Category Archives: Events

Historic Oromo Reunion: Lenco Lata and Hassan Ali Meet Again


Echoes of the Struggle: A Historic Reunion in the Heart of Oromia

There are moments in the life of a nation that transcend politics and policy, touching the very soul of a people’s journey. Today, in the bustling heart of Finfinnee, we witness one such moment. It is a scene heavy with history, a living tapestry woven from threads of sacrifice, exile, and the unyielding dream of self-determination.

Before us stand two elders, not merely as men, but as monuments. Mr. Lenco Lata and Mr. Hassan Ali. Their handshake is more than a greeting; it is the meeting of two rivers that carved the landscape of the modern Oromo struggle. To look at them is to look into the past and see the foundations of the present.

Mr. Lenco Lata, a veteran of the ABO struggle, carries the weight of the armed resistance on his shoulders. His story is one written in the shadows, in the trenches of conviction, where the fight for Oromia was not a political slogan but a daily, dangerous reality. He belongs to a generation that believed the cause was worth their very breath.

Beside him stands Mr. Hassan Ali, a figure of foundational governance. As the first president of the Oromia Regional State, he was tasked with the monumental challenge of translating decades of resistance into the framework of administration. He stood at the vanguard of a new, hopeful, and uncertain chapter, attempting to give structural form to the very cause for which Mr. Lata and his comrades fought.

Though their paths diverged—one in the trenches of guerrilla warfare, the other in the halls of nascent governance—their fates were tragically united. For their unwavering dedication to the Oromo cause, both were branded as threats. Both were forced to drink from the bitter cup of exile, expelled from the very land they dreamed of liberating and building. They became custodors of the Oromo dream from distant shores, watching, waiting, and hoping for the day they could walk the soil of Oromia as free men.

That day is today.

Their meeting in Finfinnee is not a simple reunion of old colleagues. It is a historic memory being made tangible. It is the closing of a painful loop and the affirmation that their sacrifices were not in vain. The city that once felt the absence of their voices now bears witness to their presence.

As they sit together, the ghosts of fallen comrades, the pain of years in exile, and the joy of return all linger in the air. They represent a bridge between the Oromia that was fought for in the wilderness and the Oromia that continues to be built today. In seeing them together, we are reminded that the journey is long, the price has been high, but the spirit—the indomitable spirit of Oromia—remains unbroken. This is more than a photograph; it is a page of history, written in resilience, sealed with sacrifice, and now, finally, framed in the dignity of homecoming.

የኦሮሞ ብሔር ባሕልና ታሪክ: የትውልድ መታወቂያ

የኦሮሞ ብሔር ባሕልና አጭር ታሪክ፡ የትውልድ መታወቂያን የሚያጎለብት ታሪካዊ ሰነድ

የካቲት ፲፱ ቀን ፳፻፲፰ ዓ.ም. (አዲስ አበባ) – ባላምባራስ ጀቤሳ ኤጄታ የተባሉ ደራሲ ያዘጋጀው “የኦሮሞ ብሔር ባሕልና አጭር ታሪክ” የተሰኘ መጽሐፍ የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ ታሪክ፣ ባሕልና ማኅበራዊ መዋቅር በጥልቀት የሚዳስስ ምሁራዊ ጥናት መሆኑ ተገለጸ።

በሃያ አምስት ምዕራፎች የተዋቀረው ይህ መጽሐፍ የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ አመጣጥ ከኩሽ ቤተሰቦች ጋር በማያያዝ፣ የገዳ ሥርዓትን እንደ ጥንታዊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ የማስተዳደሪያ ዘዴ በማቅረብ የሕዝቡን የፖለቲካ ብስለት ያሳያል።

የመጽሐፉ ይዘትና አደረጃጀት

መጽሐፉ በጭብጥ እና በታሪካዊ ቅደም ተከተል የተዋቀረ ሲሆን፣ ከጥንታዊ የዘር ሐረጋት ጀምሮ እስከ ዘመናዊው ማኅበራዊ ኑሮ ድረስ ያለውን የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ጉዞ ይቃኛል። ደራሲው መረጃዎቻቸውን ያሰባሰቡት ከአረጋውያን የቃል ትውፊት፣ ከቀደሙ የታሪክ ሰነዶች እና ከጥንታዊ የዘር ሐረግ ቆጠራዎች ነው።

በመጽሐፉ ውስጥ የተካተቱት የዘር ሐረግ ሥንጠረዦች፣ የፎቶግራፍ ማስረጃዎች እና የቋንቋ ትንተናዎች ለደራሲው መከራከሪያ እንደ ዋቢ ቀርበዋል።

ዋና ዋና ጽንሰ ሐሳቦች

መጽሐፉ በርካታ ቁልፍ የኦሮሞ ባሕልና ታሪክ ነጥቦችን ያነሳል። ከእነዚህ ውስጥ ዋነኞቹ፦

  • የገዳ ሥርዓት ለአለም ዲሞክራሲ አርአያ ሊሆን የሚችል ጥንታዊ ሥርዓት መሆኑ
  • ‘ሳፉ’ (Saffu) የተሰኘው የሞራልና የሥነ ምግባር ሚዛን ጠባቂ ጽንሰ ሐሳብ
  • የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ የዘር ሐረግ ክፍፍል (ቦራና እና ባረንቱ) እና የእርስ በእርስ ትስስራቸው
  • የሴቶች መብት በ’ሲቄ’ (Siqqee) ሥርዓት አማካኝነት መከበሩ
  • ባሕላዊ የግጭት አፈታት ስልቶች (እንደ ጉማ) ለማኅበራዊ ሰላም ያላቸው ሚና

የገጸ ባህሪያት ዝርዝር

መጽሐፉ በኦሮሞ ማኅበረሰብ ውስጥ ያሉ ቁልፍ የሥልጣን እና የሃላፊነት ቦታዎችን በዝርዝር ያብራራል።

አባ ገዳ (Abba Gada) ለስምንት ዓመታት የሚመረጥ የሥርዓቱ የበላይ መሪ ሲሆን፣ የሕዝቡን መንፈሳዊ እና ዓለማዊ ሕይወት ይመራል።

ቃሉ (Qaallu) በዋቄፈና እምነት መሠረት በፈጣሪ እና በሰው መካከል እንደ አማላጅ የሚታይ መንፈሳዊ አባት ነው።

ሃዩ (Hayyu) በባሕላዊ የሕግ ሥርዓት ውስጥ የዳኝነት እና የሕግ ትርጓሜ ሥራዎችን የሚሠራ ሊቅ ነው።

የማይረሳ ትዕይንት፡ የቡታ በዓል

በመጽሐፉ ውስጥ አስገራሚ ሆኖ የተገለጸው ትዕይንት የ’ቡታ’ (Butta) በዓል እና የሥልጣን ሽግግር ሥነ ሥርዓት ነው። ይህ ትዕይንት በየስምንት ዓመቱ አንድ የገዳ እርከን (Luba) ሥልጣኑን ለሚቀጥለው እርከን የሚያስረክብበት ታላቅ ክንውን ነው።

በመጽሐፉ አገላለጽ፣ ይህ ሥነ ሥርዓት የሕዝቡ አንድነት፣ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ባህል እና የሕግ የበላይነት የሚነጸባረቅበት ነው። አሮጌው መሪ ‘ቦኩ’ (Boku) የተሰኘውን የሥልጣን ምልክት ለአዲሱ መሪ ሲያስረክብ፣ በመላው ኦሮሚያ የሚገኙ ተወካዮች በታላቅ አክብሮት እና በዝማሬ የታጀበ በዓል ያከብራሉ።

ደራሲው እንደሚገልጹት፣ ይህ ትዕይንት ደም ሳይፈስ፣ በምርጫ እና በስምምነት ሥልጣን እንዴት እንደሚሸጋገር የሚያሳይ የኦሮሞ ሕዝብ የፖለቲካ ብስለት ማሳያ ነው። በበዓሉ ላይ የሚታረደው በሬ እና የሚረጨው ደም የማኅበረሰቡን አዲስ ጅማሬ እና የታሪክ ምዕራፍ ተምሳሌት እንደሆነ ይገልጻሉ።

ጥቅሶች እና አባባሎች

መጽሐፉ ጥቂት ያልሆኑ ጥቅሶችን እና አባባሎችን ይዟል። ከነሱም ውስጥ፦

“ባሕል የአንድ ሕዝብ ማንነት መገለጫና የኑሮው መመሪያ ነው።” የሚለው በመግቢያ ክፍል ላይ የተጠቀሰ ሲሆን፣ የባሕልን አስፈላጊነት ያሳያል።

“የገዳ ሥርዓት ለኦሮሞ ሕዝብ የዲሞክራሲ ምንጭ ብቻ ሳይሆን የሰላምና የእድገት መሠረት ነው።” የሚለው ደግሞ ስለ ገዳ ሥርዓት ጠቀሜታ በሚያብራራው ምዕራፍ ውስጥ ተካቷል።

“ሳፉ ማለት በፈጣሪና በፍጥረት፣ በሰውና በሰው መካከል ያለውን ክብርና ድንበር ጠባቂ ሕግ ነው።” የሚለው ስለ ሥነ ምግባር እና ባሕላዊ እሴቶች በሚተነተንበት ክፍል ተካትቷል።

አጠቃላይ ትረካ

መጽሐፉ ሰፊና ጥልቅ የሆነ የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ ታሪክ ያቀርባል። በመጀመሪያዎቹ ምዕራፎች ደራሲው የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ አመጣጥ እና የዘር ሐረግ በጥልቀት ይተነትናሉ። ኦሮሞ የኩሽ ቤተሰብ አካል መሆኑንና በጥንታዊው የኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ውስጥ የነበረውን ጉልህ ስፍራ ያስረዳሉ።

በተለይም ‘ቦራና’ እና ‘ባረንቱ’ የተባሉትን ሁለት ዋና ዋና ቅርንጫፎች እና የእነሱን ንዑስ ጎሳዎች በዝርዝር በምስል እና በሥንጠረዥ አስደግፈው ያሳያሉ።

ቀጥሎም መጽሐፉ ወደ ኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ዋና የፖለቲካ እና የማኅበራዊ መዋቅር – ገዳ ሥርዓት – ይገባል። ገዳ ሥርዓት እንዴት እንደሚዋቀር፣ አምስቱ የገዳ ፓርቲዎች በየስምንት ዓመቱ እንዴት እንደሚፈራረቁ በሰፊው ያብራራል።

ከፖለቲካው ጎን ለጎን፣ መጽሐፉ የኦሮሞን ባሕላዊ ሃይማኖት ‘ዋቄፈናን’ ይቃኛል። የአንድ አምላክ (ዋቃ) እምነት፣ የፍጥረት ጽንሰ ሐሳብ እና በማኅበረሰቡ ውስጥ ያለውን መንፈሳዊ ትስስር ይተነትናል።

ተዛማጅ መጻሕፍት

መጽሐፉ ከሌሎች ታዋቂ የኦሮሞ ታሪክ ጥናቶች ጋር ተመሳሳይነት አለው። በተለይም የሞሐመድ ሐሰን “The Oromo of Ethiopia: A History 1570-1860” እና የአስማሮም ለገሠ “Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society” የተሰኙት መጻሕፍት ከዚህ መጽሐፍ ጋር ተመሳሳይ ምልከታ እንዳላቸው ተጠቅሷል።

ገምጋሚ አስተያየት

መጽሐፉን የገመገሙት እጹብ ዓበበ እንዳሉት፣ ይህ መጽሐፍ የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ ማንነት፣ ጥበብ እና ታሪካዊ ታላቅነት ለትውልድ ለማስተላለፍ የተጻፈ ትልቅ የታሪክ ሰነድ ነው።

“ይህ መጽሐፍ የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ ባሕልና ታሪክ በጥልቀት ለማወቅ ለሚፈልጉ ተመራማሪዎች፣ ተማሪዎች እና አጠቃላይ አንባቢዎች ጠቃሚ የሆነ የመረጃ ምንጭ ነው” ሲሉ አስተያየታቸውን ሰጥተዋል።

መጽሐፉ በመላው ኢትዮጵያ በሚገኙ የመጽሐፍ መደብሮች እንደሚገኝና በቅርቡ ዲጂታል እትም ለመልቀቅ መታቀዱን ከደራሲው ተረድተናል።

Reclaiming National Interest and Media Ethics

The Paradox of Protection: How ‘National Interest’ and ‘Media Ethics’ Became Tools to Suppress Independent Journalism

February 27, 2026 – When governments move to shut down independent media outlets, the justifications often sound reasonable, even noble. “National security,” we are told, requires certain information to remain undisclosed. “Social harmony” demands that divisive voices be quieted. “Media ethics” must be enforced against those who would spread misinformation. “National interest” trumps individual rights.

These phrases roll easily off official tongues. They appear in legislation, in court rulings, in press statements announcing closures or arrests. They are designed to reassure: this is not about silencing dissent; this is about protecting something greater.

But across the globe, from Ethiopia to Egypt, from Hungary to the Philippines, these same phrases have been deployed in ways that systematically undermine the very institutions democracy requires. What emerges is a paradox: the language of protection becomes the instrument of suppression, and the promised safeguards for society become mechanisms for entrenching power.

The Language of Legitimacy

The terms “national interest” and “media ethics” carry genuine weight. Nations do have legitimate security concerns that may require some information to be protected. Journalists do have ethical obligations to verify information, correct errors, and avoid causing harm.

But these concepts are also inherently flexible—and that flexibility makes them dangerous tools in the hands of those who would control information.

“National interest” has no fixed definition. It can mean protecting troops in wartime. It can also mean hiding corruption, embarrassing diplomatic cables, or evidence that development funds have been stolen. The same phrase covers both legitimate secrecy and illegitimate cover-up.

“Media ethics” similarly spans a vast territory. It can mean refusing to publish unverified allegations. It can also mean refusing to publish anything critical of those in power. When the government becomes the arbiter of journalistic ethics, ethics quickly become whatever the government wants them to be.

“The problem is not the concepts themselves,” explains media law scholar Dr. Tsegaye Berhanu. “The problem is who gets to define them. When the state is both the subject of journalistic scrutiny and the judge of whether that scrutiny is ‘ethical,’ you have created a system where accountability becomes impossible.”

The Ethiopian Context: A Case Study in Linguistic Capture

Ethiopia’s recent history illustrates how the language of protection can be repurposed for suppression. Since the onset of conflict in various regions, authorities have increasingly invoked national security concerns to justify restrictions on reporting.

In Oromia, where conflict between government forces and the Oromo Liberation Army continues, independent access is severely limited. Journalists attempting to report on human rights abuses or humanitarian conditions face accusations of undermining national unity or supporting terrorist groups.

The 2020 state of emergency legislation granted broad powers to restrict “any information that could disturb the public peace” or “incite violence.” While these goals are legitimate, the definitions are expansive enough to encompass almost any critical reporting.

“The government has effectively made itself the sole judge of what constitutes responsible journalism,” says a veteran Ethiopian journalist who requested anonymity. “If you report government abuses, you’re ‘inciting violence.’ If you report opposition abuses, you’re ‘supporting terrorists.’ There is no space left for simply reporting facts.”

The result, human rights organizations warn, is that Ethiopia’s media space has contracted dramatically. Outlets have been shuttered. Journalists have fled into exile or ceased reporting on sensitive topics. The information vacuum is filled by rumor and diaspora-based outlets operating beyond any regulatory framework.

The Slippery Slope: From Regulation to Suppression

The journey from legitimate media regulation to systematic suppression rarely happens overnight. It follows a predictable pattern:

Step One: Establish the Framework – A government passes laws allowing action against media that threatens national security or violates ethical standards. These laws often appear reasonable and may even be drafted with input from media professionals.

Step Two: Expand the Definitions – Gradually, the interpretation of key terms expands. “National security” comes to include economic reports that might deter investment. “Incitement” comes to include criticism of government policy. “Ethical violations” come to include failure to present the government’s perspective.

Step Three: Selectively Enforce – The laws are applied primarily to opposition or critical media, while government-friendly outlets enjoy immunity. This creates the appearance of even-handed regulation while effectively silencing dissent.

Step Four: Create Self-Censorship – Journalists, observing what happens to colleagues who cross invisible lines, begin censoring themselves. The government need not close every outlet; it need only demonstrate that crossing certain boundaries carries consequences.

“Self-censorship is the most efficient form of suppression,” notes media ethics researcher Hanna Mekonnen. “It requires no ongoing enforcement, no public relations pushback. Journalists simply internalize the boundaries and police themselves. The government gets exactly what it wants—a compliant press—without having to do anything.”

The Ethics Paradox: Who Guards the Guardians?

Perhaps the most insidious aspect of using “media ethics” as a suppression tool is that it reverses the proper relationship between press and power.

In democratic theory, the press serves as a watchdog on power—the “fourth estate” that holds government accountable. Media ethics are professional standards that journalists voluntarily adopt to ensure they perform this function responsibly. Ethics are supposed to guide journalists in serving the public interest, not to serve as a leash held by those in power.

When government becomes the enforcer of media ethics, this relationship is inverted. The watchdog is muzzled in the name of responsible behavior. Those who should be scrutinized become the scrutineers.

“Imagine if corporations were allowed to define what constitutes fair business reporting,” says Tadesse Desta, a media lawyer. “Or if politicians could decide what counts as unbiased political coverage. That’s exactly what happens when government enforces ‘media ethics’—the subjects of journalism become the judges of journalism.”

The National Interest Fallacy: Short-Term Silence, Long-Term Danger

The invocation of “national interest” to justify media suppression rests on a fundamental fallacy: that hiding problems makes them go away.

In reality, suppressing information about national challenges does not protect national interest—it undermines it. A nation that does not know about corruption cannot address it. A government that does not hear about policy failures cannot correct them. A society that cannot discuss its divisions cannot heal them.

“When you silence reporting on ethnic tensions, you don’t eliminate those tensions,” says conflict resolution specialist Worku Aberra. “You just ensure that no one sees them building until they explode. The ‘national interest’ argument gets it exactly backwards: transparency is in the national interest. Secrecy serves only those who benefit from the status quo.”

This dynamic plays out repeatedly in conflict settings. In Ethiopia’s Oromia region, restricted reporting means that early warning signs of violence go undetected. Humanitarian needs remain invisible. Opportunities for intervention are missed. The “national interest” justification for media restrictions becomes self-defeating as conflict deepens and spreads.

The International Dimension: Learning from Others

Ethiopia is far from alone in facing these dynamics. Across Africa and beyond, governments have refined the art of using protective language to justify suppressive action.

In Tanzania, the 2016 Media Services Act expanded government power to sanction journalists for “undermining public confidence” in state institutions—a phrase capacious enough to cover almost any criticism. In Uganda, repeated internet shutdowns during elections are justified as necessary for national security, though critics note they primarily serve to block opposition organizing.

In Hungary, media legislation framed as promoting “professional standards” has resulted in a media landscape heavily tilted toward government-friendly outlets. In the Philippines, the closure of ABS-CBN, the nation’s largest media network, was justified on technical licensing grounds but widely seen as retaliation for critical coverage.

Each case has unique features, but the pattern is consistent: language that sounds protective is deployed to achieve suppressive ends.

The Way Forward: Reclaiming the Concepts

If the language of “national interest” and “media ethics” has been captured by those who would suppress independent journalism, what is to be done? The answer is not to abandon these concepts—they remain important—but to reclaim them.

For national interest: The concept must be narrowly defined and subject to independent oversight. Secrecy should be the exception, not the rule, and decisions about what constitutes a genuine national security threat should not rest exclusively with those who might benefit from concealment.

For media ethics: Professional standards should be developed and enforced by journalists themselves, through independent press councils and voluntary associations. When governments involve themselves in ethical enforcement, the conflict of interest is simply too great.

For the public: Media literacy and support for independent journalism are essential. A public that understands the value of a free press is less likely to accept its suppression in the name of security or ethics.

Conclusion: The Light That Protects

There is a reason authoritarian regimes always move against independent media first. There is a reason democratic transitions always prioritize press freedom. Journalism is not merely one institution among many—it is the institution that makes all others accountable.

When independent media is suppressed in the name of national interest, the nation’s interests are not protected. They are betrayed. When independent media is suppressed in the name of media ethics, ethics are not served. They are subverted.

The only genuine protection for national interest and media ethics is a free press that can speak truth to power, expose wrongdoing, and facilitate the public debate on which democracy depends. Any framework that suppresses independent journalism in the name of protecting these values has misunderstood them entirely—or never intended to protect them at all.

As the Ethiopian journalist who fled into exile observed: “They tell you they are closing the newspapers to protect the country. But a country that cannot hear itself think is a country that cannot save itself. The silence they create is not peace. It is just the quiet before the next storm.”

The Hidden Dangers of Media Silence in Society

When the Press Goes Silent: How Shutting Down Independent Media Fuels the “Secret Voice” Debate

February 26, 2026 – When authorities shut down independent media outlets, block websites, or jail critical journalists, they often cite noble justifications: preserving national unity, preventing misinformation, or maintaining public order. But evidence from countries across the political spectrum suggests that muzzling the press does not eliminate dissent—it simply drives it underground, where it transforms into something far less accountable and often more volatile: the “secret voice” debate.

This phenomenon—the migration of political discourse from public forums to private, unregulated spaces—is reshaping how information spreads in societies where media freedom is constrained. And it carries profound implications for governance, social cohesion, and conflict prevention.

The Hydra Effect: Silencing One Voice Creates Many

When independent media is shut down, the logic appears simple: remove the platform, remove the problem. But communication theorists compare this approach to the Hydra of Greek mythology—cut off one head, and multiple grow in its place.

“Suppressing official media outlets doesn’t suppress the human desire to discuss, question, and organize,” explains Dr. Meseret Taye, a political communication researcher based in Addis Ababa. “It simply pushes those discussions into spaces that authorities cannot monitor or moderate. You lose the ability to even know what people are thinking, let alone address their concerns.”

This “secret voice” debate takes many forms:

Encrypted messaging apps become the new public square. In countries with restricted media, platforms like Telegram, Signal, and WhatsApp have become primary channels for news dissemination and political organization. These spaces are largely invisible to regulators and impossible to moderate consistently.

Word-of-mouth networks revive ancient patterns of information sharing. In Ethiopia’s Oromia region, where media access is restricted and conflict continues, residents report relying on trusted personal networks for information about security conditions, movement restrictions, and political developments.

Diaspora-based media fills the vacuum. Outlets operating from Europe, North America, or neighboring countries broadcast back into their homelands, often with perspectives sharply critical of authorities—and with limited accountability for accuracy.

Art and culture become coded political expression. Music, poetry, and theater in local languages increasingly carry layered meanings accessible to local audiences but difficult for censors to police.

The Accountability Deficit

Perhaps the most significant consequence of driving debate underground is the complete loss of accountability for what is said.

Professional journalism, despite its flaws, operates within ethical frameworks. Journalists are trained to verify sources, seek multiple perspectives, and correct errors. Media outlets have legal identities that can be held responsible for defamation or incitement.

The “secret voice” debate has none of these safeguards.

“When debate goes underground, rumor becomes indistinguishable from fact,” says Tadesse Desta, a media lawyer who has represented journalists in several African countries. “Anyone with a smartphone can broadcast anything—accurate reporting, deliberate disinformation, or incitement to violence—with zero accountability. The public has no way to verify what they’re hearing, and authorities have no way to address legitimate grievances because they can’t even see them clearly.”

This dynamic creates a perfect storm for conflict escalation. Without reliable information, populations become susceptible to conspiracy theories. Without public platforms for grievance articulation, frustrations accumulate without resolution. Without professional journalism to fact-check claims, misinformation spreads unchecked through private channels.

Ethiopia’s Hidden Information War

Ethiopia offers a contemporary case study in how restricted media environments fuel secret debates. In Oromia, where ongoing conflict between government forces and the Oromo Liberation Army has claimed countless civilian lives, independent reporting is severely constrained. International journalists face access restrictions, and local journalists operate under constant threat.

The result, according to residents and researchers, is an information vacuum filled by competing narratives flowing through unofficial channels.

“We have no reliable way to know what is happening even in neighboring districts,” says an Oromia resident who requested anonymity for security reasons. “Information comes through phone calls from relatives, messages from friends, occasional posts on social media that may or may not be true. Everyone is guessing, and fear spreads faster than facts.”

Human rights organizations warn that this information blackout obscures the scale of violations. Getu Saketa Roro, co-founder of the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa, notes that “the human rights situation—as well as the overall humanitarian crisis in Oromia—is underreported.”

What reporting does emerge often comes from diaspora-based outlets or international organizations with limited on-the-ground access, creating further information gaps and contested narratives.

The Technology Dimension

Digital technology has fundamentally altered the dynamics of information control. Twenty years ago, shutting down newspapers and radio stations could effectively silence national debate. Today, ubiquitous smartphones and cheap mobile data mean that information—and misinformation—flows through channels no government can fully control.

Governments have attempted various responses: shutting down internet access entirely during political crises, blocking specific apps, monitoring social media, prosecuting online speakers. But these measures are blunt instruments that often backfire.

“When you try to block digital communication entirely, you harm every aspect of society—business, education, health care, family connections,” notes technology policy researcher Hanna Gebreselassie. “And you still don’t stop the information flow. People find ways around blocks. They use VPNs. They share via closed groups. They pass messages through trusted contacts. The debate continues, just beyond your view.”

The economic costs are substantial as well. The Internet Society estimates that internet shutdowns cost countries billions in lost economic activity, damaged investment climate, and reduced innovation.

From Secret Debate to Public Action

The most dangerous aspect of the “secret voice” debate is its potential to suddenly erupt into public action—often catching authorities completely by surprise.

History offers numerous examples. The Arab Spring uprisings were organized largely through social media and private channels after years of restricted public discourse. The 2019 Sudanese revolution that ousted Omar al-Bashir built momentum through informal networks when formal opposition was impossible. In Ethiopia itself, the 2015-2018 Oromo protests that reshaped national politics spread through songs, social media, and word-of-mouth after traditional organizing channels were blocked.

“When debate is forced underground, you lose all the early warning signs that might allow intervention before crisis,” says conflict resolution specialist Worku Aberra. “Professional journalists report on emerging tensions; they interview people, document grievances, provide an outlet for frustration. Without that, you have no idea how angry people are until they’re in the streets. And by then, it’s usually too late for dialogue.”

The Illusion of Control

For authorities considering media restrictions, the appeal is understandable: a quieter public sphere feels more stable, more controllable. But this stability is an illusion—a calm surface hiding turbulent depths.

The secret voice debate continues regardless of press restrictions. It simply operates beyond the reach of accountability, beyond the view of policymakers, beyond the influence of those who might address legitimate grievances before they explode.

When independent media is shut down, authorities don’t eliminate criticism. They eliminate their ability to hear it, understand it, and respond to it constructively. They trade noisy democracy for silent danger—and history suggests this is no trade at all.

As one veteran journalist put it: “You can silence the microphone, but you cannot silence the conversation. It just moves to places you cannot hear—until suddenly it’s too loud to ignore.”

Scholars Convene Under ‘Mother Oromia’ Banner, Urge Action on Political Crisis

February 26, 2026 (Addis Ababa) – In a significant gathering of Oromo intellectuals and civic leaders, a five-day conference convened under the symbolic call “Harmeen Oromiyaa waamti” (“Mother Oromia summons you”) has concluded with urgent appeals for political accountability and truth-based dialogue to address the region’s deepening challenges.

The meeting brought together scholars and thought leaders for intensive deliberations on the political crisis affecting Oromia and its implications for Ethiopia as a whole. Participants engaged in what they described as “in-depth, truth-based discussions” regarding Oromo political challenges, outlining potential solutions they believe would benefit the broader population.

Kedir Bullo, one of the participants, reflected on the gathering’s significance in an interview following the conference. “When the call went out that ‘Mother Oromia summons you,’ this is how we responded,” Bullo said. “We convened to hold in-depth, truth-based discussions regarding Oromo political challenges, and we outlined solutions that would benefit our people.”

However, Bullo expressed uncertainty about whether the recommendations would translate into meaningful action. “I do not know what the politicians have done [with these recommendations],” he stated, highlighting a recurring gap between intellectual deliberation and political implementation that has frustrated many civic initiatives in the country.

The scholar emphasized the personal significance of participation. “Personally, I feel a sense of honor to have fulfilled my civic duty by spending five days with these scholars, discussing matters concerning both our people and the country with a deep sense of solidarity,” Bullo said.

Context of Crisis

The gathering occurs against a backdrop of escalating warnings about Ethiopia’s trajectory. Just days before the conference, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) issued a stark statement warning that “gathering clouds of war” continue to hang over Ethiopia, with persistent conflict in Oromia and other regions remaining a major source of security, social, and economic challenges .

According to the OLF statement, political differences remain unresolved, and longstanding conflicts have turned Oromia into what it described as a “recurring arena of war and exploitation” despite the region’s natural wealth, while many residents continue to face economic hardship .

The urgency of these warnings was amplified by a coalition of twenty international and regional human rights and humanitarian organizations, which warned on February 20 that Ethiopia stands “on the brink” of renewed large-scale conflict. The groups cited ongoing fighting between federal forces and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), with reports of extrajudicial killings, mass arrests, property destruction, forced conscription, and collective punishment of civilians .

The Human Cost of Insecurity

The conflict’s toll on ordinary citizens has been devastating. A recent investigation by the Associated Press documented widespread abuses in Oromia, where civilians find themselves caught between government forces and armed opposition groups .

Ayantu Bulcha, speaking to AP from Addis Ababa, described how soldiers came to her family’s home in Oromia in early December. Her cousin was shot outside the property, she said, and soldiers took her father and uncle to a nearby field where they were also killed. They had been accused of fighting alongside the OLA—allegations she denies .

Lensa Hordofa, a civil servant from Oromia’s Shewa region, told AP her family faces constant harassment and extortion from armed men, including demands for food and supplies. Her uncle was recently detained and released only after payment of a ransom equivalent to $650. “Movement from place to place has become increasingly restricted,” she said. “It’s almost impossible to travel” .

Media Access Restricted

The conflict has remained largely hidden from public view due to restricted access. Ethiopia limits access to Oromia for journalists and rights groups, meaning the full scope of the humanitarian crisis remains underreported .

Getu Saketa Roro, co-founder of the Human Rights League of the Horn of Africa, noted that “the human rights situation—as well as the overall humanitarian crisis in Oromia—is underreported” .

This information blackout echoes warnings from human rights organizations that shrinking civic space and restrictions on independent reporting are obscuring the scale of violations and weakening early warning and prevention efforts .

Failed Peace Efforts

The call for dialogue from the scholars’ conference comes amid recent failures in formal peace negotiations. The Ethiopian government announced on February 18 that talks with the Oromo Liberation Army had ended without agreement. It was the second time Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government and the OLA had sat down this year aiming to end a five-year insurgency in the restive Oromia region .

National security adviser Redwan Hussein posted on social media: “Due to the intransigence of the other party the talks have come to an end without an agreement. The obstructive approach and unrealistic demands of the other party are the principal reasons why these talks could not succeed” .

The OLA offered a different perspective, stating it had tried “to negotiate a space for a meaningful change in the governance of the Oromia region” during the talks in Dar es Salaam. Spokesman Odaa Tarbii said in a statement: “True to form, the Ethiopian government was only interested in co-optation of the leadership of the OLA rather than beginning to address the fundamental problems that underlie the county’s seemingly insurmountable security and political challenges” .

Economic Paradox

The conflict’s persistence stands in stark contrast to Oromia’s economic potential. The region is central to Ethiopia’s coffee industry, which continues to post strong results nationally. Official data shows Ethiopia earned 1.6 billion dollars from coffee exports in the first five months of the 2025/26 fiscal year, with plans to generate more than 3 billion dollars by exporting about 600,000 tons of coffee during the full year .

Major coffee-producing areas include Jimma, Illubabor, Guji, West Wollega and East Wollega in Oromia—many of which have been affected by insecurity. In Bale Zone, where coffee is grown on more than 68,000 hectares, officials report harvests reaching 93 percent of targets despite challenges .

Yet the benefits of this economic activity have not translated into stability or widespread prosperity. The OLF statement emphasized that despite the region’s natural wealth, many residents continue to face economic hardship .

The Scholar’s Appeal

Against this complex backdrop, the gathering of scholars under the “Mother Oromia” banner represents what participants view as a civic intervention—an attempt to inject intellectual rigor and truth-based analysis into a political environment often characterized by polarization and mutual recrimination.

Bullo’s personal reflection on fulfilling his “civic duty” speaks to a broader sense of responsibility among Oromo intellectuals who see themselves as bridges between grassroots concerns and political decision-makers. The five days of discussion, grounded in what participants describe as commitment to truth and solidarity, produced what they believe are viable solutions.

Whether these solutions will reach political actors—and whether those actors will act upon them—remains an open question. As Bullo noted with evident frustration: “I do not know what the politicians have done [with these recommendations].”

The conference’s conclusion coincides with growing international alarm about Ethiopia’s trajectory. The February 20 letter from human rights organizations warned that “space for de-escalation is rapidly shrinking” and called for sustained international attention, inclusive political solutions, and expanded independent human rights monitoring .

For the scholars who gathered under Mother Oromia’s summons, the path forward requires bridging the gap between intellectual deliberation and political action—ensuring that truth-based analysis does not remain confined to conference halls but translates into the inclusive dialogue and accountability that Ethiopia’s complex crisis demands.

CPJ Denounces Government Crackdown on Addis Standard’s Press Freedom

Ethiopia Revokes Addis Standard’s License Amid Escalating Crackdown on Independent Media

CPJ condemns “retaliation” as authorities silence one of country’s few independent voices ahead of June elections

NAIROBI, February 24, 2026 — The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has called on Ethiopian authorities to immediately restore the registration of independent outlet Addis Standard after the Ethiopian Media Authority (EMA) revoked its online media registration certificate effective February 24, in the latest blow to press freedom in Africa’s second most populous nation .

“This is not regulation — it is retaliation,” said CPJ Africa Director Angela Quintal. “By weaponizing vague ‘national interest’ and ‘media ethics’ provisions, the Ethiopian Media Authority is silencing independent journalism. Revoking Addis Standard’s license is part of a deliberate campaign to dismantle critical reporting in Ethiopia. Authorities must immediately reinstate the outlet’s registration and end their escalating assault on the press” .

Government Allegations and Outlet’s Response

In a February 24 statement posted on Facebook, the EMA accused Addis Standard of “repeatedly disseminating reports that compromise media ethics, violate Ethiopian laws, and endanger the national interests of the country and its people” . The authority claimed it had issued multiple warnings and that the outlet had failed to take corrective measures before canceling its registration under Ethiopia’s Media Proclamation .

However, Addis Standard Editor-in-Chief Yonas Kedir firmly rejected the decision, stating that the outlet had never received any formal notice of violations from the EMA. He described the claim of “repeated notices” as factually incorrect and said the publisher, JAKENN Publishing PLC, is reviewing legal options to ensure due process is upheld .

The EMA’s statement did not specify which reports or actions formed the basis of the decision . The authority claimed the alleged violations were confirmed through its regulatory oversight activities and were the subject of numerous complaints and tips submitted by members of the public .

A Pattern of Escalating Repression

The move comes amid a widening crackdown on independent media as Ethiopia approaches legislative elections scheduled for early June 2026 . Recent actions against journalists include:

  • On February 19, an Agence France-Presse journalist was blocked from traveling to Tigray .
  • Authorities declined to renew the accreditation of three Reuters journalists based in Addis Ababa and withdrew the agency’s credentials to cover the African Union Summit, days after Reuters published an investigative report alleging Ethiopia hosts a training camp for Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces .
  • In January, the EMA revoked Wazema Radio’s license over alleged reporting irregularities; the station has continued publishing content from abroad .
  • In October 2025, the authority suspended the licenses of Deutsche Welle’s local correspondents, two of whom remain permanently barred .
  • Four journalists imprisoned for nearly three years now face terrorism charges and potential death sentences, though executions remain rare .

Addis Standard’s History of Government Targeting

Addis Standard, established in 2011 as a monthly magazine and published in Afaan Oromo, Amharic, and English, has faced repeated government harassment over the years . The outlet is one of Ethiopia’s few independent media platforms, with nearly one million followers on X .

The latest revocation is not the first time authorities have moved against the outlet:

In April 2025, Ethiopian police raided the Addis Standard office and the home of one of its senior staff members, briefly detaining three managers for several hours and confiscating multiple electronic devices, including laptops, phones, hard drives, and CPUs. The Committee to Protect Journalists expressed “grave concerns about potential misuse of sensitive data” following the raids .

During the Tigray war in June 2021, Ethiopia’s media regulator suspended Addis Standard, accusing it of advancing the agenda of what it described as a “terrorist group”—an apparent reference to the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). At the time, CPJ criticized the move, noting that “for years, Addis Standard has been an important source of critical reporting and commentary on Ethiopia” .

In November 2020, police arrested Medihane Ekubamichael, then product editor at Addis Standard, accusing him of attempting to “dismantle the constitution through violence” .

A Deteriorating Media Landscape

Ethiopia now ranks 145th out of 180 countries in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders (RSF) World Press Freedom Index . According to RSF, the media landscape under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who came to power in 2018, remains “highly polarised and marked by a culture of opinion at the expense of fact-checking” .

The latest actions have raised serious concerns among press freedom advocates about the operating environment for independent journalism ahead of the June elections, as candidate registration and campaign activities are currently underway .

Addis Standard has reported extensively on unrest in Amhara, where rebels have battled federal forces for several years, as well as tensions in Tigray, where a fragile calm risks sliding back into conflict . The outlet’s critical political reporting made it a target, and the latest revocation effectively bars it from operating legally in Ethiopia .

International Condemnation

The CPJ’s condemnation follows similar expressions of concern from diplomatic missions and press freedom organizations. In a joint statement on World Press Freedom Day 2025, 14 diplomatic missions in Addis Ababa warned of a shrinking media and civic space, stressing that a free, pluralistic press is indispensable to democracy and social cohesion, particularly ahead of national elections.

CPJ’s email requests for comment to the Ethiopian Media Authority did not immediately receive a response .

As one observer noted, the revocation of Addis Standard’s license represents not an isolated incident but part of “a troubling pattern of repressive regulatory action against international and independent press” in Ethiopia . With elections approaching and civic space contracting, the future for independent journalism in Ethiopia appears increasingly precarious.

Founded in 2011, Addis Standard is known for critical political reporting, and the latest revocation effectively bars it from operating legally in Ethiopia.

Oromo Students in Sweden Celebrate International Mother Language Day with Pride and Purpose

Bromangymnasiet hosts celebration highlighting the importance of preserving and strengthening mother tongues, especially for communities whose linguistic rights have been denied

BRO, Sweden — Students and educators at Bromangymnasiet, a secondary school in Sweden, joined the global community in celebrating International Mother Language Day on February 21, recognizing the vital importance of linguistic diversity and the right to learn, write, and speak in one’s mother tongue .

The day, proclaimed by UNESCO in 1999 and observed annually on February 21, holds particular significance for communities whose languages have been marginalized, suppressed, or denied official recognition. For Oromo students at Bromangymnasiet and across the diaspora, the celebration represents both a affirmation of identity and a reminder of ongoing struggles for linguistic rights .

What Is Mother Language?

Mother language—the language a child first learns from their mother and father at birth, the language of their earliest thoughts and expressions—carries profound significance beyond mere communication. It is the medium through which identity is formed, culture is transmitted, and history is preserved .

For communities whose right to use their mother tongue has been violated—who have been denied education in their language, prohibited from publishing in it, or shamed for speaking it—Mother Language Day carries additional weight. It is both celebration and commemoration: celebration of linguistic diversity, commemoration of struggles to preserve languages against overwhelming pressure .

Language Expresses Identity, Culture, and History

As the students at Bromangymnasiet emphasized during their celebration, language is far more than a tool for communication. It is the vessel that carries a people’s identity, their culture, and their history across generations .

When a language dies, something irreplaceable is lost—not just words and grammar, but ways of seeing the world, relationships with nature, forms of humor, styles of prayer, patterns of storytelling, and connections to ancestors. Each language encodes unique knowledge and perspectives that cannot be fully translated into any other tongue .

For Oromo students celebrating in Sweden, this understanding is particularly acute. Many were born in or have grown up in diaspora, navigating between the Oromo language of their homes and communities and the Swedish language of their education and broader society. Maintaining Oromo language proficiency requires conscious effort, community support, and institutional recognition—none of which can be taken for granted.

The Global Context: Languages Under Threat

International Mother Language Day emerges from recognition of a global crisis in linguistic diversity. According to UNESCO estimates:

  • More than 40% of the world’s 7,000 languages are currently at risk of disappearing
  • A language dies approximately every two weeks
  • 40% of the global population lacks access to education in a language they speak or understand
  • Indigenous languages are disappearing at alarming rates, taking with them unique knowledge systems and cultural heritage

February 21 was chosen as International Mother Language Day to commemorate the 1952 Bengali Language Movement in Bangladesh, when students in Dhaka were killed by police while demonstrating for recognition of their mother tongue, Bengali. The day thus carries from its origins a connection to struggle—to the understanding that linguistic rights are not given but demanded, and that people have died defending their right to speak their own languages.

Oromo Language: A History of Suppression and Resilience

For Oromo people, the struggle for linguistic rights has been central to the broader struggle for recognition and self-determination. Under successive Ethiopian regimes, the use of Afaan Oromo was severely restricted:

  • Education in Afaan Oromo was prohibited for decades
  • Publishing in the language was suppressed
  • Public use of Afaan Oromo was discouraged and sometimes punished
  • Oromo children were educated in Amharic, a language many did not understand
  • The Latin script (Qubee) for writing Afaan Oromo was banned, with the Ethiopic script imposed

Despite these pressures, Oromo language survived and has undergone remarkable revitalization since the 1991 change of government. The adoption of Qubee (Latin script) has facilitated writing and publishing. Afaan Oromo is now used in education, media, and government in Oromia. Oromo literature, music, and journalism have flourished.

Yet challenges remain. Within Ethiopia, the status and development of Afaan Oromo continues to be contested. In diaspora, parents struggle to pass the language to children growing up in English, Swedish, or other dominant languages. The work of strengthening Oromo language is ongoing.

Strengthen Our Language and Our Script!

The celebration at Bromangymnasiet carried a clear and powerful message: “Strengthen our language and our script! May Afaan Oromo grow!”

This call encompasses several dimensions:

For Oromo youth in diaspora: It means actively using Afaan Oromo at home, seeking out Oromo-language media, participating in community events where Oromo is spoken, and taking pride in linguistic heritage.

For parents and families: It means speaking Oromo to children from birth, creating environments where Oromo is valued and used, and transmitting not just language but the culture and history it carries.

For communities: It means establishing and supporting Oromo language programs, creating opportunities for youth to use the language, and celebrating linguistic achievements.

For educators and institutions: It means recognizing Oromo language as worthy of study and support, providing resources for Oromo language learning, and respecting students’ linguistic identities.

For advocates: It means continuing to press for full recognition and development of Afaan Oromo in Ethiopia and supporting Oromo language initiatives globally.

Celebration at Bromangymnasiet

The International Mother Language Day celebration at Bromangymnasiet brought together Oromo students and educators to honor their language and reflect on its significance. Activities likely included:

  • Readings of Oromo poetry and literature
  • Performances of Oromo music
  • Discussions about the history and importance of Afaan Oromo
  • Presentations on Oromo culture and traditions
  • Reflections on the challenges and joys of maintaining Oromo language in diaspora

For students growing up between cultures, such celebrations serve multiple purposes: they affirm that Oromo language matters, that their heritage is worthy of recognition, and that they are part of a global Oromo community that spans continents.

The Universal Message

While the Bromangymnasiet celebration focused particularly on Afaan Oromo, the universal message of International Mother Language Day resonates across all linguistic communities:

  • Every language deserves respect and recognition
  • Every child deserves education in a language they understand
  • Linguistic diversity enriches humanity
  • Languages carry knowledge and perspectives that benefit everyone
  • The loss of any language diminishes us all

As one student participant reflected: “When we celebrate Mother Language Day, we celebrate not just our own language but the principle that all languages matter. We stand with every community fighting to preserve its mother tongue—whether in Ethiopia, Sweden, or anywhere in the world.”

Looking Forward

The celebration at Bromangymnasiet represents both an ending and a beginning: the end of another year’s observation, and the beginning of renewed commitment to strengthening Afaan Oromo for the year ahead.

For Oromo students in Sweden, the work continues—learning, speaking, reading, and writing in their mother tongue; passing it to younger siblings and future children; advocating for its recognition and support; and ensuring that Afaan Oromo not only survives but thrives in diaspora as well as in the homeland.

As the students themselves declared: “Afaan keenya fi Qubee keenya jabeessaa! Afaan Oromoo haa guddatu!” —”Strengthen our language and our script! May Afaan Oromo grow!”

International Mother Language Day: February 21—celebrating linguistic diversity, honoring struggles for linguistic rights, and committing to strengthen every mother tongue.

AMES Australia Welcomes the Year of the Horse with Vibrant Lunar New Year Celebrations

Organization connects with diverse communities at Springvale festival, celebrating cultural traditions across Asia

SPRINGVALE, Melbourne — AMES Australia joined communities across Victoria in welcoming the Year of the Horse over the weekend, participating in a lively Lunar New Year festival in Springvale that brought together thousands celebrating one of the most significant cultural occasions on the Asian calendar.

The event, marked by vibrant decorations, traditional performances, and community gatherings, saw AMES Australia team members engaging directly with local community members, sharing information about services and celebrating alongside families from diverse cultural backgrounds.

A Celebration of Many Names and Traditions

Lunar New Year is known by different names across the many cultures that observe it—Chinese New Year, Tết in Vietnam, Seollal in Korea, and various other designations across Asia and among diaspora communities worldwide. Each tradition brings its own customs, foods, and rituals, while sharing common themes of family reunion, renewal, and hope for prosperity in the year ahead.

The Year of the Horse, the seventh animal in the 12-year zodiac cycle, symbolizes energy, strength, and perseverance. Those born in Horse years are traditionally associated with traits including independence, intelligence, and a free-spirited nature. The horse’s symbolism of forward movement and progress resonates across cultures celebrating the new year.

AMES Australia’s Community Engagement

AMES Australia’s participation in the Springvale festival reflects the organization’s ongoing commitment to connecting with and supporting culturally diverse communities across Victoria. The festival provided an opportunity for AMES staff to meet community members in a celebratory setting, building relationships and sharing information about the organization’s services.

“We loved being part of such a joyful event,” an AMES Australia representative shared following the festival. The organization extended a warm thank you to everyone who stopped by to chat with their team during the celebrations.

Springvale: A Hub of Cultural Diversity

Springvale, located in Melbourne’s southeast, is one of Victoria’s most culturally diverse suburbs, with significant populations of Chinese, Vietnamese, Cambodian, and other Asian communities. The suburb’s Lunar New Year festival has grown into one of Melbourne’s premier multicultural events, drawing visitors from across the city to experience traditional performances, food stalls, and community activities.

The festival’s location in Springvale reflects the broader demographic landscape of Victoria, where Asian communities have become an integral part of the state’s multicultural identity. For many families, events like the Springvale festival provide an opportunity to maintain cultural traditions while sharing them with the broader Australian community.

AMES Australia’s Role in Multicultural Victoria

AMES Australia has long played a vital role in supporting migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers as they build new lives in Victoria. The organization provides a range of services including settlement support, English language education, employment assistance, and pathways to further education and training.

Participation in community events like the Lunar New Year festival represents an extension of AMES Australia’s mission—meeting people where they are, building trust within communities, and ensuring that newcomers and established communities alike can access the support they need to thrive in their new homeland.

The Symbolism of the Horse

The Year of the Horse arrives with particular resonance for many in attendance. In Chinese astrology, the horse represents freedom, enthusiasm, and determination—qualities that resonate with the journeys of migrants and refugees who have traveled great distances to build new lives in Australia.

For AMES Australia clients and staff alike, the horse’s symbolism of forward movement and progress aligns with the organization’s work supporting people as they move forward in their Australian journeys—learning language, finding employment, building connections, and creating futures.

Gratitude and Connection

The festival provided not only celebration but genuine connection between AMES Australia and the communities they serve. Conversations at the AMES stall ranged from inquiries about services to shared wishes for prosperity in the new year—each interaction strengthening the bonds between organization and community.

“Thank you to everyone who stopped by to chat with us,” AMES Australia expressed following the event, capturing the spirit of mutual appreciation that characterized the day.

Looking Forward

As the Year of the Horse begins, AMES Australia looks forward to continuing its work supporting Victoria’s culturally diverse communities. The organization’s presence at community celebrations like the Springvale Lunar New Year festival demonstrates a commitment to being present, accessible, and engaged with the people they serve.

For the thousands who attended the festival, the event marked both celebration of tradition and hope for the year ahead. For AMES Australia, it represented another opportunity to demonstrate that the organization stands with Victoria’s diverse communities—not only in times of need, but in times of joy and celebration as well.

Happy Year of the Horse! 🐎🧧✨

Nuhoo Goobanaa (1939-2022): The Legendary Oromo Artist Whose Voice Became a Weapon of Liberation

A towering figure of Oromo music and resistance, remembered for his timeless call for unity and freedom

OROMIA — Nuhoo Goobanaa, one of the most iconic and beloved figures in Oromo music and the struggle for cultural and political recognition, left an indelible mark on generations of Oromos through his powerful voice, poetic lyrics, and unwavering commitment to his people’s liberation. Born in 1938 in the historic eastern Oromia city of Dire Dawa to his father Muhaammad Goobanaa and mother Faaxumaa Adam, Nuhoo would grow to become the “virtuoso of revolutionary songs” whose influence transcended borders, languages, and generations.

Early Years: Awakening to Injustice

Nuhoo Goobanaa was born in Laga Mixe, East Hararghe Zone, but grew up in Dire Dawa, where his family moved when he was five years old. From an early age, his natural inclination for singing and art was evident. He began testing his vocals at Madrasa (Quran school) by adding lyrics and changing the rhythms to Manzuma (Islamic chants)—a creative impulse that occasionally landed him in trouble with his teachers. As a youth, he absorbed the rich musical environment of Dire Dawa, mimicking Hindi, Harari, and Sudanese songs that were abundant in the cosmopolitan city.

The trajectory of his life changed dramatically through his encounters with discrimination against the Oromo during the Haile Selassie era. As a teenager in the 1960s, Nuhoo would occasionally skip school to work as an interpreter at the local court in Dire Dawa. This experience exposed him directly to the injustices of the system: three judges presiding in Amharic, a language the majority Oromo population did not speak. The experience led him to profound questions that would shape his life’s work: “Who are the three panel of judges who spoke Amharic? Why didn’t they speak the language of the majority Oromo? Who are we [the Oromo]? Why are the Oromo treated differently?”.

Rather than accepting these injustices as inevitable, Nuhoo embarked on a transformative musical journey of self-discovery and political awakening. He dedicated his life to raising consciousness among his people, becoming one of the most beloved household names in Oromia.

The Birth of an Artist-Activist

In the early 1960s, as a teen, Nuhoo applied to join a newly formed Oromo music band called Biiftuu Ganamaa (The Morning Sun). At 14, he was deemed too young and denied membership. Undeterred, he signed on as a volunteer poet, staying up late at night writing lyrics until he earned his place in the band. “I used to write poems in Amharic and contribute to the band,” he recalled in a 2012 interview.

His formal entry into music came in 1960 when he joined the World of Music within the government structure, eventually becoming a voice alongside intellectuals and national figures. But Nuhoo was never merely an entertainer—he was an artist who carried a weapon, singing revolutionary songs day and night to support the Oromo liberation struggle.

Exile and the Spreading of the Message

Following the breakup of the Afran Qalloo band around 1968, Nuhoo fled to Djibouti as a refugee. It was there that he learned to play the guitar in just one month. “Art was already in me,” he recalled. “In Djibouti, I recorded two albums”. For Djibouti’s Independence Day celebrations in 1969, he performed musical works in Afaan Oromo, Somali, and Arabic.

His journey of exile took him across continents. He traveled to Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt, living in these countries for many years. In Saudi Arabia, he recorded and released his first through fourth albums, working alongside fellow artists including Elemo Ali, Jamal Ibro, and Aziz, producing music from their homes. During the 1980s, he lived as a refugee in Djibouti, Saudi Arabia, and Canada, never ceasing to create music that empowered his people.

In 1978, he and fellow Oromo artists made their way to Canada, where they continued producing revolutionary songs celebrating unity, love of country, and the struggle for liberation. His long-time friend and fellow musician Elemo Ali recalled of their time together in Saudi Arabia: “Back then, Nuho was doing songs to empower his people. His music was easily memorable”.

A Polyglot Voice for the Oromo

Nuhoo’s artistic reach extended far beyond Afaan Oromo. He recorded and performed in numerous languages, including English, Somali, Tigrinya, and notably Arabic making him the only Oromo artist to write and perform a full song in Arabic, symbolizing the deep connection between the Oromo and Sudanese peoples during a critical historical period. Another friend, Abdo Alisho, spoke of the power of his songs: “They made you love your country. Nuho lived for his people”.

The Return Home and Continued Struggle

When political changes came to Ethiopia in 1991, Nuhoo returned to Finfinne along with the Oromo Liberation Front and other organizations that had been in exile, establishing the transitional government. Together with fellow artists, he produced revolutionary and solidarity music at the OLF office and Lideta Hall at Finfinne University. Following the OLF’s withdrawal from the transitional government, Nuhoo returned to Canada.

But the dream of seeing a liberated Oromia kept calling him back. Though he had a comfortable life in Canada, it was not enough to satisfy his longing. He left Canada to live for several years in Yemen and Kenya, though life there proved difficult, and he faced various pressures from government authorities. In 2002, he made the decision to return from Kenya to his homeland, living in the Oromia he loved until his passing.

Musical Legacy: Tokkummaa and Beyond

Nuhoo Goobanaa’s songs spanned every conceivable aspect of Oromo life: the indignities of exile, the ups and downs of the Oromo struggle, the Oromo flag song (anthem), his beloved Oromia, yearning for home and return, Finfinne, the Gulalle of the early 1990s, love, family, marriage, cultural clashes among the Oromo diaspora, and his own winding life journey . By his own account, he wrote and produced an estimated 380 memorable songs across 38 albums.

His timeless classic “Tokkummaa” (Unity) is widely regarded as akin to an Oromo national anthem, serving as a powerful intergenerational call for transcendent unity of purpose. The song’s refrain—”Tokkummaa, Tokkummaa, Yaa Ilmaan Oromoo Tokkummaa” (Unity, Unity, O Children of Oromo, Unity)—became a rallying cry that resonated across generations.

Other seminal works include:

  • “Yaa Rabbi” (Oh God), a spiritual invocation that became another fulcrum for Oromo unity
  • “Isin Waamti Harmeen” and “Lallabanee” or “Nu Dirmadha” —desperate calls to action, reproaching and exhorting Oromo intellectuals and personalities to return to Oromia and confront injustice
  • “Alaabaa Oromiyaa” —a concise homily on the aims and aspirations of the Oromo movement for self-determination
  • “Dhufaan Jiraa” —a soulful and nostalgic yearning for home and belonging
  • “Geerarsa” —a robust and searing criticism of dysfunction and failure in Oromo leadership
  • “O Galaana Qonnaan Bulaa” and “Alaabaa” , songs whose lyrics became part of the cultural fabric of the struggle

One of his most famous lyrical passages decried division and appealed to Oromummaa as a unifying creed:
“Shan, kudha shan, shantam taatanii, Gargar facaatanii, Bineensa beelaweef hiraata taatanii” (Five, fifteen, fifty, you allowed yourselves to be divided and thus became prey for the hungry beast).

Influence on a New Generation

Nuhoo’s influence extended directly to the next generation of Oromo artists, most notably Hachalu Hundessa, whose songs became anthems in the wave of protests that reshaped Ethiopian politics in the late 2010s. After being partially paralyzed, frequent visits from younger prodigies like Hachalu lifted his spirits. At every opportunity, in speech and gesture, Nuhoo had one request of the Oromo: “Tokkummaa jabeessaa” (Strengthen your unity).

During and in the immediate aftermath of the Oromo protests, Nuhoo saw his dream partially fulfilled and marveled at the state of the Oromo struggle. His songs had laid the foundation for contemporary protest music in Oromia, inspiring, exhorting, and arousing fellow musicians and Oromos to do what was necessary for liberation.

Final Years: A Community’s Love

Nuhoo’s last decade was marked by profound struggle. Around 2007/08, he suffered a stroke that partially paralyzed him and affected his powerful voice. From approximately 2013 onward, he was unable to continue performing. His yearning to live and work among his people was thwarted by deteriorating health.

The Oromo community, both at home and in the diaspora, rallied around their beloved artist. When fans realized the seriousness of his situation, multiple global fundraisers were organized for his medical treatment. In 2013, through the initiative of community members, a campaign called “Let’s Buy Nuhoo a House” succeeded in purchasing a home for him in Adama, east of the capital. The GoFundMe campaign organized for his support emphasized: “It is the responsibility of the entire community that lived off of his lyrics and his strong words to support him in his time of need”.

Despite these efforts, Nuhoo never fully regained his roaring voice, strength, or towering presence . Speaking to the BBC from his hospital bed two years before his death, his message to fans remained consistent: “Keep your unity strong” .

Passing and Funeral

Nuhoo Goobanaa passed away on Tuesday, January 18, 2022, at the age of 74, after a long illness. He died in Adama, in the house that fans had helped purchase for him.

However, the Oromo biography provided for this feature notes that the artist passed away on October 25, 2023 (G.C.) in Oslo, Norway, while undergoing medical treatment. According to this account, cancer was discovered in addition to the stroke that had afflicted him, and despite receiving treatment, his body resisted healing. Following his death, his body was transported back to his homeland (Oromia), and a funeral ceremony was conducted with great honor in Finfinne.

A Legacy That Endures

Nuhoo Goobanaa was more than a musician—he was a “pioneering singer-songwriter and guitarist whose name is near synonymous with Tokkummaa”. He embodied Oromummaa and lived a selfless life of service and struggle. As one tribute noted: “Nuho dedicated his life to promoting the virtues of Tokkummaa and Oromummaa. He leaves behind a momentous legacy that will inspire current and future generations”.

Dr. Awol Kassim Allo, in a comprehensive tribute, wrote: “Nuho’s songs are healing and transformative, expanding our sensibilities and teaching us to pay attention not just to the large-scale system of oppression he witnessed in the courts as an interpreter but also to the everyday, the familiar, the emotional, and intimate aspects of our lives”.

The Oromia Tourism Commission, in its memorial statement, expressed: “The Oromia Tourism Commission expresses its deep sorrow at the death of the hero Artist Nuhoo Goobanaa. May God grant him paradise. We wish strength to his family, relatives, fans, and the entire Oromo people”.

Fana Broadcasting Corporate, in its announcement of his passing, noted: “In addition to Nuhoo’s struggle for the development of Oromo art and language, the work he contributed to the Oromo political struggle holds a significant place in the history of the people’s struggle. Nuhoo understood the divisive politics and factionalism within the Oromo struggle and sang as an artist for Oromo unity”.

A Photograph as Memory

The photograph accompanying this feature captures Artist Nuhoo Goobanaa in 1991 at Gulallee prison, during a moment of singing—a poignant image preserved as a memory of him, combined with the legacy that lives on in our hearts.

Conclusion

Nuhoo Goobanaa’s life was a testament to the power of art as a weapon in the struggle for justice, dignity, and self-determination. From the courts of Dire Dawa where he first witnessed injustice, to the refugee camps of Djibouti where he learned to play guitar, to the stages of Canada, Europe, and the Middle East where his voice thundered for Oromo liberation, he never wavered in his commitment.

His songs remain—hundreds of them—carrying forward his message of unity, his critique of division, his love for his people, and his unwavering hope for Oromo liberation. As the Oromo people continue their journey, Nuhoo Goobanaa’s voice echoes across generations, still calling them to unity, still reminding them of who they are, still urging them forward.

“Nuti lallabna nuti qabsaa’ota…” (We proclaim, we are struggle participants…)

Rest in power, Nuhoo Goobanaa. Your voice never dies.

Oromo Graduation Day: Celebrating Academic Success in Australia

By Daandii Ragabaa

The Oromo Graduation Day is a significant event for the Oromo community in Australia, particularly for Oromo students. It serves as a platform to celebrate academic achievements, foster unity, and inspire the younger generation. Here are some ways it motivates and brings Oromo students together: 

 1. Celebration of Achievements: The event recognizes and honors the hard work and success of Oromo students, providing them with a sense of pride and accomplishment. This recognition can be a powerful motivator for both the graduates and their peers. 

 2. Community Support: It strengthens the sense of community among Oromo students, offering them a network of support. This camaraderie can be crucial for students who may feel isolated or face challenges in their academic journey. 

 3. Cultural Connection: The event often includes cultural elements, such as traditional music, dance, and food, which help students stay connected to their heritage. This cultural affirmation can boost their confidence and sense of identity. 

 4. Role Models: Graduates serve as role models for younger students, showing them that academic success is attainable. Hearing the stories and experiences of those who have succeeded can inspire others to pursue their educational goals. 

 5. Networking Opportunities: The event provides a platform for students to network with each other, as well as with professionals and community leaders. These connections can be valuable for future academic and career opportunities. 

 6. Encouragement and Motivation: Speeches and presentations during the event often focus on the importance of education, perseverance, and community involvement. These messages can motivate students to stay focused on their studies and strive for excellence. 

 7. Unity and Solidarity: By bringing together Oromo students from different universities and regions, the event fosters a sense of unity and solidarity. This collective spirit can be empowering and reassuring, especially in a foreign country.

Overall, the Oromo Graduation Day plays a crucial role in motivating Oromo students, celebrating their achievements, and strengthening their bonds as a community in Australia.