Bilisummaa – but only if it is real.
Nagaa – but only if it is just.

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A Day of Thunder and Tears – Oromo Martyrs and Heroes Honored at ABO Headquarters in Gullalle

Apr 16

Posted by advocacy4oromia

Thousands gather on Ebla 15, 2026, to remember the fallen, raise the flag, and renew the vow never to forget

By: Daandii Ragabaa

Date: Ebla 15, 2026 (April 15, 2026)

PROLOGUE: The Day the Dead Speak

There are days that pass like any other. And then there is Ebla 15 – the day when the dead refuse to stay silent.

On this morning, under a sky the color of old iron, hundreds of Oromo men, women, and children gathered at the Head Office of the ABO (Arsi, Bale, Oromo) in the Gullalle district of Addis Ababa. They came not because they were invited. They came because something in their blood would not let them stay home.

This was Guyyaa Gootota Wareegamtoota Oromoo – the Day of Oromo Martyrs and Heroes.

It is a day with no official decree. No government proclamation. No permission slip from any palace. It is a people’s holiday, carved from memory and kept with fire.

And on Ebla 15, 2026, the people of Gullalle proved that memory is still alive.

PART ONE: The Gathering

Faces in the Crowd

By 8:30 AM, the compound of the ABO headquarters was already full.

The elders arrived first. They came on buses, on foot, leaning on canes and on each other. Their faces were maps of grief – wrinkles carved by tears and time. They sat on plastic chairs in the shade, their walking sticks planted like spears. They did not speak much. They had done their talking over decades. Now they came to witness.

The mothers stood at the edges. Infants were tied to their backs with cotton wraps. Some nursed while standing. Others held faded photographs – sons, daughters, husbands – who would never grow old. They did not weep. Perhaps they had no tears left.

The youth – the Qeerroo and Qarree – filled the center of the compound. They wore the Oromo flag not as decoration but as declaration. Black, red, and white on t-shirts, on scarves, on wristbands, on fingernails. Their phones were raised, recording everything. Not for social media fame. For evidence. For the archive that no government will keep.

At the front of the compound stood a simple wooden stage. No velvet ropes. No VIP section. No flowers. Just a microphone, a worn banner, and a flag that had been folded and unfolded so many times that its edges were frayed into whispers.

The banner read:

“Guyyaa Gootota Wareegamtoota Oromoo – Ebla 15, 2026 – Hin Irraanfatnu. Hin Lolti Dhaabnu.”

(Oromo Martyrs and Heroes Day – We will not forget. We will not stop struggling.)

PART TWO: The Silence That Roared

One Minute That Lasted a Lifetime

At exactly 9:00 AM, the master of ceremonies stepped to the microphone. He was a soft-spoken man with steel in his jaw.

“Before we speak,” he said, “we listen.”

One minute of silence.

It is easy to write those words. It is much harder to describe what happens when five hundred people stop breathing at the same time. The wind itself seemed to hesitate. A child coughed somewhere in the back, and the sound was enormous. An old man shifted his weight, and the creak of his sandals was a thunderclap.

In that minute, the dead were not remembered. They were present.

Then the silence broke – not with applause, but with a single voice singing an old Oromo lament. One by one, others joined. By the end of the first verse, the entire crowd was singing. The song had no title. But everyone knew the words. It was the song grandmothers sing when they think no one is listening. The song of rivers and horses and a time before borders.

PART THREE: The Names

A Litany of the Lost

Then came the reading of the names.

For nearly two hours, a rotation of speakers stepped to the microphone and read aloud the names of Oromo martyrs. Some were historical – 19th-century horseback warriors who rode against colonial cannons. Others were recent – young people killed in protests between 2014 and 2026. Some names were known across Oromia. Others were known only to a single village, a single family, a single mother.

The list included:

Alemitu G. – killed, 2016, Adama.
Biruk T. – disappeared, 2018, never found.
Chaltu D. – shot, 2015, Bale.
Dawit I. – died in prison, 2020, denied medical care.
Feyissa L. – 19 years old, 2014, Ambo.
Galaana Immaana – consumed by those who now claim leadership.
Jaala Boruu Lammeessaa – who fled the network and was martyred in the forest.

After each name, the crowd responded with a low, rumbling chant:

“Nu jirra. Hin irraanfatne.”
(We are here. We have not forgotten.)

It was not a cheer. It was a vow.

By the time the last name was read, no one was standing still. But no one had left.

PART FOUR: The Flag That Refuses to Burn

A Cloth More Powerful Than Bullets

At exactly 12:00 noon, the ceremony reached its spiritual peak.

Two young Qarree – sisters, no older than twenty – walked slowly to the flagpole. Between them, folded into a perfect square, was the Oromo flag. They did not rush. Every step was a prayer.

When they reached the pole, they unfolded the cloth with the reverence of priests handling a relic.

This flag – whether the black, red, and white or the green, red, and yellow, depending on tradition – has been banned, burned, trampled, and called illegal at various times in modern Ethiopian history.

And yet, on Ebla 15, 2026, it rose again.

As the colors caught the midday sun, an old man in the back of the crowd fell to his knees. He was not praying to God. He was praying to the cloth.

“Forgive us,” he wept, his voice cracking like dry earth. “We are still fighting. We have not given up.”

No one told him to stand. No one told him to be quiet. Some moments are too sacred to interrupt.

PART FIVE: The Five Pillars

What the Heroes Died For

The keynote address was delivered by a senior ABO official who requested anonymity for security reasons. He did not speak of politics. He spoke of debt.

He raised five fingers and named five sacred words of the Oromo struggle:

Oromo Word	Meaning	What the Martyrs Died For
Nageenya	Justice / Peace / Well-being	A country where identity is not a death sentence.
Misooma	Development	Schools in villages, not just palaces in the capital.
Badhaadhina	Progress	Moving forward, even when the road is soaked in blood.
Dimokiraasii	Democracy	The right to speak, assemble, and choose – without permission.
Nagaa	True Peace / Safety / Tranquility	Sleeping through the night without fear of a knock on the door.

“These five words,” the speaker said, his voice low and fierce, “are not decorations. They are debts. Our heroes paid with their lives. We must pay with our actions.”

The crowd did not clap. They raised their fists. And for a moment, Gullalle was not a neighborhood in Addis Ababa. It was an idea.

PART SIX: Voices from the Crowd

What the Living Said

This reporter spoke with several attendees. Their words speak louder than any analysis.

Bontu, 23, university student:
“I was not born when many of these heroes died. But I carry their names in my phone. I read them every morning. Ebla 15 is the day I become honest about who I am.”

Jirenya, 58, farmer (who traveled three hours by bus):
“My brother was killed in 2015. No one was arrested. No one apologized. The government forgot him. But I will not. Today, I am his memory.”

Marga, 19, high school student:
“The old people cry. But we, the young – we are not just crying. We are planning. We are organizing. The next heroes are not dead yet. They are standing right here.”

Hundessa, 72, retired teacher (walking with a cane):
“I have attended these ceremonies for twenty years. Each year, there are new names. That breaks my heart. But each year, there are also new young faces. That gives me hope.”

Faarax, 34, shopkeeper (who left his store unattended):
“I did not close my shop. I left my son in charge. If I lose my business for being here, so be it. What is money without Nageenya? Nothing.”

PART SEVEN: The Shadow Over the Celebration

A Warning from Inside

Not all the voices at the ceremony were voices of pure grief. Some were voices of warning.

Multiple attendees, speaking on condition of anonymity, told this reporter that not everyone who wears the flag loves the struggle. They spoke of infiltration, of criminal networks that have hijacked parts of the movement, of leaders who were once prisoners of the old regime and are now protectors of the new one.

One source, who identified himself as a former insider of a group called #120, described how a shadow cell built by a former OPDO military member named Mammush had systematically stolen money, committed killings, and then rebranded as legitimate leadership when the political winds changed.

“The truth is very bitter,” he said. “But if we do not speak it, the heroes died for nothing.”

Another source pointed specifically to Baayisaa Huseen – now the head of security in Ambo – as a man who once sat in prison alongside genuine nationalists, only to emerge as a hunter of the very people he once called comrades.

“He knows every Oromo nationalist by name. And he is eliminating them, one by one.”

These allegations were not the focus of the ceremony. But they hung in the air like smoke – invisible, but impossible to ignore.

PART EIGHT: The Closing Vow

A Promise Made with Raised Hands

As the sun began to soften over Gullalle, the crowd did not disperse quickly. They lingered. They hugged strangers. They exchanged phone numbers. They stood in front of the flag for photographs that would be hidden in private albums, not shared on public feeds.

Then, a young Qeerroo – no older than seventeen – climbed onto a plastic chair and shouted:

“Ebla 15 next year – where will we be?”

The crowd roared back – not rehearsed, but raw:

“Stronger! More! Free!”

The final moment of the ceremony was not a speech. It was a collective vow.

Everyone raised their right hand – young and old, man and woman, farmer and student, rich and poor – and repeated after the master of ceremonies:

“We will not forget. We will not forgive injustice. We will keep walking.

Until Nageenya is not a word, but water.
Until Misooma reaches the last village.
Until Badhaadhina cannot be stopped.
Until Dimokiraasii is for every Oromo.
Until Nagaa is not a dream, but breakfast.”

Then silence.

And then, from the back of the crowd, a single voice began to sing the Oromo anthem. One by one, everyone joined. By the second verse, Gullalle was no longer a location on a map. It was a congregation.

EPILOGUE: What the Night Carried

The chairs were folded. The banner was rolled. The flag was lowered and placed in a wooden box – the same box that has carried it for years, from one secret ceremony to the next. The crowd melted back into the streets of Addis Ababa – some to homes, some to hiding, some to the next meeting.

But something stayed in the air above Gullalle on the night of Ebla 15, 2026.

It was not smoke. It was not sound. It was not even tears.

It was the breath of heroes – past, present, and those still unborn.

And as long as that breath moves, Guyyaa Gootota Wareegamtoota Oromoo will never be just a date on a calendar.

It will be a living fire.

For Those Who Were Not There

If you are reading this in a city far from Oromia – in Minneapolis, in Berlin, in Nairobi, in Melbourne – know this:

Ebla 15 is not a date. It is a thread.

It connects a horseback warrior of 1896 to a Qeerroo with a cracked smartphone in 2026. It connects a mother who buried her son to a teenager who has never seen peace but still believes in it. It connects the martyrs who fell in Ambo and Waliso to the millions who still whisper Bilisummaa in their sleep.

The Oromo martyrs and heroes did not die so that you would cry forever.

They died so that you would act.

So act.

Learn a name. Speak a truth. Raise a flag – even if only in your heart.

Because as they chanted in Gullalle on Ebla 15, 2026:

“Nu jirra. Hin irraanfatamne.”

We are here. We have not forgotten.

And neither should you.

Bilisummaa! Nagaa!

Ebla 15 – Forever.

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Oromo Martyrs and Heroes Day Marked at ABO Headquarters in Gullalle

Apr 15

Posted by advocacy4oromia

Hundreds gather to honor fallen heroes, raise banned flag, and renew calls for justice and peace on Ebla 15

By Maatii Sabaa
GULLALLE, FINFINNE – April 15, 2026 (Ebla 15)

GULLALLE – Hundreds of Oromo men, women, and youth gathered today at the Head Office of the ABO (Arsi, Bale, Oromo organization) in the Gullalle district of Addis Ababa to observe Guyyaa Gootota Wareegamtoota Oromoo (Oromo Martyrs and Heroes Day), an annual commemoration held on Ebla 15 (April 15).

The event, which lasted from 9:00 AM to 3:00 PM, included a minute of silence for the fallen, the reading of hundreds of names of martyrs, cultural performances, and the raising of the Oromo flag – a symbol repeatedly banned in public spaces over the years. No violence or security incidents were reported.

The gathering was peaceful but emotionally charged. Attendees included elderly community members, mothers with young children, and large numbers of Qeerroo and Qarree (Oromo youth activists). Organizers described the event as a “people’s holiday” – not sanctioned by any government but observed annually by Oromo communities both inside Ethiopia and in the diaspora.

A banner at the venue read:
“Guyyaa Gootota Wareegamtoota Oromoo – Ebla 15, 2026 – Hin Irraanfatnu. Hin Lolti Dhaabnu.”
(Translation: “Oromo Martyrs and Heroes Day – We will not forget. We will not stop struggling.”)

One of the most powerful moments came when a list of martyrs’ names was read aloud. The names included individuals killed in protests between 2014 and 2026, as well as historical figures from the 19th century. After each name, the crowd responded in unison: “Nu jirra. Hin irraanfatne.” (“We are here. We have not forgotten.”)

An elderly woman, who identified herself only as the mother of a son killed in 2018, held up a faded photograph and told the crowd: “I did not come to speak. I came to show you his face. Do not let his memory die.”

At exactly 12:00 noon, two young women raised the Oromo flag at the ABO compound. The flag – which has been banned at various times in modern Ethiopian history – flew for approximately three hours before being lowered and stored in a wooden box.

Witnesses described an elderly man falling to his knees as the flag rose, weeping and saying: “Forgive us. We are still fighting. We have not given up.”

A senior ABO official, who spoke on condition of anonymity for security reasons, delivered the keynote address. He outlined five core values that he said Oromo martyrs died for:

Nageenya (Justice / Peace / Well-being)
Misooma (Development)
Badhaadhina (Progress)
Dimokiraasii (Democracy)
Nagaa (True Peace / Safety)

“These five words are not decorations,” the speaker said. “They are debts. Our heroes paid with their lives. We must pay with our actions.”

The newspaper spoke with several attendees:

Bontu, 23, university student:
“I was not born when many of these heroes died. But I carry their names in my phone. I read them every morning.”

Jirenya, 58, farmer (traveled three hours by bus):
“My brother was killed in 2015. No one was arrested. No one apologized. Today, I am his memory.”

Marga, 19, high school student:
“The next heroes are not dead yet. They are standing right here.”

Hundessa, 72, retired teacher:
“Each year, there are new names. That breaks my heart. But each year, there are also new young faces. That gives me hope.”

Ebla 15 (which corresponds to April 15 in the Gregorian calendar) has become a significant date in Oromo collective memory. While not recognized as an official public holiday by the Ethiopian government, it is widely observed by Oromo communities as a day to honor both historical figures (including 19th-century horseback warriors who fought colonialism) and contemporary martyrs killed in protests and political violence.

The ABO (Arsi, Bale, Oromo – a prominent Oromo civil society and cultural organization) has organized commemorative events on Ebla 15 for several years, though the scale and location have varied due to security constraints.

A visible but low-key security presence was observed in areas surrounding Gullalle throughout the day. No arrests or confrontations were reported. The event ended peacefully at approximately 3:00 PM, after a collective vow in which attendees raised their right hands and recited a pledge to continue the struggle for justice, democracy, and peace.

Organizers declined to provide an official estimate of crowd size, but eyewitnesses placed attendance between 300 and 500 people.

As of press time, the Ethiopian government had not issued an official statement regarding the commemoration.

The ceremony concluded with the Oromo anthem sung by the entire crowd, followed by a slow dispersal. Many attendees lingered to take photographs with the flag and exchange contact information for future organizing.

A young Qeerroo shouted as the crowd began to leave: “Ebla 15 next year – where will we be?”
The crowd responded: “Stronger! More! Free!”

Posted in Aadaa, Events, Finfinne, Information, News, Oromia, Press Release, Promotion

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Advocacy4Oromia (2010-2026)

Advocacy for Oromia was established in 2010 with the purpose of enabling and empowering Oromo people by providing accurate and timely information that will help to make better choices to create the kind of future in which they wish to live.
It also provides information focus on the major issues facing us in the 21st century and it is going to try and bring a balanced approach with factual information that is positive and solution based.
The website has been in operation for the last nine years with the mission of promoting and advancing causes of Oromo people through advocacy, community education, information service, capacity building, awareness raising and promotion.
The website is also the official site of Advocacy for Oromia Association in Victoria Australia Inc., a non-profit organisation, registered under the Associations Incorporation Reform Act 2012 in Victoria as April 2014.

Our team already had considerable community development experience and expertise. Our various projects helped to develop our confidence and the capacity of our agency. Our team used every gained knowledge, skills and experiences as an opportunity to design and develop new approaches, to documenting progress, supporting positive employment outcomes, liaising with community stakeholders, and conduct evaluation.

Advocacy for Oromia is devoted to establishing Advocacy for Oromia organisation to close the gaps where we can stand for people who are disadvantaged and speaking out on their behalf in a way that represents the best interests of them. We are committed to supporting positive settlement and employment outcomes for Victoria’s Oromo community.
Advocacy for Oromia Office
Addresses:
- 39 Clow St,
  Dandenong VIC 3175
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- 247-251 Flinders Lane
Melbourne VIC 3000

Activities Address
- Springvale Neighbourhood House Inc
Address: 46-50 Queens Ave, Springvale VIC 3171

Postal Address:
P. O. Box 150
Noble Park, Vic 3174

Phone: 0432 057 473

Email: info@advocacy4oromia.org

Working Hours: Wednesday 1pm–5pm
Hours & Info
39 Clow St,
Dandenong VIC 3175
0432 057 473
info@advocacy4oromia.org
Wednesday: 1pm - 5pm
Hours & Info
247 Flinders Ln, Melbourne VIC 3000
0432 057 473
info@advocacy4oromia.org
Saturday: 10am - 5pm
Monday-Friday: 5pm - 7pm
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Recent Posts
- Oromo Empowerment & Advocacy Framework
- Seenaa Oromoo Maccaa: Balbala Shanan fi Gosoota
- Little Hands, Living Heritage: Grade 3 Students Bring Irreecha to Life
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With your support, we can continue to help community build a better future.
Advocacy for Oromia Mental Health Program
The aim of the program is to improving the mental health and well-being of Oromo community in Victoria. It aims to assist those experiencing, mental ill-health, their families and carers of all ages within this community to address the social determinants of mental health for Oromo community. It helps:
- Identify and build protective factors,
- Reduce stigma and discrimination
- Build capacity for self-determination
- Better understand mental wellbeing, mental ill-health and the impacts of trauma
The goal of the project is to increase mental health literacy of Oromo community that aims:
- To assist people with mental health issues
- To increase the capacity of mental health worker
- To better understand mental wellbeing
- To provide mental health education and information
- To address the social and cultural causes of mental health issues
Advocacy for Oromia will organise information session, women performance, radio programs, culturally adopted conversations on Oromo Coffee Drinking ceremony, providing training for mental health guides and forum and producing educational materials on the selected groups and geographical area.
Human Rights Education Program
The Human Rights Education Program is a community based human rights program designed to develop an understanding of everyone’s common responsibility to make human rights a reality in each community.

Human rights can only be achieved through an informed and continued demand by people for their protection. Human rights education promotes values, beliefs and attitudes that encourage all individuals to uphold their own rights and those of others.

The aim of the program is to build an understanding and appreciation for human rights through learning about rights and learning through rights. We aimed at building a universal culture of human rights. Thus, we aimed:
- To build an understanding and appreciation for human rights through learning about rights and learning through rights.
- To build capacities and sharing good practice in the area of human rights education and training
- To develop human rights education and training materials and resources
The goal of the project is to increase human rights literacy of Oromo community that aims:
- To better understand human rights
- To increase the capacity of human rights worker
- To analyse situations in human rights terms
- To provide human rights education and information
- To develop solidarity
- To strategize and implement appropriate responses to injustice.
The ultimate goal of education for human rights is empowerment, giving people the knowledge and skills to take control of their own lives and the decisions that affect them.

Human rights education constitutes an essential contribution to the long-term prevention of human rights abuses and represents an important investment in the endeavour to achieve a just society in which all human rights of all persons are valued and respected.

Advocacy for Oromia will organise information session, performance, radio programs, culturally adopted conversations on Oromo Coffee Drinking ceremony, providing training for Human Rights guides and forum and producing educational materials on the selected groups and geographical area.
Community Safety Program

The program aims to strengthen existing collaborations and identify opportunities for the development of partnerships aimed at community safety and crime prevention activities. This approach seeks to improve the individual and collective quality of life by addressing concerns regarding the wider physical and social environment. Importantly, community safety means addressing fear of crime and perceptions of safety as without this any actions to address the occurrence of crime and anti-social behaviour are of less value.
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The Oromian Martyrs DayApril 15, 2013
The Oromian Martyrs Day

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Advocacy for Oromia

empowering and enabling people

Featured: Oromo Empowerment & Advocacy Framework

“THIS IS DUKAM”: A Shocking Act, A Baffling Bragging Rights, and a Deadly Question

When security forces record their own brutality and celebrate it, is this policy – or a collapse of all rules of engagement?

INTRODUCTION: THE NAME THAT BECOMES A CONFESSION

PART ONE: THE SCENE – WHAT HAPPENED AT CHAAYNOTA DUKAM?

The Location

The Act

The Signature

PART TWO: THE PERPETRATORS – WHO IS “DUKAM”?

PART THREE: THE CENTRAL QUESTION – ORDERED OR ROGUE?

What Are Rules of Engagement?

What If the ROE Themselves Are Corrupt?

The Spectrum of Possibility

PART FOUR: THE ACT ITSELF – WHAT MAKES IT “SUUKANNEESSA”?

The Psychology of Bragging

PART FIVE: THE LOCATION – WHY A BUSINESS ESTABLISHMENT?

What This Tells Us

The Intersection of Security Forces and Business

PART SIX: THE PATTERN – IS DUKAM A REPEATED NAME?

PART SEVEN: THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK – WHAT SHOULD HAPPEN

Under Ethiopian Law

Under International Law

What Justice Would Require

PART EIGHT: THE CULTURE OF IMPUNITY – WHY “DUKAM” BELIEVES IT CAN BOAST

What This Boasting Reveals

The Danger of Normalized Brutality

PART NINE: THE RESPONSIBILITY OF WITNESSES AND JOURNALISTS

What Witnesses Can Do

What Journalists Must Do

PART TEN: THE QUESTION THAT REMAINS – AND THE ANSWER WE DEMAND

CONCLUSION: THE NAME THAT MUST BECOME A VERDICT

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A Chilling Investigation Uncovers Murder, Conspiracy, and a Body Devoured by Wild Animals

“INSPECTOR BAYISA KILLED TEACHER TOMAS GETACHOO AND FED HIM TO HYENAS”

INTRODUCTION: A DEATH THAT COULD NOT BE BURIED

PART ONE: THE VICTIM – WHO WAS TEACHER TOMAS GETACHOO?

PART TWO: THE ACCUSED – INSPECTOR BAYISA

PART THREE: THE DAY OF THE KILLING – WHAT HAPPENED?

The Date

The Location

The Victims

The Sequence of Events

PART FOUR: THE FATE OF EEBISAA TAADDASAA – A CASE OF MISTAKEN IDENTITY?

A Family’s Grief

The Wrong Corpse

The Twist: Eebbisaa Was Alive

Whose Body Was It?

PART FIVE: THE FINAL RESTING PLACE OF TOMAS GETACHO

PART SIX: THE WITNESSES – THOSE WHO LIVED TO TELL THE STORY

PART SEVEN: THE PATTERN – STATE-SANCTIONED KILLINGS IN OROMIA

PART EIGHT: THE QUESTIONS THAT REMAIN

1. Why Was Tomas Getacho Killed?

2. Who Ordered the Killing?

3. What Happened to Inspector Bayisa?

4. What Compensation Has Been Given to the Families?

5. How Many Others Have Suffered the Same Fate?

PART NINE: A CALL FOR JUSTICE

What Must Happen Now

PART TEN: A MESSAGE TO THE FAMILY OF TOMAS GETACHOO

CONCLUSION: THE TRUTH WILL NOT BE EATEN

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THE TWO FACES OF OUR STRUGGLE: Internal Decay and External Enemies

A nation that cannot distinguish between its internal wounds and external threats will never be truly free.

INTRODUCTION: A PEOPLE WEIGHED DOWN

PART ONE: THE ENEMY WITHIN

What Is the Internal Problem?

The Cost of the Internal Problem

PART TWO: THE ENEMY WITHOUT

What Is the External Problem?

The Cost of the External Problem

PART THREE: THE FATAL BLINDNESS

Why We Fail to Distinguish

The Path of Caution

PART FOUR: WE ARE NOT SHEEP

The Metaphor of the Sheep

What It Means to Refuse Sheephood

PART FIVE: STRENGTHEN WHAT YOU HAVE, COMPLETE WHAT REMAINS

The Two Movements of Struggle