Category Archives: gadaa
The Price of Silence: A Reflection on Inaction and the Tragedy of Our People
We Knew This Was Coming — Yet We Chose to Stay Silent
By Koste Abdiisaa
If we had shown even 1% of the outrage we have expressed over the past two days three, four, or five years ago—when Fano killed hundreds of innocent Oromos in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and elsewhere—perhaps these killings would not have happened.
We knew this was coming. The signs were everywhere. The warnings were clear. Yet we chose to remain silent. We chose to look away. We chose to believe that the storm would pass us by.
But storms do not pass by those who refuse to prepare. They break over them.
The Warning Signs We Ignored
For years, the enemies of the Oromo people have been methodically preparing for this moment. While we argued among ourselves, they were opening training camps in our backyard. While we engaged in name-calling and petty divisions, they were building security structures and training hundreds of people to carry out their plans.
We saw it happening. We heard the reports. We knew that innocent farmers—our farmers—were being killed in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and countless other places. And what did we do?
We expressed outrage on social media. We posted our anger, shared our grief, and then went back to business as usual.
Our collective inaction allowed this to continue. Our silence gave them permission to proceed. Our failure to act was an invitation for more violence.
The Consequences of Inaction
This is not about hindsight. This is about foresight—and our failure to use it. We cannot pretend that these killings were unexpected. We knew what was coming. We had every warning. But we failed to act.
And now, the consequences are here.
The killing of our innocent farmers is not just a tragedy—it is a judgment on our collective failure to protect our own. It is the result of years of political naivety, misplaced priorities, and a refusal to confront the reality of the threat we faced.
We were good at crying after the fact. We were good at expressing outrage on social media after tragedies happened. But we were very poor at recognizing threats early on, listening to those who recognized them, and preparing ourselves to face them.
The Deeper Outrage
Like many of you, I am outraged by the killing of our innocent farmers. But I am even more outraged by our inaction—our lack of political awareness, our failure to recognize and respond to such cruelty for so long.
What is even more troubling is that some of our so-called political entities—those who claim to speak for us—continue to seek alignment with those responsible. They act as if there is still some humanity left in them to appeal to. They still hope for dialogue with those who have shown, time and again, that they have no interest in peace, only in domination.
This is not leadership. This is delusion.
And we, as a people, have allowed it. We have allowed ourselves to be led by those who refuse to see the enemy for what they are. We have allowed ourselves to be distracted by petty divisions while our people are being slaughtered.
The Beginning, Not the End
Let us not pretend that this is the end. This is the beginning. The attacks will continue. The killings will escalate. And if we do not act now—with unity, determination, and clarity—the tragedies we see today will seem small compared to what is coming.
I fear that we may still fail to act in a timely manner. I fear that we will continue to cry and express outrage for a week, and then return to normal life. I fear that we will continue to do what we seem to be good at: mourning after the fact, but never preparing for what lies ahead.
A Call to Look Within
If this senseless killing of our people does not make us angry enough to question our collective inaction, then perhaps we need to look within ourselves and ask: What kind of society have we become?
Have we become a people who only react after the damage is done? Have we become a people who prioritize social media outrage over real action? Have we become a people who are more concerned with who is right than with what is right?
We must ask ourselves these questions. And we must answer them honestly.
The Path Forward
We cannot change the past. The blood that has been spilled cannot be unspilled. But we can change the future. We can act now—today—to ensure that these tragedies do not continue.
This requires several things:
- Unity: We must put aside our petty divisions and unite as a people. Our enemies are united; we must be even more united.
- Awareness: We must wake up to the reality of the threat we face. We must recognize the signs and act before it is too late.
- Action: We must support those who are willing to sacrifice and risk their lives to defend our people. We must build the structures and institutions necessary to protect ourselves.
- Accountability: We must hold our political entities accountable. We must demand that they prioritize the defense of our people over their own political ambitions.
- Resilience: We must be prepared for the long fight ahead. This is not a battle that will be won in a day. It requires patience, courage, and an unwavering commitment to our people.
Conclusion: Enough Is Enough
The killing of our innocent farmers is a crime against humanity. But our collective inaction is a crime against ourselves.
We cannot afford to continue down this path. We cannot afford to remain silent while our people are being slaughtered. We cannot afford to wait until the next tragedy to express our outrage.
Enough is enough.
Let us honor the memory of those who have been killed by resolving to act—not just with words, but with deeds. Let us build a future where our people are safe, our land is protected, and our dignity is restored.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Nagaan haa jabaatu!
This reflection is dedicated to the innocent Oromo farmers who have lost their lives, and to all those who are determined to build a future of peace, justice, and security for our people.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali Celebrates the Energy and Potential of Young Ethiopians
By Abdi Milkessa
(Finfinne, 12 August 2026) -Ethiopia’s youth are not just the leaders of tomorrow—they are the architects of today. With the country’s demographic composition showing that young people make up the largest segment of the population, this is not merely a statistic—it is a tremendous opportunity to secure prosperity and lasting development for the nation.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali has called on the youth to be the engine of change, the driving force behind transformation, and the solid pillars of Ethiopia’s sovereignty.
The Youth: A Force for Positive Change
In a recent message, the Prime Minister emphasized that Ethiopian youth are guided by noble goals and a clear vision for the future. They are the primary motor of transformation in our society—the unshakable pillars upon which the nation’s sovereignty rests.
Today’s youth are writing a new chapter in the history of Ethiopia. They have turned away from harmful legacies of the past—unproductive traditions, unnecessary rivalries, and destructive conflicts. Instead, they are focusing on development, progress, and the fight against poverty.
A Government Committed to Youth Empowerment
The “Prosperity Party” government is working with dedication and commitment to strengthen the comprehensive participation of youth in all spheres of life. The role of youth in leadership and decision-making is being reinforced, recognizing that the future of Ethiopia depends on the active engagement of its young people.
Key priorities include ensuring equal opportunities for all young people, strengthening youth leadership roles in governance and society, promoting comprehensive participation in economic, social, and political life, and building a nation where young people can thrive and contribute fully.
A Call to Action: Building Our National Vision Together
The Prime Minister has called upon all youth to engage actively in the development of our nation, to work with love and dedication for the prosperity of Ethiopia, to reject division and conflict while embracing unity and progress, and to embrace innovation and creativity to build a brighter future.
Conclusion: The Youth Are Our Hope
Ethiopia’s youth are the heartbeat of the nation, the hope of the future, and the strength of the present. Their energy, creativity, and commitment will shape the destiny of our people for generations to come.
Ethiopia Prevails!
Youth is Power!
Change is Now!
This feature article is dedicated to all the youth of Ethiopia—the architects of a brighter future!
Oromia Cannot Be Imagined Without Its Youth!
The Driving Force of Our Nation’s Future
By Daandii Ragabaa
Oromia’s youth are not just the leaders of tomorrow—they are the builders of today. The demographic reality of our people reveals a powerful truth: the youth constitute the largest segment of our population. This is not merely a statistic—it is a tremendous opportunity to secure freedom, prosperity, and lasting sovereignty for our nation.
The Oromo youth are the engine of change, the architects of a new dawn, and the unshakable pillars of our sovereignty!
The Youth: A Force for Positive Change
The young people of Oromia are writing a new chapter in the history of our nation. They are:
- Purpose-driven — Guided by noble goals and a clear vision for the future.
- Change-makers — The primary motor of transformation in our society.
- Sovereignty defenders — The solid pillars upon which our nation’s independence rests.
Today’s youth have turned away from the harmful legacies of the past—unproductive traditions, unnecessary rivalries, and destructive conflicts. Instead, they are focusing on development, progress, and the fight against poverty.
A Government Committed to Youth Empowerment
The government is working with dedication and commitment to strengthen the comprehensive participation of youth in all spheres of life. The role of youth in leadership and decision-making is being reinforced, recognizing that the future of Oromia depends on the active engagement of its young people.
Key priorities include:
- Ensuring equal opportunities for all young people.
- Strengthening youth leadership roles in governance and society.
- Promoting comprehensive participation in economic, social, and political life.
- Building a nation where young people can thrive and contribute fully.
A Call to Action: Building Our National Vision Together
Our national vision cannot be realized without the active participation of every young person. We call upon all youth to:
- Engage actively in the development of our nation.
- Work with love and dedication for the prosperity of Oromia.
- Reject division and conflict — embrace unity and progress.
- Embrace innovation and creativity — build a brighter future.
Conclusion: The Youth Are Our Hope
Oromia’s youth are the heartbeat of the nation, the hope of the future, and the strength of the present. Their energy, creativity, and commitment will shape the destiny of our people for generations to come.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Dargaggootni Oromoo haa jabaatan!
Oromia haa jabaattu!
This feature article is dedicated to the youth of Oromia—the architects of a brighter future!
Honouring the Daughters of Oromia: A Celebration of Strength, Beauty, and Resilience
Recognizing the Pillars of Our Community — Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the heart of the Oromo nation, there exists a force that is as powerful as it is beautiful—the daughters of Oromia. They are the carriers of culture, the guardians of tradition, and the voices of resilience that echo across generations. Today, we pause to honour three remarkable women who embody the spirit of Oromo womanhood: Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo. ❤️
The Daughters of Oromia: A Legacy of Strength
Oromo women have always been the backbone of their communities. From the ancient traditions of the Gadaa system to the modern struggles for justice and recognition, they have stood firm, unyielding, and courageous. They have raised children, preserved culture, and fought for the dignity of their people.
The phrase “Shamarran Oromiyaa” —the daughters of Oromia—carries within it the weight of history and the promise of the future. It is a title of pride, honour, and responsibility. It speaks of women who refuse to be silenced, who refuse to be erased, and who refuse to accept anything less than justice for their people.
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa: A Beacon of Courage
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa is a name that resonates with strength and determination. As a daughter of Oromia, she has exemplified the qualities of leadership, resilience, and unwavering commitment to the Oromo cause. Her story is one of courage in the face of adversity—a testament to the power of a woman who refuses to bow to oppression.
Her contributions to the Oromo community, whether through activism, cultural preservation, or community organizing, have left an indelible mark. She stands as a role model for young Oromo women, showing them that their voices matter and that their dreams are valid.
Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo: A Voice for Justice
Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo is a name that has become synonymous with the fight for Oromo rights and dignity. Her unwavering commitment to justice and her fearless advocacy have inspired countless others to join the struggle. She has spoken truth to power, refusing to be intimidated by those who seek to silence the Oromo voice.
Her work has touched the lives of many, from the villages of Oromia to the diaspora communities around the world. She has reminded us that the struggle for justice is not just a political fight—it is a deeply personal one, rooted in the love for one’s people and one’s land.
Jaal Mergitu Argo: A Pillar of Resilience
Jaal Mergitu Argo represents the resilience that defines Oromo women. In the face of challenges that would break others, she has remained steadfast, drawing strength from her culture, her community, and her faith. Her journey is a reminder that resilience is not just about enduring hardship—it is about rising above it and building a better future.
Her contributions to the Oromo community, whether through education, advocacy, or cultural preservation, have been invaluable. She has shown that Oromo women are not just participants in the struggle—they are leaders, innovators, and the architects of a brighter future.
The Power of Oromo Womanhood
The stories of Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo are not just their own—they are the stories of countless Oromo women who have contributed to the resilience and strength of the Oromo nation. They remind us that Oromo women are not just victims of oppression—they are agents of change, builders of community, and the heart of the struggle.
In Oromo culture, women have always held a special place of honour. The Siiqqee institution, for example, has been a powerful symbol of women’s agency and a mechanism for ensuring gender balance and social justice. This tradition is not just a relic of the past—it is a living practice that continues to inspire Oromo women today.
A Call to Celebrate and Honour
As we honour these three remarkable women, let us also honour all the daughters of Oromia—past, present, and future. Let us celebrate their strength, their beauty, and their resilience. Let us recognize their contributions to the Oromo nation and their role in shaping a future of justice, dignity, and self-determination.
To the daughters of Oromia: You are the heartbeat of the nation. You are the carriers of culture, the guardians of tradition, and the voices of hope. Your strength inspires us, your courage emboldens us, and your love sustains us.
Conclusion: A Legacy That Endures
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo represent the best of what it means to be a daughter of Oromia. Their contributions to the Oromo cause, their commitment to justice, and their unwavering resilience are a testament to the power of Oromo womanhood.
Shamarran Oromiyaa — The daughters of Oromia — will always be the strength of the nation.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo — you are honoured!
This feature article is dedicated to all the daughters of Oromia who have contributed to the struggle for justice, dignity, and self-determination. Your legacy will endure for generations to come.
The Spark That Lit a Fire: The Macha-Tulama Association and the Birth of Modern Oromo Consciousness
By Our Senior Correspondent
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In the early 1960s, Ethiopia was a nation of silence. Political parties were banned. Open dissent was crushed. The empire of Haile Selassie I, with its ancient Amharic-speaking elite, governed through a system of centralized control that left little room for the voices of its largest ethnic group—the Oromo.
Yet, in the cramped offices of Addis Ababa, three small self-help groups began to meet. The Jibat and Macha, the Metta Robii, and the Tulama Shawa associations had been formed to provide modest social relief to Oromo communities. But in 1963, these three organizations merged into something far more significant. They became the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association—Waldaa Wal-gargaarsa Maccaa fi Tuulamaa—and in doing so, they ignited a fire that would reshape Oromo history forever.
A Name That United a People
The association took its name from two of the major Borana Oromo clans: Machaa and Tulema. But its vision was far broader than any single clan. It was designed to embrace all Oromos, irrespective of religion or region, and even welcomed non-Oromo nationalities who accepted its objectives. Its founders were a remarkable group: Hail Mariam Gamada, a lawyer; Alemu Qixxeesa, a retired colonel; Mamo Mezemer; and others who had been educated in the imperial system but had “subsequently rediscovered their culture”.
The most prominent leader was Tadesse Birru, a former general in the Ethiopian police force and territorial army. A Shewa Oromo who had been fully integrated into Amhara culture, his Oromo origins were not apparent to many until he began to champion the cause of his people. His conversion was a powerful symbol: a man who had risen to the highest ranks of the imperial establishment, turning his back on privilege to fight for his own people.
Two Levels of Purpose
The association operated on two distinct levels. The first was practical and visible: it built schools, health clinics, roads, and water supplies across Oromia. It constructed churches and mosques for believers who had none. It provided financial and legal assistance for the disabled and unemployed.
But the second objective was political—and far more dangerous. In an era when political parties were forbidden, the Macha-Tulama Association became a vehicle for Oromo nationalism. It was the first movement to articulate Oromo grievances in a public, organized manner. It championed “the social, educational, cultural and political rights of the Oromo people”. It politicized the masses and, through its dynamic Youth Wing, produced revolutionary literature that circulated underground. Its very existence marked “the public rise of Oromo nationalism”.
The Threat to Empire
The association’s rapid growth was breathtaking. At its height, it claimed as many as 200,000 members. It expanded “very rapidly all over Oromiyaa as a Pan-Oromo movement”. It was most successful in the south, particularly in Arsi, where Oromos had been relegated to the status of tenants on their own land after being conquered by Menelik’s forces.
For the imperial government, this was an existential threat. The Ethiopian state accused the association of committing “acts of terror” in an effort to suppress the developing Oromo National Movement. The repression was swift and brutal.
The Crackdown
In 1966, the Macha-Tulama Association was banned. Its leaders were arrested, imprisoned, and some were executed. Tadesse Birru, Mamo Mezemir, Alemu Kitessa, and others were imprisoned and killed for their humanitarian and political activities. The association was banned during the imperial regime, again under the Derg, and once more in 2011 under the EPRDF regime. It was accused of “threatening Ethiopia’s unity—an unfounded claim,” according to its current president.
Yet the organization refused to die. It survived underground, and its members continued to organize. The suppression of the Macha-Tulama Association became “an immediate reason for the birth of” a more militant organization. In 1974, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was formed, largely from the underground cells of the Macha-Tulama Association.
A Legacy That Endures
Today, the Macha-Tulama Association—now officially known as the Mecha and Tulema Self-Help Association—continues its work. It regained its legal status in 2019. It celebrated its 60th anniversary in 2024, a testament to its resilience.
Its current president, Diribi Damuse, has outlined the association’s ongoing humanitarian efforts: supporting internally displaced people from Western Oromia, assisting those affected by drought in Borena and Guji, and providing aid to university students and Abba Gada leaders. The association, he emphasized, “has united members from diverse backgrounds, including military, students, intellectuals, and grassroots, including non-Oromo members from Wolayita, Sidama, and other ethnic groups”.
The Unfinished Struggle
The Macha-Tulama Association’s place in Oromo history is secure. It was the first organized, mass-based expression of Oromo identity in the modern era. It bridged the gap between the rural peasantry and the urban intelligentsia. It laid the groundwork for every Oromo political movement that followed.
But its story is also a warning. The association was banned not because it committed violence, but because it united a people. Its leaders were killed not for crimes, but for the crime of demanding dignity. The imperial state, and every regime that followed, understood that a united Oromo people was a threat to centralized power.
As the association continues its work—building schools, feeding the hungry, preserving culture—it carries with it the memory of those who gave their lives. Mamo Mezemir, Tadesse Birru, Alemu Kitessa, and so many others are not just names in a history book. They are the foundation upon which modern Oromo consciousness was built.
The Macha-Tulama Association was the spark. The fire it lit continues to burn.
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Sources: UNHCR Refugee Review Tribunal; Canada Immigration and Refugee Board; Addis Standard; Wikipedia; AfricaBib; Taylor & Francis; Advocacy for Oromia.
The Hour of Need: Forging a Resilient Future for Oromia and Its People
By Maatii Sabaa
The air in Oromia is heavy with a sense of urgency. Across the region and its surrounding areas, a silent tremor of concern is reverberating through the hearts of its people. We are witnessing a pivotal moment in our history, a time fraught with challenges that test the very fabric of our society. The question is no longer if we will act, but when—and how boldly.
As we look at the current state of affairs, it is impossible to ignore the profound anxieties that grip our communities. The safety net that once held our families together is fraying under the weight of economic strain, environmental upheaval, and political instability. We are, to put it plainly, standing on the precipice of a great ordeal. The need for a unified, robust, and relentless response—a determined stand against the tide of adversity—has never been more critical.
This is not merely a time for sorrow; it is a time for strategy. The path forward is not found in despair, but in the deliberate construction of a new paradigm. We must build a fortress of resilience, brick by brick, institution by institution. It is through the creation of resilient systems—in agriculture, education, and governance—that we can effectively combat the crises that threaten to overwhelm us. We need a “fala/ gaachanaa” (shield) that is not just reactive but proactive, designed to protect the most vulnerable and secure the borders of our collective future.
Yet, the ultimate shield for Oromia is not made of steel or stone; it is made of the mind and spirit of its youth. The young men and women of this generation are the architects of tomorrow. To leave them untrained, unmotivated, or disconnected is to invite disaster. Our imperative is clear: we must educate, energize, and organize the Oromo youth.
This is more than a call to action; it is a call to transformation. We must transform our schools into crucibles of critical thinking, our communities into hubs of entrepreneurial energy, and our political spaces into arenas of constructive dialogue. By doing so, we ensure that our youth do not become victims of circumstance, but rather, become the standard-bearers of a proud heritage. They must become the vanguard that carries the torch of Oromia forward, ready to stand as “gaachana” (champions) for their land and their people.
It is a saddening truth that the heritage of the Oromo people—a legacy of resilience, democracy, and cultural richness—is at risk of being eroded. We are custodians of a “Dhaloota qaroo” (a heritage of value), a distinct identity that has survived for millennia. To protect this inheritance is to diversify it; to bring in new voices, new ideas, and new energy. We must ensure that the narrative of our people is written not by our oppressors, but by our own hands, in our own words.
The time for deliberation is over. The foundations of a new era must be laid today. It is not enough to hope for a brighter tomorrow; we must labor for it. Starting today, we must commit to the arduous but noble task of rebuilding. Starting today, we must bridge the divides that separate us. Starting today, we must empower the next generation to take the helm.
The challenges are great, but the spirit of Oromia is greater. Let us meet this moment with the courage it demands. The hour of need is upon us, but it is also an hour of opportunity. Let us rise, unite, and forge a destiny worthy of the sacrifices of our ancestors and the dreams of our children.
The time to start is now.
Legal Foundations of Finfinne’s Special Status: A Review of Federal and Regional Laws
Examining the Constitutional and Statutory Provisions Recognizing Oromia’s Special Interest in the Capital
By Dhabessa Wakjira
(Melbourne-11 August 2026) The question of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is not merely a matter of political debate or historical narrative. It is also a matter of law. Over the past four decades, a series of federal and regional legal instruments have recognized and codified the unique relationship between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital.
From the transitional period following the fall of the Derg to the present day, Ethiopian law has acknowledged that Finfinne, by virtue of its location within the State of Oromia, gives rise to a “special interest” for Oromia—an interest that encompasses social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters . This legal framework, while contested in its implementation, provides a constitutional foundation for the Oromo people’s claim to their historical capital.
Federal Legal Instruments: The Constitutional and Statutory Framework
A. Proclamation No. 7/1984: Establishing National Regional Self-Governments
The legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne predates the 1995 Constitution. In the transitional period following the fall of the Derg regime, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia enacted Proclamation No. 7/1984 to establish National Regional Self-Governments.
Article 3(1) of this proclamation identified the Oromo people as one of the nations, nationalities, and peoples entitled to establish a regional self-government, designated as “Region 4.” Critically, Article 3(4) of the proclamation stated that the “special national interests and political rights of Oromo” over Harari (Region 13) and Addis Ababa (Region 14) would be protected .
This provision represented the first formal legal acknowledgment of Oromia’s special claim over the capital following the collapse of the unitary state. It recognized that the city’s location within Oromia created a unique relationship that could not be ignored, even as the city was designated as a separate administrative entity.
B. The FDRE Constitution, Article 49(5): The Constitutional Recognition
The most significant legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is enshrined in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution, adopted in 1995.
Article 49(5) states:
“The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa, regarding the provision of social services or the utilization of natural resources and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Ababa within the State of Oromia, shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.”
This provision was the product of extensive debate during the Constitutional Assembly. The legislative history reveals that the Oromo representatives argued for the inclusion of this clause on several grounds:
- Geographical reality: Finfinne is located within the State of Oromia.
- Historical connection: The city was established on Oromo land and is the heart of Oromia.
- Practical necessity: The city’s expansion affects surrounding Oromo farming communities.
- Constitutional identity: The city serves as Oromia’s capital and is deeply connected to Oromo identity .
The clause was approved with 507 votes in favour and only 6 against, demonstrating broad consensus on the principle of Oromia’s special interest.
C. Addis Ababa City Administration Charter Proclamation No. 87/1989
The first charter for the Addis Ababa City Administration, Proclamation No. 87/1989, provided detailed provisions on the relationship between the city and Oromia.
Article 33 of this proclamation established four key elements of Oromia’s special interest:
- Boundary Determination: The city’s boundary shall be delimited jointly by the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government.
- Seat of Government: The Oromia Regional Government has the right to establish its seat in Addis Ababa.
- Access to Services: Social services provided by the City Administration to Addis Ababa residents shall also be accessible to residents of neighbouring Oromia communities, who shall be entitled to benefit from those services on an equal footing.
- Consultation on Development: The City Administration shall undertake development activities affecting Oromia only in consultation and agreement with the Oromia Regional Government.
This charter represented a significant legal acknowledgment of the practical interdependence between the city and its surrounding region .
D. Amended City Charter Proclamation No. 311/1995 and No. 361/1995
Subsequent amendments to the City Charter, including Proclamation No. 311/1995 and Proclamation No. 361/1995, modified the framework for the relationship between the city and Oromia.
Article 62 of these proclamations, concerning the relationship between the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government, provided that:
- The City Administration shall maintain a relationship based on fruitful cooperation with Oromia.
- In accordance with Article 49(5) of the Constitution, Oromia’s interest shall be respected. The particulars shall be determined by agreement between the City Administration and the Regional Government or by a law enacted by the House of Peoples’ Representatives.
Article 5 of these proclamations, concerning the city’s boundaries, departed from the earlier charter. It provided that the boundary shall be delimited by agreement between the City Administration and Oromia or pursuant to the decision of the Federal Government—a provision that allowed for federal determination of boundaries without necessarily requiring the consent of the Oromia Regional Government .
This shift represented a legal narrowing of Oromia’s special interest compared to the 1989 charter, a development that has been a source of ongoing tension.
Regional Legal Instruments: The Oromia Constitutional Framework
A. The Oromia Transitional Constitution (1984)
The first constitution of the Oromia National Regional State, enacted in 1984 through Proclamation No. 2/1985, established the fundamental identity of the region.
This historic document, adopted by the newly established Oromia Council following popular elections, declared:
- Article 55: The name of the region shall be Oromia.
- Article 57: The working language of the region shall be Afaan Oromoo, written in the Latin script.
- Article 58: The capital city of the region shall be Finfinne.
This constitution represented the first formal assertion of Oromo self-governance and affirmed Finfinne as the heart of Oromia.
B. The Oromia Constitution (1987)
The second Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 1/1987, reaffirmed the region’s identity and capital following the transition to a civilian government.
Article 6 of this constitution confirmed that Finfinne is the capital city of the Oromia Regional State, maintaining the continuity of the region’s constitutional identity.
C. The Amended Oromia Constitution (1994) and Proclamation No. 94/1997
The third Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 46/1994 following the political reforms of 1993, introduced a significant change: Article 6 declared that the capital of Oromia would be Adama.
This change was made following Proclamation No. 35/1992, which had designated Adama as Oromia’s capital effective July 1992. However, this decision was met with widespread public opposition and protest.
Following the 1997 elections, the Oromia Regional Government, responding to popular demand, returned its seat to Finfinne without preconditions. Subsequently, Proclamation No. 94/1997, adopted by the Oromia Council, amended the constitution to restore Finfinne as the capital of Oromia.
Article 2(3) of this proclamation formally declared that the capital of Oromia shall be Finfinne, reversing the 1994 amendment. This decision reflected the deep historical and cultural connection between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital .
The Ongoing Debate: Implementation and Contestation
While the legal framework recognizing Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is well-established, its implementation has been a source of persistent tension.
The Special Interest Council
The draft proclamation on Oromia’s special interest in Addis Ababa contemplates the establishment of a Joint Council composed of delegates from both the City Government and Oromia Regional State . However, legal experts have noted shortcomings in the draft, including the postponement of determining key details such as the number of members, structure, mandates, and tenure—matters that should be clearly defined in the establishing legislation .
The 2014 Master Plan Controversy
The 2014 Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan, which proposed expanding the city’s boundaries by 1.1 million hectares into surrounding Oromia districts, ignited widespread protests and led to hundreds of deaths. Critics argued that the plan was centrally imposed without prior consultation or participation of the Oromia Regional Government, in violation of constitutional principles .
The Failure to Fully Implement Article 49(5)
Legal commentators have noted that the concept of “special interest” was intended to imply a form of ownership and the immunity of the Oromo people from eviction from the city . However, successive federal governments have been accused of failing to implement the constitutional provision meaningfully, instead pursuing policies that marginalize Oromo communities in and around the capital .
Conclusion: A Legal Framework Awaiting Implementation
The legal instruments examined in this article reveal a consistent pattern: from the transitional period to the present day, Ethiopian law has recognized Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne. The FDRE Constitution, the City Charters, and the Oromia Constitutions all acknowledge the unique relationship between the city and the region that surrounds it.
However, legal recognition alone is insufficient. The gap between the law on paper and its implementation in practice has been a source of ongoing tension and conflict. The failure to fully implement Article 49(5), the controversies over boundary expansions, and the inadequate representation of Oromo interests in the governance of the capital have all contributed to the perception that Oromia’s constitutional rights are being violated.
The path forward lies in the genuine implementation of the constitutional and legal framework—through joint administrative mechanisms, meaningful consultation, and the protection of Oromo communities affected by the city’s expansion. As one legal commentator has noted: “The concept of special interest entered the Ethiopian legal lexicon to ensure that the Oromo people, whose land was taken to establish the capital, would not be excluded from the benefits of the city’s existence” . Fulfilling this vision requires not only legal recognition but also political will.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Seerri haa raawwatamu!
This feature article is based on a review of federal and regional legal instruments and is dedicated to all those who seek the full implementation of Oromia’s constitutional rights in Finfinne.
For the Cause of Finfinne: Entering Finfinne Itself Is Better Than Entering the Forest
A Reflection on Strategy, Presence, and the Path Forward for Oromo Liberation
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the long and arduous struggle for Oromo liberation, the question of strategy has always been central. For decades, the Oromo people have employed various methods of resistance—armed struggle in the forests, political advocacy in the diaspora, and mass protests in the streets. Each has its place and its purpose. But there is a principle that deserves careful consideration:
“Dhimma Finfinneetiif bosona seenuu caalaa Finfinneedhuma seenuutu karaa filatamaadha.”
“For the cause of Finfinne, entering Finfinne itself is better than entering the forest.”
This is not a dismissal of armed struggle or the sacrifices made by those who have fought in the forests. It is a strategic reflection on the nature of the struggle for Finfinne and the most effective means of achieving justice for the Oromo people’s ancestral capital.
The Significance of Finfinne
Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is not just any city. It is the historical and spiritual heart of the Oromo people. It is the place where the Oromo people lived for generations before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire. It is the site of their cultural heritage, the cradle of their language, and the symbol of their historical presence in the region.
For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not a bargaining chip. It is not a political football to be kicked around by competing interests. It is their ancestral homeland, and their connection to it is inseparable from their identity.
The struggle for Finfinne is therefore not just a political struggle—it is a struggle for the very soul of the Oromo nation. It is a struggle for recognition, for justice, and for the restoration of a people’s connection to their land.
The Forest and the City: Two Strategies
Historically, the Oromo liberation movement has employed two primary strategies: armed struggle in the forests and political organizing in the cities. Both have their strengths and limitations.
The Forest Strategy
Armed struggle has been a vital part of the Oromo resistance. The Oromo Liberation Army (WBO) has fought bravely against successive Ethiopian regimes, and their sacrifices have inspired generations. The forest has been a sanctuary for those who could not operate openly, a place where resistance could be sustained even in the darkest times.
However, the forest strategy has limitations. It is physically demanding, resource-intensive, and often results in heavy casualties. It can also be geographically remote from the centers of political power, limiting its direct impact on urban populations and decision-makers.
The City Strategy
The city strategy—entering Finfinne itself—offers a different approach. It recognizes that the struggle for Finfinne cannot be won solely in the forests. It must be waged in the city itself, among its residents, in its institutions, and in its political life.
Entering Finfinne means:
- Building a presence in the city’s political and civic institutions
- Organizing communities within the city
- Advocating for Oromo rights in the urban space
- Challenging the narrative that denies Oromo history
- Demanding recognition of Finfinne’s Oromo heritage
- Participating in governance to shape the city’s future
This strategy recognizes that Finfinne is not just a piece of land to be claimed from the outside—it is a living city with millions of residents, a complex political landscape, and a role as Ethiopia’s capital. Engaging with the city directly is essential for achieving justice.
Why Entering Finfinne Matters
1. Presence Is Power
In politics, presence is power. If the Oromo people are absent from Finfinne’s political and civic life, their voice will not be heard. Entering Finfinne means being present where decisions are made, where policies are shaped, and where the future of the city is determined.
2. The City Is the Symbol
Finfinne is not just a city—it is a symbol. It is the symbol of Oromo dispossession and the symbol of Oromo resistance. To enter Finfinne is to reclaim that symbol. It is to assert that the Oromo people have a rightful place in their ancestral capital.
3. The City Is the Center of Power
Finfinne is the seat of the Ethiopian government, the African Union, and numerous diplomatic missions. It is the center of political and economic power in Ethiopia. To influence the future of Finfinne, the Oromo people must be present at the center of that power.
4. The City Is a Space for Organizing
Finfinne is home to millions of people, including a significant Oromo population. It is a space for organizing, for building alliances, and for creating a movement that can effect change from within. By entering Finfinne, the Oromo people can build a movement that is rooted in the city itself.
5. The City Is the Future
The future of Finfinne will be shaped by those who are present in the city. If the Oromo people are absent, others will shape that future. Entering Finfinne ensures that the Oromo people have a say in what that future looks like.
The Path Forward
The principle that “entering Finfinne is better than entering the forest” is not a rejection of armed struggle. It is a call to recognize that the struggle for Finfinne must be waged on multiple fronts. It must include:
- Political organizing in the city
- Advocacy for Oromo rights in national and international forums
- Legal action to challenge unjust policies
- Cultural preservation to maintain Oromo heritage in the city
- Economic empowerment to build Oromo prosperity
- Public awareness to educate residents about Finfinne’s history
- Participation in governance to shape the city’s future
This multi-front approach recognizes that the struggle for Finfinne is not just about the past—it is about the present and the future. It is about ensuring that the Oromo people have a rightful place in their ancestral capital and that the city reflects the diversity and history of the Oromo nation.
A Call to Action
The time has come for the Oromo people to enter Finfinne—not as visitors, but as participants. Not as outsiders, but as rightful inhabitants. Not as supplicants, but as citizens with equal rights.
Entering Finfinne means:
- Registering to vote in the city’s elections
- Participating in civic organizations that shape the city’s life
- Advocating for Oromo rights in the city’s institutions
- Building businesses that create jobs and prosperity
- Educating residents about Finfinne’s Oromo history
- Demanding recognition of Oromo heritage in the city’s public spaces
This is not an easy path. It requires patience, persistence, and courage. But it is a path that offers a real chance for lasting change.
Conclusion: A New Chapter in the Struggle
The Oromo people have fought for Finfinne for generations. They have sacrificed their lives, their freedom, and their dreams. They have entered the forests, faced the guns, and endured the prisons. But the struggle is not over.
“Dhimma Finfinneetiif bosona seenuu caalaa Finfinneedhuma seenuutu karaa filatamaadha.”
“For the cause of Finfinne, entering Finfinne itself is better than entering the forest.”
This is a call to a new chapter in the struggle—a chapter of presence, participation, and engagement. A chapter where the Oromo people enter the city they love and claim their rightful place in it.
Let us enter Finfinne. Let us build a future where the Oromo people are recognized, respected, and empowered in their ancestral capital. Let us create a city that reflects the beauty, diversity, and resilience of the Oromo nation.
Finfinne is Oromo.
Entering Finfinne is the path forward.
The struggle continues.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Finfinnee haa seennu!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who have fought for Finfinne and to those who will continue the struggle in the city itself—the heart of the Oromo nation.
A Night of Fellowship and Purpose: Oromo Diaspora Celebrates Partnership and Progress
Oromia Diaspora Association Commends Successful Collaborative Event and Applauds Supporters
By Daandii Ragabaa
It was an evening of connection and community as the Oromia Diaspora Association (ODA) came together with fellow diaspora organizations for a special dinner event. The gathering, hosted in partnership with the Consortium of Ethiopian Diaspora Associations and the Ethiopian Diaspora Service, provided a platform for fellowship, networking, and shared commitment to the development of communities both in Ethiopia and abroad.
The event was a resounding success, marking a significant milestone in the growing collaboration between diaspora groups. As the ODA noted in its statement, the beautiful evening was a testament to what can be achieved when communities unite with a common vision.
A Message of Thanks and Acknowledgment
In a statement reflecting on the event, the Oromia Diaspora Association conveyed heartfelt gratitude to the partner organizations that made the night possible. The association emphasized that the success of the gathering was a direct result of hard work and partnership.
“On behalf of the Oromia Diaspora Association, we wish to thank the Consortium of Ethiopian Diaspora Associations and the Ethiopian Diaspora Service for this beautiful evening of fellowship and dinner.”
The statement highlighted the significance of the event, not just as a social occasion, but as a meaningful step forward in strengthening ties between different communities. It is through such initiatives that diaspora groups can better coordinate their efforts and have a more significant impact on their communities both locally and globally.
The Power of Diaspora Unity
The event served as a vivid reminder of the immense potential of the Ethiopian diaspora. The Oromo diaspora in particular is a vibrant community spread across the globe, with its members actively contributing to social, economic, and developmental initiatives. The partnership with the consortium and government service structures reinforces the idea that collaboration is key to maximizing this potential.
This sense of unity is especially valuable given the diverse backgrounds and experiences within the broader Ethiopian and Oromo communities. Engaging with others through fellowship helps bridge communities and build a more cohesive front for tackling shared challenges.
Looking Ahead: Building on Success
The sentiment of the evening was one of looking forward. The Oromia Diaspora Association expressed a strong desire to continue working together with its partners in the future. The success of this event is not an endpoint but a foundation upon which further collaborative projects can be built.
“The event was a great success, and we deeply appreciate your hard work and partnership. We look forward to working together more in the future!”
As the Ethiopian Diaspora Service continues its efforts to connect with and empower the global Ethiopian community, events like this underscore the importance of meaningful engagement. The service plays a crucial role as a bridge, facilitating investment, cultural connection, and community building among the diaspora.
Conclusion: A Bright Future for Diaspora Collaboration
The successful fellowship and dinner event marks a positive chapter in the ongoing story of diaspora engagement. The commitment shown by the Oromia Diaspora Association and its partners is a sign of a stronger, more united community ready to contribute to sustainable development and cultural preservation.
The evening was a celebration of the ties that bind the community—a testament to the power of unity, shared purpose, and a collective vision for the future. The momentum gained from this event promises a future of even greater collaboration and achievement.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Oromia Diaspora Association haa jabaattu!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromia Diaspora Association and all diaspora communities working together for the development and unity of their people.
Revitalizing Oromo History: Recognizing Errors and Gaps in Oromo Historiography-Part Three
A Critical Examination of the Challenges Facing Oromo Historical Studies
By Hailu Gonfa
This article is not intended as a concluding statement, but rather as a starting point for further research and discussion. It is my hope that historians, scholars, and all those interested in Oromo history will engage with these reflections, deepen the analysis, and contribute to the vital work of revitalizing Oromo historiography.
3.1. Revitalizing History Is Not Simply About Uncovering the Hidden
When we speak of revitalizing Oromo history, the first thought that often comes to mind is uncovering what has been hidden, forgotten, or misrepresented. This is necessary and important. But the work of revitalization must also be viewed from another perspective. It requires us to honestly examine the errors, gaps, contradictions, and failures within our own historical record.
A people who selectively remember only what glorifies them, while hiding what does not flatter them, have not truly revitalized their history. A people who examine their history in its entirety—drawing strength from its achievements and learning from its mistakes—are the ones who move forward with wisdom. Revitalization is not an exercise in self-praise; it is an exercise in self-knowledge. And self-knowledge requires knowing not only what elevates us, but also what diminishes us.
3.2. Oromo History Must Not Be Written Only by Outsiders
One of the major gaps in Oromo historiography is that for a long time, much of the research and writing about Oromo history has come from external perspectives. This is not to say that outsiders should not study Oromo history—on the contrary, external scholarship has made significant contributions. However, when a people’s history is interpreted primarily by outsiders, that people risks learning about themselves only through the eyes of others.
It is therefore essential to strengthen and support Oromo historians, scholars, writers, linguists, cultural experts, Gadaa researchers, and political and legal scholars. Oromo people must research, write, and engage in scholarly debate about their own history. This is not a rejection of others—it is the assertion of one’s own voice in matters that concern one’s own identity.
3.3. The Gap in Documentation
If a people wishes to pass their history on to future generations, they must document it. The Oromo people possess a rich oral tradition—history, proverbs, poetry, songs, stories of heroes, place names, customs, and social memory are all preserved in the oral tradition. However, oral transmission is vulnerable to change, loss, and distortion over time.
The great task awaiting the current generation is the transition from oral tradition to written and digital documentation. This includes written texts, audio recordings, video documentation, photographs, maps, digital archives, and books. What we document today will be the foundation upon which future generations will build their understanding of who they are.
3.4. Blending Personal Memory and Historical Evidence
One challenge in historical research is the mixing of personal memory with evidence-based history. A person may remember what they heard, saw, or were told by their elders. But to verify that such memory constitutes accurate history, it must be cross-referenced with other sources.
Revitalized Oromo history must move from “This is what I heard” to “What is the evidence?” Evidence may include government archives, ancient manuscripts, books, university research, oral testimonies, place names, archaeological findings, documentaries, personal recollections, and both internal and external sources. All must be examined together.
3.5. History as More Than Heroism
In Oromo historiography, there is sometimes an excessive focus on heroes and heroism. Heroes are important. A people must know and honour their heroes. But to build a people’s history solely around heroes is to impoverish it. A people’s history includes farmers, mothers, youth, teachers, professionals, traders, elders, artists, scholars, health workers, soldiers, and all the diverse builders of society.
A revitalized Oromo history must be a history of the people, not merely a history of heroes. Heroism belongs to a few; history must embrace the many.
3.6. Avoiding the Narrowing of Oromo History to the Struggle for Liberation
Another gap that sometimes appears in Oromo historiography is the tendency to define Oromo history primarily, or even exclusively, through the lens of political and armed struggle. The struggle is an important part of Oromo history, but it is only one part.
The Oromo people possess a rich Gadaa system, a deep philosophy, social institutions, culture and ethics, language, agricultural expertise, economic practices, conflict resolution mechanisms, environmental knowledge, and a vibrant literary and oral tradition. A revitalized Oromo history must ask not only “Who did the Oromo fight?” but also “How did the Oromo live? How did they govern themselves? How did they resolve conflicts? What did they create?”
3.7. The Danger of “We Are Always Right, They Are Always Wrong”
One of the great pitfalls in national historiography is the tendency to view oneself as always right and others as always wrong. This approach prevents genuine learning from history. The Oromo people have had relationships with many communities—relationships of cooperation, conflict, exchange, intermarriage, political alliance, and cultural borrowing.
To reduce all of this to a simple binary of “good versus evil” is to distort history and impoverish our understanding. A revitalized history must ask “What happened? Why did it happen? Who did what? What was the outcome?” This is the transition from myth-making to historical inquiry.
3.8. The Gap of Historical Context
Every historical event must be examined within its own time and place. It is a mistake to judge the past by the standards of the present. What a people thought, did, and believed a hundred years ago may have been shaped by conditions very different from our own. A proper understanding of Oromo history requires examining events within their own political, economic, social, environmental, and relational contexts.
3.9. Internal Diversity Within Oromo History
The Oromo people are spread across a vast territory with diverse regions, clans, dialects, cultures, and experiences. Sometimes, the history of one group is presented as the history of all Oromo, or the history of one group is separated from others. A revitalized historiography must avoid both errors: it must not minimize the history of any region, and it must not deny the diversity that exists. The correct path is to acknowledge our diversity while building a shared history.
3.10. Distinguishing Between Struggle and Its Mistakes
A struggle may have a just cause, but that does not mean every action taken in its name is just. This is an important and mature insight. In revitalizing Oromo history, we must distinguish between the goal, the method, and the outcome. The goal may be just, but the method chosen to achieve it may be flawed. This requires us to ask: What succeeded? What failed? What can we learn? What must we not repeat?
This is not about condemning individuals or groups—it is about learning from the past so that future generations do not repeat the same mistakes.
3.11. The Gap of Women in Oromo History
When writing Oromo history, it is easy to focus on those who held political or military power. But Oromo women have played a vital role in social, economic, cultural, family, educational, and peacebuilding life. A revitalized history must ask: “Where are the Oromo women in our history?” It must document the stories of mothers, farmers, teachers, professionals, artists, scholars, leaders, and community participants. Without women, the history of the Oromo people is incomplete.
3.12. Youth’s Role in History-Making
History often focuses on the elders and heroes of the past. But the younger generation also plays a role in history. Oromo youth must not only learn history—they must also research, write, and document it. Using digital technology, they can create digital archives, podcasts, documentaries, short videos, historical maps, e-books, websites, and research papers. Oromo history must move from the library and the academy into the digital age.
3.13. The Gap of Language and Translation
It is essential to write and document Oromo history in Afaan Oromoo, because the language carries the culture, thought, ethics, and worldview of the people. But it is also important to translate Oromo history into Amharic, English, other Ethiopian languages, and international languages. This ensures that Oromo history is not only for Oromo people, but is accessible to neighbours, scholars, and the wider world.
3.14. Separating History from Contemporary Politics
Historical research is sometimes influenced by the politics of the present. People may interpret the past in ways that serve their current political interests. This can distort historical scholarship. Oromo historiography must strive to be free from political manipulation and based on rigorous social science research. History should not be written simply to praise or attack a particular individual, group, or government. It should be written to provide truth, evidence, and lessons for future generations.
3.15. Learning from Errors Is Not Weakness
When a people openly acknowledges its historical errors, that is not a sign of weakness. On the contrary, it is a sign of maturity. A people who learn from their mistakes are less likely to repeat them. Hiding our failures does not strengthen us—understanding them does. Let us honour our heroes, but also learn from their errors. This is the foundation of mature historiography.
3.16. New Principles for Revitalizing Oromo History
If we are to revitalize Oromo history, we must agree on several guiding principles:
- Evidence-Based: What we say must be supported by evidence, or we must seek it.
- Balanced: We must not mix good and bad indiscriminately, but examine both.
- Self-Critical: We must not fear criticizing ourselves.
- Comparative: We must examine multiple sources and compare them.
- Respectful of Diversity: We must include the histories of diverse regions, clans, genders, and generations.
- Independent of Political Agendas: History should not serve the political interests of a single moment.
- Generational: We must not only research history but pass it on in an understandable way.
- Forward-Looking: We must learn from the past and use it to build the future.
Conclusion: Revitalization as Self-Knowledge
Revitalizing Oromo history is not simply about uncovering what has been hidden. It is about looking at everything—what brings us pride and what brings us shame, what strengthens us and what weakens us, what succeeded and what failed. A people who only praise their history do not know themselves. A people who only condemn their history lose confidence in themselves. But a people who know their history honestly, draw strength from what is good, learn from what is wrong, and build for the future—that is a mature people.
A revitalized Oromo history must move from self-praise to self-knowledge, from self-knowledge to self-criticism, from self-criticism to learning, from learning to renewal, and from renewal to building the future.
By openly examining the errors and gaps in Oromo history, we do not diminish the Oromo people. We do not flee from historical truth. Because a people who know their history honestly are the only ones who can guide their history toward a path of growth and modernity.
In the next section—Part Four: “Oromo History in the Construction of Ethiopia” —we will explore what role the Oromo played in Ethiopian history, what they contributed, what they lacked, and what they must build.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Seenaan Oromoo haa haaromfu!
Dogoggora keenya irraa haa barannu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Hailu Gonfa and is dedicated to all those committed to the honest, rigorous, and balanced revitalization of Oromo history.
Advocacy for Oromia 