Category Archives: Oromia
Oromo Liberation Front Warns: “The Cloud of War Drifting Across the Country and the Danger It Brings to Oromia Is Severe and Heinous”
OLF calls for united stand against cross-border incursions and lasting peaceful solution to Ethiopia’s conflicts
(February 17, 2026, FINFINNE) — The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO) has issued a stark warning about the escalating security situation in Ethiopia and the severe danger posed to Oromia by ongoing conflicts. In a statement released on February 17, 2026, the organization characterized the recurring “cloud of war drifting across the country” as an increasingly grave threat to the Oromo people and their homeland.
“The security situation in our country has been concerning for decades,” the statement reads. “Oromia has for generations been transformed from a land where peace, stability, and promising development should prevail into a battlefield of war interests and political machinations”.
Decades of Unresolved Conflict
According to the ABO statement, the persistent cloud of war that continues to drift across the country has its roots in decades of unresolved political, military, economic, and social problems. The unceasing conflicts emanating from within the country have continued for generations and show no signs of abating.
Specifically, the organization points to conflicts over land grabbing and resource exploitation in Oromia, as well as territorial expansion by Abyssinian and colonial systems, as ongoing drivers of violence that have continued without interruption.
“The struggle of Oromo people and Oromia residents has been unceasing,” the statement notes. “Although the war devastating Oromia sometimes retreats, because the desire and ambition to plunder Oromia have not stopped, the dream of yesterday and today continues to attack Oromia, and efforts to forcefully seize it have not ceased”.
The Post-1991 Context
The statement particularly emphasizes the severe and heinous harm inflicted upon Oromo people and Oromia residents since the 1991 Charter period. The ABO describes being pushed out of the transitional government through tactical political maneuvering by forces competing for influence, leaving Oromia as a battlefield of looting and exploitation.
As a result, the organization asserts, Oromo people and Oromia residents have been impoverished while outsiders have prospered in their land. Oromia—blessed and fertile—has become a land where its own residents are impoverished while others thrive.
Escalating Violence in Recent Years
In the past eight years specifically, the ABO reports that in addition to the ongoing conflict throughout Oromia, armed incursions by irregular forces crossing Oromia’s borders have further disturbed the peace of Oromia residents.
“Oromia’s borders have been breached, many areas have been left without Oromia administration, land and property owners have been forcibly displaced from their lands, Oromo property has been forcibly looted, innocent people have lost their lives unnecessarily, and the peaceful existence of Oromia residents has been prevented”.
The statement details the multifaceted damage caused by cross-border armed incursions:
- Displacement of peaceful residents from their lands and properties
- Economic deterioration through looting and destruction
- Weakening of social trust and community cohesion
- Proliferation of divisive ideologies and deepening fragmentation
- Absence of effective governance and public administration
- Complete erosion of public trust in government
Call for Comprehensive Peaceful Solution
To mitigate the damage and losses caused by war, the OLF/ABO has consistently advocated for comprehensive peaceful solutions. The organization reiterates its call for:
- Genuine and inclusive political dialogue conducted by the government with all relevant parties
- Proper respect for democratic rights and human rights
- Resolution of regional boundaries through law, dialogue, and lasting agreement rather than force
- Public and international community participation in matters of national peace and security
“These are not merely desirable but essential,” the statement emphasizes.
Regional Context and Urgent Threat
The OLF warns that given the instability, conflicts, and humanitarian crises affecting the Horn of Africa region, combined with the dangers of ongoing war and absence of political solutions, Oromia risks continuing as a battlefield of war interests and political machinations.
“The Oromo people and Oromia residents must not accept this,” the organization declares. “To prevent the evil and heinous consequences of border violations into Oromia, standing united—beyond political and other differences—is the duty imposed by the future situation we face”.
A Call for Unity
The statement concludes with a powerful appeal for Oromo unity in defense of their homeland:
“Therefore, we urge that the Oromo people and Oromia residents, both within and outside, stand together to protect their land and borders from the drifting cloud of war that crosses boundaries and enters their territory—uniting beyond political and other differences—and recognize that collaboration is a national duty”.
The ABO also calls upon social and political actors in the country who genuinely seek peaceful solutions, as well as human rights organizations, the international community, diplomats, and various embassies in the country, to prioritize lasting peace and stability as a matter of collective concern.
Renewed Commitment
“The Oromo Liberation Front reaffirms that it will continue to fulfill its responsibility to protect the peace of Oromia, united with its people”.
The statement is signed and dated February 17, 2026, in Finfinne, carrying the organization’s motto: “Victory to the Masses!”
This report is based on an official statement issued by the Oromo Liberation Front (ABO) on February 17, 2026, addressing the security situation in Oromia and calling for peaceful resolution of conflicts and united defense of Oromia’s territorial integrity.
Ethiopia to Mandate Premarital Training Certificate for Couples Seeking Marriage
Ministry announces new regulation to combat skyrocketing divorce rates through mandatory education and certification
ADDIS ABABA — In a landmark initiative aimed at reversing Ethiopia’s rising divorce rates, the Ministry of Women and Social Affairs has announced plans to implement mandatory premarital training certification for all individuals seeking to enter into marriage. The new regulation would prohibit anyone without the required certificate from legally marrying .
The innovative approach, slated to take effect next year, represents a significant intervention in Ethiopia’s social policy landscape, targeting what officials identify as a primary cause of marital breakdown: lack of awareness and understanding about the realities of married life .
Alarming Statistics Drive Policy Response
The announcement follows concerning data released by the Addis Ababa City Civil Registration and Residence Service Agency, which revealed that divorce rates have increased by 54 percent compared to previous years. With over 20 million families currently in Ethiopia, the stability of the family unit has emerged as a pressing national concern demanding urgent attention .
Mr. Tesfaye Robele, Chief Executive for Elderly and Family Affairs at the Ministry of Women and Social Affairs, confirmed that preparations are underway to implement the system in the coming year. Speaking to Sheger Radio, officials outlined the ministry’s comprehensive approach to addressing what they describe as a crisis in Ethiopian family life .
“We have prepared training manuals to address this problem,” Mr. Tesfaye stated. “The primary cause for many marital breakdowns is the lack of awareness and understanding about what marriage truly entails” .
Collaborative Development with Religious and Community Leaders
Recognizing that marriage in Ethiopia is deeply intertwined with religious and cultural traditions, the ministry is pursuing a collaborative approach to implementation. Officials emphasize that the new system will be developed in consultation with religious institutions and community elders, ensuring respect for diverse cultural and faith-based marriage traditions .
“We are working in consultation with religious institutions and elders,” Mr. Tesfaye confirmed, highlighting the ministry’s commitment to creating a system that honors Ethiopia’s rich diversity of marriage practices while establishing consistent standards for preparation .
This collaborative framework acknowledges that marriage ceremonies in Ethiopia are performed through various institutions—religious bodies, civil authorities, and traditional community structures—all of which will need to participate in implementing the new requirements.
Comprehensive Strategy Beyond Certification
The premarital certification requirement represents just one component of a broader strategy to strengthen Ethiopian families. The ministry also announced the establishment of a joint forum bringing together various institutions working on family issues .
According to Mr. Tesfaye, this forum aims to identify and address gaps in family management practices while providing recommendations and guidance to the government on necessary actions to support family stability. The initiative reflects a holistic understanding that healthy marriages require ongoing support, not merely preparation before the wedding .
“We must begin the journey toward national change starting from the family,” the official emphasized, highlighting the fundamental role that stable households play in broader societal development . This perspective positions family stability as not merely a private concern but a public good essential to national progress.
Training Curriculum and Implementation
Ministry officials indicate that training manuals have already been prepared for the program. While specific curriculum details are still being finalized in consultation with religious and community leaders, the training is expected to cover fundamental aspects of marriage including communication skills, conflict resolution, financial management, and realistic expectations about married life .
The duration of required training and specific certification mechanisms remain under development, with implementation details to be announced following the consultation period. The goal of launching within the next year provides a clear timeline for completing these preparations .
Addressing a Growing Social Challenge
Ethiopia’s divorce rate increase of 54 percent reflects broader social transformations affecting families across the nation. Urbanization, changing gender roles, economic pressures, and evolving social expectations have all contributed to shifting dynamics in marital relationships .
The ministry’s initiative recognizes that many couples enter marriage with romanticized expectations rather than practical understanding of the commitment involved. By requiring structured preparation, officials hope to reduce the likelihood of marriage breakdown stemming from preventable misunderstandings or mismatched expectations.
Religious and Cultural Considerations
The collaborative approach with religious institutions acknowledges the complex landscape of marriage in Ethiopia, where religious ceremonies carry legal weight and traditional marriages performed by community elders remain common. Any successful intervention must work within these existing structures rather than attempting to supersede them.
Ethiopia’s religious diversity—encompassing Orthodox Christianity, Islam, Protestant Christianity, and traditional belief systems—means that marriage preparation will need to accommodate varied perspectives while maintaining consistent core content about marriage fundamentals.
Potential Impact and Challenges
If successfully implemented, the mandatory premarital training requirement would position Ethiopia among a growing number of countries recognizing the value of marriage preparation. Research in other contexts has suggested that well-designed premarital education can reduce divorce rates by helping couples develop realistic expectations and essential relationship skills.
However, implementation challenges remain significant. Ensuring accessibility of training across Ethiopia’s diverse regions, managing costs for prospective couples, and maintaining consistent quality while respecting local traditions will require careful planning and adequate resources.
The ministry’s emphasis on collaboration with existing institutions—religious bodies, community elders, and family service organizations—suggests an awareness that successful implementation depends on building upon established community structures rather than creating parallel systems.
Broader Social Implications
The initiative reflects growing recognition in Ethiopia that family stability has cascading effects on broader social outcomes. Children from stable households generally show better educational and health outcomes, while family breakdown can contribute to economic hardship and social challenges .
By intervening at the point of marriage, the ministry aims to prevent problems before they develop rather than responding after families have already fractured. This preventive approach aligns with public health models that emphasize early intervention and education as cost-effective strategies for addressing social challenges.
Looking Forward
As Ethiopia prepares to launch this innovative program, attention will focus on the consultation process with religious and community leaders, the development of culturally appropriate training materials, and the establishment of certification mechanisms that are accessible to all Ethiopians regardless of location or economic circumstance.
The coming year will see these elements take shape, with ministry officials working to transform policy announcement into operational reality. If successful, Ethiopia’s experiment in mandatory marriage preparation could offer lessons for other nations grappling with similar challenges of family stability in rapidly changing societies.
For Ethiopian couples planning to marry in the coming years, the new requirement will add an additional step to the marriage process—one that officials hope will prove invaluable in building the foundation for lasting, healthy unions. As Mr. Tesfaye emphasized, the ultimate goal extends beyond certification to the creation of stable families capable of contributing to national development and social wellbeing .
The TPLF: A Brutal Force That Should Never Have Been Given a Single Day’s Opportunity as an Organization
Oromo voices reflect on three decades of suffering under Tigrayan-led rule
FINFINNE — In a powerful and searing social media commentary that has resonated across Oromo networks, a voice identified as Abba Ebba has articulated the deep historical wounds and enduring grievances of the Oromo people against the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), describing the organization as a “brutal force” that should never have been legitimized .
The statement, shared under the hashtag #Abba_Ebba, offers a raw and unflinching examination of the TPLF’s three-decade rule over Ethiopia and its specific impact on the Oromo people—a period the author describes as inflicting wounds “far worse than a hundred years of Abyssinian elite oppression” .
Thirty Years of Suffering
According to the commentary, the TPLF, operating under the banner of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), controlled Oromia for thirty years, threatening the region from end to end in the name of supporting the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) while actually enveloping the land in flames of gunfire .
The author describes how the TPLF blocked Oromos from the center, drove them from their country, killed children, and placed mothers upon the corpses of their own offspring in acts of unspeakable cruelty . This “collection of beasts,” as the author characterizes the TPLF, is portrayed as having committed atrocities that have left permanent scars on the Oromo collective consciousness .
“More than a hundred years of oppression by Abyssinian elites, the TPLF targeted the Oromo people for thirty years with historically unforgivable atrocities, using every means available,” the statement reads. “The wound of conscience they inflicted upon us is still unhealed, a scar not yet dried—we carry this unhealed wound with us” .
A Legacy That Lives With Generations
The commentary emphasizes that these historical wounds are not merely past events but living realities carried by the Oromo people. “Generations will not forget—it lives with us, an unerasable historical scar” .
The author draws a powerful analogy: “Yesterday, a snake bit us. Before the pain subsided, because of the foolishness of one and the childishness of another, we let it escape. That same snake, growing fat and multiplying, has returned today to bite us again, to bring us to death” .
Allowing this to happen, the author argues, is worse than foolishness—it is a failure to think of the coming generation. Collaborating with such forces, treating the snake as if it were a towel to be wrapped around one’s neck, represents a profound betrayal of the future .
The Quest for Freedom and Justice
The commentary gives voice to the Oromo people’s longstanding aspirations: “The Oromo people who say ‘I long for freedom, justice has been denied me, I hunger for democracy’—here they are, for nearly 70 years falling and rising in their struggle for freedom” .
Unlike others, the author asserts, Oromos have never sought scraps from anyone’s table. Yet Abyssinian elites have consistently declared, “We are like water and oil with Oromos!” while simultaneously claiming to have created a hybrid “mule” called Ethiopia through fusion with Oromos .
The author questions how, when the constitution grants special rights to Oromos even in Finfinne, there are those who would tear up the document, asking what remains for Oromos. “When will we stand up for ourselves, to protect our borders, to secure our constitutional rights—whose permission do we need to seek?” .
Today, the author notes, people say of Oromos, “They are children of the moment.” But what need has the Oromo of Abyssinian political maneuvering and crumbs?
The Folly of Sacrificing Justice for Peace
The commentary critiques those who urged compromise: “Yesterday, for the sake of peace, we abandoned justice! We forgave what you did publicly! There is no peace without justice” .
Those who stole wealth, whether collectively or individually, who used power to destroy lives, burn forests, displace people, commit inhuman acts in any form—the author insists they must not escape accountability .
Questions are raised about political transitions: “What and who is bringing the transition? From where to where?” The author suggests that those who mocked others for not understanding politics are now seeing the consequences .
What once appeared to some as downhill before them now seems as distant as the sky, transformed into an uphill struggle. “Are you truly not angered as you watch?” the author asks, suggesting that deep regret, not indifference, is the appropriate response .
Historical Memory: The Western Oromo Confederation of 1936
The commentary invokes a crucial but often overlooked chapter of Oromo history: the Western Oromo Confederation of 1936. Before the TPLF was even created, Oromos sent a delegation to the United Nations seeking to govern themselves through confederation .
This historical episode, disrupted by Italy’s five-year colonization of Abyssinia, demonstrates the long-standing Oromo pursuit of self-determination, predating the TPLF’s emergence by decades .
The author cites scholarly work by Ezekiel Gebissa on “The Italian Invasion, the Ethiopian Empire, and Oromo Nationalism: The Significance of the Western Oromo Confederation of 1936,” pointing to a tradition of Oromo political organizing that Abyssinian and Tigrayan narratives have systematically obscured .
Cultural Appropriation: The Heritage of “Weyane”
The commentary also raises questions of cultural appropriation, asking whether the TPLF has forgotten that “Weyane”—the traditional struggle strategy from which the organization derives its name—is actually Oromo heritage from Raya and Rayuma .
This observation, the author explains, is offered to counter any suggestion that Tigrayan or Amhara elites taught Oromos about freedom struggle. The historical record, including scholarship on “Peasant Resistance in Ethiopia: the Case of Weyane” published in the Journal of African History, demonstrates that Oromo traditions of resistance long preceded TPLF organizing .
The Complexity of Recognition
The author acknowledges that the situation is complex—like makeup applied and removed, artificial people appearing before cameras, living under disguise. But the weight of the matter, they emphasize, concerns the supremacy of the people, the formation of the nation, the debt owed to fathers, mothers, and faith .
“Knowledge means grasping the trunk of the tree, not hanging on its branches—hold the branches and you will fall” .
A Warning Unheeded?
The commentary concludes with a stark image: “O TPLF! The one who never says ‘enough’ will spit and continue. ‘Emboor! Emboor!’ (Get away! Get away!) they say to those who hold back and separate—now the flood has reached the neck, asking ‘What has brought my situation?'”
This metaphorical warning suggests that those who ignored calls for restraint and justice now find themselves overwhelmed by consequences of their own making .
Historical Context
The TPLF led the armed struggle that overthrew the Derg regime in 1991 and subsequently dominated Ethiopian politics for nearly three decades until Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018. During their rule, the TPLF was the dominant force within the EPRDF coalition, controlling the levers of state power and directing security forces that, according to numerous human rights reports, committed widespread abuses against civilians in Oromia and other regions .
The period from 1991 to 2018 saw repeated military campaigns in Oromia, mass arrests of Oromo activists and politicians, and systematic suppression of Oromo political expression. The International Criminal Court’s Office of the Prosecutor noted in 2019 that it had received information regarding alleged crimes against humanity in Ethiopia dating back to 2015, including in Oromia .
Contemporary Relevance
The commentary appears against the backdrop of ongoing tensions in Ethiopia’s post-2018 political transition. While the TPLF was removed from federal power, it retained control over Tigray regional state until the recent Tigray War (2020-2022) dramatically altered the political landscape .
For Oromos, the question of accountability for past abuses remains unresolved. Many Oromo activists and politicians have called for justice for victims of TPLF-era atrocities, even as they navigate complex relationships with other political forces in contemporary Ethiopia .
A Voice for the Unhealed Wound
Abba Ebba’s commentary gives voice to what it describes as an “unhealed wound” in Oromo collective memory—the accumulated trauma of three decades of TPLF rule that compounded more than a century of Abyssinian domination .
The response to the post, shared widely across Oromo social media networks, suggests that these sentiments resonate deeply within the Oromo community. The demand for justice, the insistence on historical memory, and the refusal to accept narratives that minimize Oromo suffering emerge as consistent themes .
As Ethiopia navigates an uncertain political future, with ongoing conflicts in multiple regions and unresolved questions about the country’s constitutional order, voices like Abba Ebba’s serve as reminders that for many Oromos, the past is not past—it is a living wound that demands acknowledgment and, ultimately, healing through justice .
Whether such justice will be achieved, and what form it might take, remains one of the most pressing and unresolved questions in Ethiopian politics. For the Oromo people, as the commentary makes clear, the struggle continues—not only for freedom and democracy in the future but for acknowledgment and accountability for the crimes of the past.
Celebrating 49 Years of Bariisaa: A Voice for Oromo Equality
“Bariisaa Served as a Tool for the Oromo People’s Quest for Equality and Democracy”
– Mr. Masafinti Tafarraa
Oromo-language newspaper marks 49 years of serving as a beacon of information, identity, and struggle
FINFINNE — Forty-nine years ago, in 1969 E.C. (1976/77 G.C.), a transformative development in the growth and flourishing of the Afaan Oromo language occurred that would fundamentally reshape the landscape of Oromo media and lay the foundation for where Oromo-language outlets stand today: the establishment of Bariisaa Newspaper .
In an era before the proliferation of science and technology, when broadcast media could be counted on one’s fingers and the internet had not yet become the domain of a generation, the Oromo people’s love, effort, and desire for information and knowledge could only be satisfied through written word. It was in this context that the demand for and acceptance of newspapers was immense .
Bariisaa Newspaper, carried forward by scholars and heroes who toiled from afar and succeeded, passing from generation to generation through the接力 of struggle against tyranny, has now marked 49 years of existence .
Today marks the anniversary of Bariisaa Newspaper’s founding—for the Oromo people, a day when the dawn of information and knowledge shone brightly, just as the name “Bariisaa” (Dawn) suggests the morning star appears .
A Tool for the People’s Struggle
In an interview commemorating the anniversary, Mr. Masafinti Tafarraa, Executive Officer of the Ethiopian Press Agency, shared reflections on the newspaper’s historic role .
According to Mr. Masafinti, from its inception through half a century of service, Bariisaa Newspaper has undertaken and achieved great work for the freedom, equality, and democracy of the Oromo people .
Crucially, he noted that Bariisaa was established precisely at a time when the Oromo people’s demand for equality and democracy was being raised. In this context, the newspaper served as a vital medium of communication for the people’s aspirations .
Following that period and continuing after the people’s demands were reiterated, Bariisaa never halted its mission but persevered and has arrived at today’s milestone .
The founders of the newspaper were themselves participants in the struggle for the people’s equality movement at that time and played significant roles. Through their involvement, the newspaper became intertwined with the contemporaneous struggle being waged .
A Legacy of Forty-Nine Years
For nearly five decades, Bariisaa has chronicled the Oromo experience, documenting both the ordinary and extraordinary moments of Oromo life while serving as a platform for intellectual and political discourse. The publication has weathered changing political climates, technological revolutions, and shifts in the media landscape while maintaining its commitment to providing information in Afaan Oromo.
The newspaper’s endurance through nearly half a century reflects both the dedication of those who have sustained it and the persistent hunger for Oromo-language media among its readership. From its early days when written word was the primary means of mass communication to the contemporary era of digital media, Bariisaa has adapted while maintaining its core mission.
The Founders’ Vision
The founders of Bariisaa were not merely journalists but activists who understood the power of the written word in advancing the cause of equality. By establishing a newspaper in Afaan Oromo at a time when the language itself was marginalized, they made a profound statement about Oromo identity and the right to information in one’s mother tongue.
Their vision extended beyond simple news reporting to encompass the broader struggle for recognition and rights. The newspaper became both a record of that struggle and a participant in it, documenting abuses while articulating aspirations.
From Print to Digital: Evolution of a Legacy
As Bariisaa celebrates 49 years, it does so in a media environment dramatically transformed from its founding era. The broadcast media that were once scarce are now abundant, and the internet that was unknown to the generation of the 1970s has become ubiquitous.
Yet the fundamental need that Bariisaa addresses—the desire of Oromo people to receive information and analysis in their own language, reflecting their own perspective—remains unchanged. The newspaper has evolved alongside technology, with many readers now accessing content digitally while others continue to value the tangible experience of print.
Cultural and Linguistic Significance
Beyond its journalistic function, Bariisaa has played an important role in the development and standardization of written Afaan Oromo. At a time when the language was primarily oral in many contexts, the newspaper provided a model for written expression and helped establish conventions that would influence subsequent Oromo-language publishing.
For generations of Oromo readers, Bariisaa has been a window onto their world and beyond—a source of news, analysis, and cultural content that affirmed the value and vitality of their language. The newspaper has helped maintain and strengthen Oromo identity, particularly among diaspora communities separated from their homeland.
Forty-Nine Years of Service
The 49th anniversary represents a significant milestone, approaching the half-century mark that will be celebrated next year. For an independent publication to endure for nearly five decades in challenging political environments is a testament to the commitment of its staff, the loyalty of its readers, and the enduring need it fulfills.
Mr. Masafinti Tafarraa’s acknowledgment of Bariisaa’s role as a “tool” for the Oromo people’s quest for equality and democracy captures the publication’s essential character. It has never been merely a commercial enterprise or a neutral conveyor of information, but rather an institution deeply engaged with the aspirations of the people it serves.
Looking to the Future
As Bariisaa approaches its golden jubilee, questions of sustainability, adaptation, and continued relevance arise. The media landscape continues to evolve rapidly, with social media and digital platforms reshaping how people consume information. Younger generations, in particular, may engage with news differently than their parents and grandparents.
Yet the need that Bariisaa addresses—for information in Afaan Oromo that speaks to Oromo concerns from an Oromo perspective—remains as pressing as ever. The newspaper that has survived and thrived for 49 years has demonstrated remarkable adaptability, and there is every reason to believe it will continue to find ways to serve its readership.
A Dawn That Continues to Shine
The name Bariisaa—Dawn—carries with it the promise of new beginnings and the light that follows darkness. For forty-nine years, the newspaper has lived up to its name, bringing the light of information and knowledge to successive generations of Oromo readers.
As Mr. Masafinti Tafarraa’s reflections make clear, Bariisaa’s significance extends beyond its role as a news outlet. It stands as a testament to the power of the written word in struggles for justice, a record of a people’s journey through nearly five decades of change, and a continuing voice for equality, democracy, and the rights of the Oromo people.
The 49th anniversary of Bariisaa Newspaper is not merely a celebration of longevity but a recognition of enduring purpose—a purpose rooted in the struggles of the past and reaching toward the dawn of a future where the aspirations that gave birth to the publication may finally be realized.
Dinqinesh Dheressa and Dr. Trevor Trueman: Two Pillars of the Oromo Struggle Forever Remembered with Honor
Activist and ally exemplify the international solidarity and unwavering commitment that sustain the movement for Oromo self-determination
GLOBAL — Dinqinesh Dheressa and Dr. Trevor Trueman stand as figures who will forever be remembered with honor in the annals of the Oromo liberation struggle—one a devoted activist who gave voice to Oromo women’s oppression, the other a British physician who became one of the movement’s most effective international advocates.
Their contributions, though arising from vastly different backgrounds, together illustrate the multifaceted nature of the Oromo struggle: a fight carried forward not only by those who bear its identity but also by allies whose solidarity transcends ethnicity and origin. As the Oromo liberation struggle continues “as a shield of humanity strengthening humanity itself,” the legacies of Deressa and Trueman remind us that the quest for freedom draws strength from diverse sources of commitment and courage .
Dinqinesh Dheressa: A Voice for Oromo Women
Dinqinesh Dheressa Kitila is an Oromo woman whose activism emerged from personal experience of discrimination and grew into institutional leadership. As the founder of the International Oromo Women’s Organization, a non-profit registered in the United States, she has dedicated her life to standing against discrimination and bringing social change, with particular emphasis on women’s empowerment.
Born and raised in Oromia, Ethiopia, Dheressa’s commitment to justice was forged in childhood. During elementary school, when she ran for student council president, a boy was preferred over her despite her having the highest grades. This early experience of discrimination motivated her to lead a fight against discrimination against women—a fight she has continued throughout her life.
Dheressa’s analysis of Oromo women’s situation is stark and unflinching. “The state of oppression is very deep in general but Oromo women face even greater difficulty,” she has stated. “Abyssinians treat Oromo women poorly. If a woman proposes a constructive idea, it doesn’t get proper attention as women are discriminated against up to a level where they are not considered as human beings”.
For Dheressa, self-determination is not an abstract political concept but a deeply personal and practical matter. She describes it as “a process by which one can take control of her/his whole life, decide freely what is good for her/him or not, what is important to her/him.” Beyond self-determination, she sees independence as giving people “the power to act freely” .
The key to achieving self-determination, in her view, lies in empowering oppressed people and standing for their rights as human beings. She emphasizes that organization is vital—if one wants to stand for peace and especially for women and their rights, being organized is essential .
Dheressa has also consistently called upon the international community to act. “The international community and humanitarian organisations have to take appropriate action to stop the Ethiopian government’s brutality against the Oromos,” she has urged. Her work with the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) has helped bring Oromo concerns before international audiences, ensuring that the struggle receives attention beyond Ethiopia’s borders.
Dr. Trevor Trueman: The Quiet Ally
If Dheressa represents the voice of Oromo womanhood speaking on behalf of her people, Dr. Trevor Trueman represents something equally: the outsider who becomes an essential insider through decades of faithful service.
Dr. Trueman—affectionately known by the Oromo name Galatoo, meaning “Thank You”—has woven himself so deeply into the narrative of the Oromo struggle that he has become inseparable from it, transcending geography, ethnicity, and origin .
His journey with the Oromo people began not in the halls of advocacy, but in the gritty, desperate reality of survival. In the late 1980s, as a family health physician, he was in Sudan training Oromo health workers in refugee camps. When the Derg fell in 1991, he moved into Wallagga, shifting his focus to training community health workers. This foundation is crucial: his alliance was born not of abstract political theory, but of humanitarian connection—of seeing, firsthand, the people behind the cause. He didn’t arrive as an activist; he became one through service .
It was from this ground-level view that his pivotal role emerged. Starting in 1992, he began the critical, dangerous work of documenting and internationalizing the Ethiopian government’s systematic human rights violations against the Oromo people. While the OLF and others fought on the political and military fronts, Dr. Trueman opened a vital front in the global arena of information. He understood that tyranny thrives in silence and that the world’s conscience must be awakened with evidence. His reports became the credible, external voice that the diaspora and activists within could amplify, forcing the “Oromo question” onto agendas where it was being ignored .
His strategic genius is perhaps best embodied in the Oromia Support Group (OSG) , which he co-founded in 1994. The OSG was not a protest group but a clearinghouse for truth. It methodically gathered testimony, verified atrocities, and funneled this information to UN bodies, foreign governments, NGOs, and media outlets. For decades, when the Ethiopian state dismissed accusations as rebel propaganda, the OSG’s meticulously documented reports stood as unassailable counter-evidence. Dr. Trueman became a bridge of credibility, translating the suffering of a distant people into a language the international system was compelled, at least, to acknowledge .
A recent tribute to Dr. Trueman highlights several profound truths about his work:
- The Outsider as Essential Insider: Dr. Trueman’s identity as a “foreign national” was not a barrier but a unique asset. It lent his documentation a perceived objectivity that was desperately needed to break through global apathy. He wielded his privilege as a tool for the voiceless .
- Advocacy as a Marathon, Not a Sprint: His commitment, spanning from 1988 to the present day, defines “umurii dheeradhaa” —a long life of dedication. While political fortunes and rebel movements evolved, his channel of advocacy remained constant, providing a thread of continuity through decades of struggle .
- The Strategic “Taphat” (Preparation) : The tribute notes he will be remembered for his “shoora taphataniif” —his strategic preparations. His work was the essential groundwork. By ensuring the world could not plead ignorance, he created the political space and pressure that empowered all other facets of the Oromo struggle .
Dr. Trevor Trueman’s legacy is a masterclass in effective international solidarity. He did not seek to lead the Oromo struggle; he sought to amplify it. He did not fight with weapons, but with words, facts, and an unwavering moral compass. In the grand symphony of the Oromo quest for freedom, if some voices are the roaring melodies and others the steady rhythm, Dr. Trueman’s has been the crucial, clear note of the witness—persistent, truthful, and cutting through the noise to make the world listen .
For this, the name Galatoo is not merely a token of thanks, but a title of honor, earned over a lifetime. His work ensures that the crimes committed in darkness are recorded in light, and that the struggle of the Oromo people has, indeed, been given an echo the world cannot un-hear .
The Struggle Continues
The Oromo liberation struggle, which both Dheressa and Trueman have served so faithfully, continues today against a backdrop of ongoing conflict and human rights concerns. Recent reports from Oromia describe a region marked by insecurity, with civilians caught between government forces and insurgent groups.
The Associated Press reported in February 2026 that Oromia remains “very insecure,” with armed banditry, kidnapping, and extortion affecting daily life. Humanitarian access is restricted, and the conflict remains largely underreported due to government restrictions on journalists and rights groups .
It is precisely in such circumstances that the work of advocates like Dheressa and Trueman proves most vital. Their documentation, their amplification of Oromo voices, and their insistence that the world pay attention create the conditions under which accountability becomes possible.
As one tribute to Trueman noted, “His work ensures that the crimes committed in darkness are recorded in light” . Dheressa, through her women’s organization and international advocacy, ensures that the particular suffering of Oromo women—too often ignored in broader narratives—receives the attention it demands.
A Shared Legacy
Dinqinesh Dheressa and Dr. Trevor Trueman represent different faces of the same commitment: Dheressa, the Oromo woman who transformed personal experience of discrimination into lifelong activism for her people; Trueman, the British physician who arrived as a humanitarian worker and became one of the movement’s most effective international advocates.
Both have demonstrated that the struggle for Oromo self-determination is not confined to Oromia’s borders, nor limited to those who share Oromo identity. It is a human rights struggle that calls upon all people of conscience to bear witness and to act.
As the Oromo liberation continues as “a shield of humanity strengthening humanity itself,” the contributions of these two figures will forever be remembered with honor. Their lives demonstrate that the fight for freedom draws strength from many sources—from the mother who organizes women in her community to the physician who documents atrocities for the United Nations. Each, in their own way, has helped ensure that the Oromo struggle for truth, justice, and self-determination continues to resonate across generations and around the world.
Oromo Diaspora Honors Pivotal Figures in Virtual Memorial
Diaspora gathers online to celebrate “towering figure” of Oromo liberation struggle
WASHINGTON, D.C. — The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) convened a virtual memorial service Sunday, February 15, 2026, via Zoom to honor the life and legacy of a pivotal figure in the Oromo struggle for self-determination. The event, scheduled for 2:00 PM Eastern Time, brought together members of the Oromo diaspora, elders (Hayyoota), and human rights advocates from across the United States to celebrate a “towering figure” whose contributions to truth, justice, and the Oromo people have left an indelible mark on the movement .
A Moment of Collective Reflection
While the OLF’s announcement referred to the subject as a “towering figure,” Sunday’s service forms part of a broader moment of reflection for the organization, which has recently focused on honoring the intellectual giants who shaped Oromo nationalism. Just days earlier, on February 7, 2026, the OLF held a ceremony at its headquarters in Gullallee, Finfinnee to honor the late Professor Asmarom Legesse and Professor Hamdesa Tuso .
Professor Asmarom Legesse was celebrated during that gathering for his groundbreaking anthropological work, particularly his research on the indigenous Gadaa system, a traditional democratic governance structure. His seminal book, Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society, is credited with bringing Oromo culture and governance to the global academic spotlight . During the February 7 ceremony, OLF Chairman Jaal Dawud Ibsa led tributes that highlighted the power of scholarship in the national struggle, emphasizing the need to “reclaim historical truth” .
Echoes of Recent Commemorations
Sunday’s virtual service in Washington appeared to be a continuation of this season of remembrance, extending honor to another key architect of the movement. Given the context of recent OLF commemorations, the event echoed the sentiments expressed at the February 7 gathering, where leaders praised the “unforgettable mark” left by the movement’s forebears and called upon the younger generation (dhaloota) to carry their unfinished work forward .
The Intellectual Foundations of the Struggle
Scholars note that the OLF, founded in the early 1970s, emerged from clandestine efforts by Oromo nationalists to build a movement that combined armed struggle with a strong intellectual and cultural foundation. Historians point to figures like Baro Tumsa, described in a recent 2024 biography as the “Principal Architect of the Oromo Liberation Front,” who worked to unite nationalists from diverse backgrounds in the face of oppression .
The intellectual tradition honored in these memorials reflects the OLF’s distinctive character as a movement that understood liberation not merely as a military objective but as a project of cultural and historical reclamation. The scholars being remembered devoted their lives to excavating Oromo history, philosophy, and governance traditions that had been suppressed or denied during decades of imperial rule.
A Solemn Duty
The invitation released by the OLF framed the event as an obligation owed to those who sacrificed for the cause. “This is the least we can do for a life so profoundly devoted to truth, justice, and our people,” the statement read .
That sentiment resonated throughout Sunday’s virtual gathering, as participants reflected on the personal and collective debts owed to the generation that built the movement. The Zoom format, necessitated by the geographic dispersal of the Oromo diaspora across North America, nonetheless allowed for meaningful connection and shared remembrance.
Diaspora Engagement
The service drew participants from across the United States, reflecting the strength and commitment of the Oromo diaspora community. Washington D.C. has long been a center of Oromo organizing and advocacy, hosting numerous cultural, political, and commemorative events over the decades. The virtual format expanded access to Oromos unable to travel to the nation’s capital while maintaining the solemnity appropriate to the occasion.
Elders (Hayyoota) played a prominent role in the proceedings, as is traditional in Oromo culture when honoring the departed. Their presence underscored the intergenerational nature of both the struggle itself and the responsibility to transmit its history and values to those who will carry it forward.
Preserving and Transmitting History
Sunday’s memorial service also served an educational function, introducing younger participants to figures whose contributions may not be widely known outside dedicated scholarly or activist circles. The emphasis on the intellectual and cultural foundations of the Oromo struggle provides context for understanding the movement’s character and objectives.
As participants reflected on the “towering figure” being honored, they also considered the broader legacy of Oromo intellectuals and organizers who built the institutions and articulated the vision that sustains the struggle today. The February 7 ceremony honoring Professors Legesse and Tuso, followed by Sunday’s virtual gathering, creates a season of remembrance that reinforces collective memory and identity.
Continuing Resonance
The service served as a poignant reminder of the ongoing resonance of the Oromo liberation struggle and the individuals who laid its intellectual and political groundwork. Even as the movement addresses contemporary challenges, these commemorative moments affirm continuity with the founders and the principles they established.
For the Oromo diaspora, separated by geography but united by commitment to their people’s cause, such gatherings provide opportunities for connection, reflection, and renewed dedication. The Zoom platform, while different from in-person assembly, enabled participation from Oromos who might otherwise be unable to join such commemorations, expanding the circle of remembrance.
Looking Forward
As Sunday’s virtual memorial concluded, participants carried forward not only memories of the individual being honored but also renewed commitment to the values and objectives that defined their life’s work. The call issued at the February 7 ceremony—for the younger generation (dhaloota) to carry forward the unfinished work of the movement’s founders—resonated across both gatherings.
The Oromo struggle continues, shaped by those who built its foundations and sustained by those who carry their legacy. Sunday’s virtual memorial service from Washington D.C. ensured that another “towering figure” received the honor due, while strengthening the connections that bind the Oromo people across continents and generations.
Exploring Indigenous Peacemaking at the 2026 Oromo Conference
Oromo Studies Association Honors Legacy of Prof. Hamdessa Tuso with Mid-Year Conference on Conflict Resolution and Peace-Building
Scholars and researchers invited to explore indigenous peacemaking traditions at University of Minnesota gathering
MINNEAPOLIS — The Oromo Studies Association (OSA) has issued a call for papers and panels for its 2026 Mid-Year Conference, scheduled for April 11-12 at the University of Minnesota Medical Center’s West Bank campus. This year’s gathering carries special significance as it will honor the life and legacy of Professor Hamdessa Tuso, a founding member of OSA and a towering figure in the study of indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms .
Under the theme “Conflict Resolution & Peace-Building: Honoring the Life and Legacy of Prof. Hamdessa Tuso,” the conference invites scholars, researchers, and community leaders to submit abstracts exploring the rich traditions of peacemaking that have sustained Oromo society for generations. The event will take place at 2450 Riverside Ave, Minneapolis, MN 55454.
A Life Devoted to Indigenous Peacemaking
Professor Hamdessa Tuso, who passed away on November 22, 2025, in Winnipeg, Manitoba, dedicated his life to studying and teaching about African indigenous conflict resolution processes . His scholarly work emphasized that indigenous forms of peacemaking—long dismissed by Western academics as “irrelevant and backward tribal rituals”—contain sophisticated mechanisms for building lasting peace .
Dr. Tuso earned his Ph.D. in Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding from Michigan State University in 1981 and served in distinguished academic roles across North America, including as Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Manitoba and as a faculty member at Nova Southeastern University . His landmark work, “Creating the Third Force: Indigenous Processes of Peacemaking,” which he co-edited with Maureen P. Flaherty, presented the Oromo Gadaa system as a global model for conflict resolution .
In that seminal volume, Tuso contributed chapters including “Indigenous processes of conflict resolution: neglected methods of peacemaking by the new field of conflict resolution” and “Ararra: Oromo indigenous processes of peacemaking,” establishing a scholarly foundation for understanding how Oromo traditional institutions can address contemporary conflicts .
Conference Theme and Significance
The conference announcement highlights the Oromo people’s historical role as “the anchoring population that cemented the coexistence of peoples of various creeds” and “guarantors of peace, stability and justice everywhere its rule prevailed.” According to the call for papers, historical accounts indicate that before the precolonial era, the Oromo managed to create alliances with neighboring tribes, transforming former rivals into partners.
The announcement also addresses historical challenges to Oromo recognition: “Since the formation of Ethiopia as an empire State, the Oromo people were brutally oppressed, marginalized, dehumanized and the contributions of the Oromo to maintaining peace and stability in the horn of Africa were denied the due recognition they deserved in history.”
It was not until the early 1970s that organized scholarly attention began to reveal “the hidden truth that the Oromo in fact are custodians of indigenous institutions of governance that guarantees equality of all its citizens, rule of law, justice and fairness for all living things and the environment.”
The conference draws on core Oromo values of Nagaa (peace) and Araara (reconciliation)—traditional principles that guide conflict resolution when disputes arise between groups and individuals. As the call for papers notes, “The Oromo Land is therefore rightly described as the sea of blessings, where elders call for peace to prevail over everything living and the environment.”
Call for Submissions
OSA invites abstracts for individual paper presentations, posters, panels, and roundtables addressing the conference theme and the following sub-themes:
- Indigenous Oromo institutions: exploring the mechanisms of peacebuilding and conflict resolution
- Mitigating intra-ethnic conflicts in Ethiopia, the Horn of Africa and elsewhere globally: lessons learned from other settings
- Building peace and resolving conflicts among the Oromo and neighboring nations and nationalities (such as Somali, Afar, Sidama) past, present, and future
- Federalization and exclusion of Oromo cities Harar, Dire Dawa, Jigjiga: case studies of the impact of forced division on Oromo approaches to peacebuilding and stability
- Dedicated Panel: Remembering the Life and Legacy of Prof. Hamdesa Tuso — welcoming reflections on how he approached the study of conflict resolution
- Examining women’s leadership in traditional Oromo peacebuilding and conflict resolution
- Transmitting the wisdom of peacebuilding to the younger generation in a time of intense war, violence and undermining of culture
Other topics will be considered, but priority will be given to abstracts relevant to the theme and sub-themes.
Submission Guidelines
Individual Papers or Posters: Submissions should include a 200-300 word abstract providing 1) title, 2) specific contribution to the theme, 3) evidence on which the presentation is based, and 4) brief findings or conclusions. Authors must include names, country of residence, affiliation, field of specialization, and contact information (email and WhatsApp).
Panels: Panels consist of four members of a pre-assembled group. Proposals should include the panel title and brief biographies of each panel member with academic credentials or community roles.
Roundtables: Roundtables bring together qualified scholars and prominent personalities moderated to discuss a specific topic, book, or research finding. Submissions should include the roundtable title, relevance to the conference theme, moderator information, and speakers’ names with contact details.
The deadline for submission is March 10, 2026, at midnight. Acceptances will be notified on a rolling basis, with final notices made by March 21. All submissions should be sent to: oromostudiesassociation@gmail.com
A Legacy of Scholarship and Advocacy
Professor Tuso’s contributions extended far beyond academia. He was among the earliest pioneers of the Arsi Basic School movement, helping ignite a culture of learning across Arsi in Oromia at a time when education itself was considered a revolutionary act . He championed Tokkumaa Oromoo (Oromo unity) and stood firmly against what he termed “the colonization of the Oromo mind.”
His service included organizing the Oromo Committee for Immigration and Refugees (OCIR) in the 1980s, helping secure asylum for thousands of Oromos in the United States at a time when the U.S. government had restricted asylum for Ethiopians . He also participated in the 1991 London Peace Conference, advocating for a just political reordering of Ethiopia .
As a founding force behind the Oromo Studies Association and its first president, Tuso nurtured generations of scholars committed to researching and preserving Oromo history and culture . The upcoming conference represents a continuation of that mission, bringing together researchers to explore how indigenous wisdom can address contemporary challenges.
For scholars of peace and conflict studies, African studies, and indigenous governance systems, the April conference offers a unique opportunity to engage with Oromo intellectual traditions at a moment of both remembrance and renewal.
General Damisse Bulto: The Forgotten Eagle of Ethiopia’s Skies
Personal Profile
Who was General Damisse Bulto? 💔
The question lingers, suspended in grief and memory. For those who knew him, he was a son of Ada’a Berga, a herdsman turned warrior, an aviator who painted his nation’s future across African skies. For those who have forgotten—or were never taught—he is a ghost in the military archives, a name erased from official histories, a body moved in secret.
This is his story.
From the Pastoral Plains
General Damisse Bulto Ejersa was born in 1926 in Ada’a Berga District, West Shewa, to his mother Adde Ayyee Jiraannee and his father Mr. Bultoo Ejersa. From childhood, he knew the weight of responsibility. While other boys played, young Damisse tended his family’s cattle, moving through grasslands that would later seem impossibly distant from the jet streams he would one day command.
But the open fields that raised him also gave him his first taste of horizons. A boy who watches the sky from the earth learns to dream of flight.
When he reached the appropriate age, Damissae traveled to Finfinne to study at the Medhanealem School. It was there, in the capital’s classrooms, that a military recruitment announcement changed everything. The Makonnen School was calling for cadets. Without informing his family, the young man enlisted—and stepped onto a path that would define the rest of his life.
The Making of a Makonnen
Three years of intensive training transformed the cattle herder’s son into a disciplined officer. By 1946, as Lieutenant Colonel, he received orders that would carry him far from Ethiopian soil.
The Korean Peninsula was aflame. The Cold War’s first hot conflict had drawn nations from across the globe into its crucible. Ethiopia, under Emperor Haile Selassie, committed troops to the United Nations forces. Among them was Damissae Bultoo—a young commander representing his ancient empire on a distant battlefield.
He served with distinction. He returned alive. He completed his consecration ceremony. And then his nation called again.
Ethiopia had no air force to speak of. The Emperor, modernizing his military, sought to build one from the cockpit up. Damissae was selected for training in Israel, where he learned the arts of aerial warfare from one of the world’s most capable air arms. He returned home a pilot—and soon, commander of the famed “Flying Leopard” squadron.
Wars and Recognitions
The 1950s and 1960s were decades of fire. When Somalia challenged Ethiopia’s territorial integrity, General Damisse took to the skies. In 1955 and again in 1957, he flew combat missions against Somali forces, his Leopards drawing blood across the Ogaden skies.
Emperor Haile Selassie took notice. The young man from Ada’a Berga, who had once watched clouds from cattle pastures, now received medals and commendations from the Lion of Judah himself. He rose through the ranks: Colonel in 1969, Brigadier General in 1972, Major General in 1977.
Each promotion marked not merely personal advancement but the trajectory of a man who had dedicated his entire existence to the defense and dignity of his nation.
The Dream of Oromia
Yet General Damisse’s patriotism was not uncritical. He loved Ethiopia—but he also saw its failures. He served the empire—but he also dreamed of liberation for his own people.
When the Derg seized power, when Mengistu Hailemariam’s Red Terror washed Ethiopian cities in blood, General Damisse made his choice. He would not merely serve. He would resist.
The plan was audacious, befitting an airman accustomed to thinking in three dimensions. On the morning of December 8, 1981, Mengistu was scheduled to depart for East Germany. General Damisse and his co-conspirators intended to shoot down the dictator’s aircraft—or, alternatively, divert it to Eritrea and capture the leader himself. A single blow to decapitate the Derg and open the path for Oromia’s liberation.
But conspiracies breathe thin air in authoritarian states. Fellow air force officers, when approached, hesitated. Some refused outright. The plot faltered, then collapsed. No missile was fired. No aircraft was diverted. No dictator fell.
The dream of an Oromo political order, forged in that moment of daring, remained unrealized.
The Exile and the Grave
What follows is contested, obscured, deliberately forgotten.
What is known: General Damisse was killed. The commander of the Flying Leopards, the veteran of Korea and Ogaden, the man who had received medals from an emperor’s hand, died at the hands of fellow officers—or of the regime they served.
His body was initially interred in Asmara, within the compound of the Catholic Church of St. Isteqs. Eritrea, then still part of Ethiopia, received the fallen general in silence. His grave marked nothing more than a name, a date, a vanished life.
But even the dead are not beyond the reach of politics.
Years later, after Eritrea had separated, after Asmara had become foreign soil, General Damisse’s remains were exhumed. They traveled south, across the border his squadron had once defended, back to the capital city where a cattle herder’s son had first dreamed of flight.
Today, they say, he rests in Finfinne. Within the compound of St. Joseph’s Church. A man displaced even in death, his final resting place known to few, visited by fewer still.
What Remains
General Damisse Bulto left no political testament. No memoirs. No public confessions or private apologies. He left only the record of his service—the medals, the missions, the promotions—and the whispered memory of a plot that failed.
To Ethiopian military history, he is an embarrassment: a decorated commander who turned against the state. To Oromo nationalists, he is a martyr: a patriot who understood that love of nation and love of people could not be separated. To his family, he is simply gone—a father, a grandfather, a name spoken in prayers.
And to the young men and women of Ada’a Berga, who still tend cattle beneath the same skies he once watched, he is a question without answer.
Who was General Damisse Bulto?
The cattle know. The grass knows. The wind that moves across the West Shewa highlands remembers the boy who became an eagle.
But the archives are silent. The grave is quiet. And the dream he died for remains, like his body, displaced—waiting for a nation that has not yet decided whether to claim him.
💔
The author acknowledges the family of General Damisse Bulto and surviving members of the Ethiopian Air Force who provided information for this profile, many of whom spoke on condition of anonymity.
Ethiopia’s Sudan Calculus: Beyond Bystander, Toward Strategic Survival
By Hayyuu Oromia
Feature Commentary
In the discourse surrounding Ethiopia’s engagement in the Sudanese conflict, a curious expectation has taken root—one that presumes Addis Ababa should somehow transcend the very logic of statecraft that every other regional actor employs without apology.
Egypt maneuvers. The United Arab Emirates projects power. Saudi Arabia calibrates. Turkey expands. Qatar hedges. All pursue their interests with the unembarrassed clarity that sovereign states have always done. Yet when Ethiopia—a nation sharing 744 kilometers of border with Sudan, hosting hundreds of thousands of its refugees, and dependent upon stable transit corridors through its territory—dares to act in its own defense, a chorus of disapproval arises.
This double standard is not merely unjust. It is strategically naïve.
The Geography of Vulnerability
Let us state plainly what diplomatic language often obscures: Ethiopia cannot afford to be a bystander in Sudan. Not because of ideological affinity with any faction. Not because of adventurism. Not because of a governing party’s foreign policy vanity.
Because geography has already decided otherwise.
When Sudan burns, the flames do not stop at the border. They leap. They travel along ancient trading routes, through porous boundaries that no government on either side has ever fully controlled, into the ethnic borderlands where kinship ties defy colonial cartography. They arrive in the form of automatic weapons flowing into regions already wrestling with internal tensions. They arrive as refugee surges that strain already limited resources. They arrive as disrupted trade corridors upon which Ethiopian businesses and consumers depend.
Egypt does not share a border with Sudan. Its cities will not receive Sudanese refugees. Its farmers will not lose access to Port Sudan. Its traders will not watch their goods stranded at border crossings.
Ethiopia will. Ethiopia does. Ethiopia has.
The Egyptian Calculus
To speak of Ethiopia’s engagement in Sudan without referencing Egypt’s extensive involvement is to analyze a chess game while ignoring one player’s moves entirely.
Cairo has not been neutral. It has not been passive. It has not been a disinterested mediator seeking only Sudanese welfare. Egypt has actively cultivated relationships with specific Sudanese armed factions, provided political cover for certain actors in regional forums, and framed its engagement as protective of its own red lines—the most significant being the preservation of its historical dominance over Nile waters.
This is not an accusation. It is an observation of normal state behavior. Egypt, like any sovereign nation, pursues its perceived strategic interests. The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam represents a fundamental shift in the region’s hydro-political balance. It would be extraordinary—indeed, irresponsible from Cairo’s perspective—if Egypt did not seek to offset this shift wherever possible.
Sudan has become an arena for that effort.
The question, then, is not whether Ethiopia should be present in Sudanese affairs. The question is whether Ethiopia can afford to be absent while its primary regional competitor works actively to shape outcomes that will directly affect Ethiopian security, economy, and water interests for generations.
The Luxury of Abstraction
Critics of Ethiopia’s Sudan policy often deploy a peculiar rhetorical maneuver. They concede that Ethiopia has legitimate interests. They acknowledge that other actors are deeply involved. They may even admit that Cairo’s activities are not purely altruistic.
And then they pivot to demand that Ethiopia nevertheless behave as though these facts did not exist—as though moral suasion were a substitute for strategic positioning, as though abstention were a viable posture in a region defined by zero-sum competition.
This is not principled foreign policy analysis. It is the luxury of abstraction available only to those who do not bear direct responsibility for national security.
Ethiopia’s policymakers do not have that luxury. They cannot instruct the military not to monitor border developments. They cannot tell intelligence services to ignore foreign powers cultivating relationships with armed groups along Ethiopian frontiers. They cannot inform the foreign ministry that diplomatic engagement with Sudanese stakeholders is somehow beneath Ethiopian dignity.
These are not policy choices. They are existential imperatives.
What Strategy Is, and Is Not
To argue that Ethiopia must be engaged in Sudan is not to endorse every specific action taken by Ethiopian officials. Strategy can be well-executed or poorly executed. Tactics can be effective or counterproductive. Decisions about which actors to engage, what pressure points to employ, and how to calibrate public and private messaging are all legitimate subjects of critique.
But critique requires an alternative framework. It must answer certain questions:
What would Ethiopian non-involvement actually look like? Complete diplomatic withdrawal? Termination of engagement with Sudanese stakeholders? Silence in regional forums while other states shape narratives and outcomes favorable to themselves?
And what would be the consequence of such withdrawal? Would Sudan become more stable? Would Ethiopian interests be better protected? Would Egypt reduce its own engagement out of reciprocal restraint?
The answers write themselves.
Survival, Not Adventurism
There is a word for a state that observes regional instability affecting its core interests and chooses deliberate inaction: it is not virtuous. It is not principled. It is not strategically sophisticated.
It is a failed state.
Ethiopia has endured enough decades of weakness, enough periods when others made decisions on its behalf, enough moments when its voice was absent from conversations determining its own fate. The current government, whatever its domestic shortcomings, has demonstrated a consistent refusal to return to that posture.
This refusal is not driven by ideological affinity with any Sudanese faction. It is not motivated by expansionist ambition. It is not evidence of some supposed Abiy Doctrine of regional interventionism.
It is survival.
The same survival instinct that led every Ethiopian government since Menelik to seek access to the sea. The same survival instinct that impelled successive administrations to pursue equitable utilization of the Nile. The same survival instinct that has kept Ethiopia engaged with its neighbors through every political transition, every change of ideology, every shift from empire to republic to federal democracy.
The Continuity Beneath Change
Governments change. Parties rise and fall. Personalities dominate headlines and then recede from memory. But Ethiopia’s strategic geography remains stubbornly constant.
The same Nile that concerned Emperor Tewodros concerns Prime Minister Abiy. The same borderlands that worried Emperor Haile Selassie worry the current National Security Council. The same imperative to prevent hostile powers from dominating Ethiopia’s periphery that animated Derg foreign policy animates EPRDF and PP administrations alike.
This continuity is not evidence of ideological capture. It is evidence of reality—unyielding, indifferent to political fashion, unforgiving of strategic negligence.
Critics who conflate temporary partisan grievances with permanent national interests may achieve emotional satisfaction. They may generate applause in certain forums. They may even convince themselves that their opposition to a particular government constitutes enlightened statesmanship.
But they do not thereby absolve themselves of the responsibility to distinguish between the party in power and the state itself. They do not exempt themselves from the obligation to think seriously about Ethiopia’s enduring strategic requirements.
And they do not alter the fundamental fact that Ethiopia—like Egypt, like every other regional state—will continue to pursue its interests in Sudan and beyond, because the alternative is not moral purity.
The alternative is strategic suicide.
Beyond the Current Moment
The Sudanese conflict will eventually resolve, as all conflicts do. The configuration of power in Khartoum will shift. Egypt will continue its engagement. Other external actors will come and go. The headlines will move elsewhere.
But Ethiopia will remain. Its geography will not change. Its fundamental interests will persist. Its need to engage with its neighbors—to protect its people, secure its economy, and defend its sovereignty—will outlast any single administration, any particular policy, any contemporary debate.
The question facing Ethiopia’s political class is not whether to support or oppose the current government’s Sudan policy. It is whether they can develop the strategic literacy to distinguish between contingent political disagreements and permanent national necessities.
Thus far, the evidence is not encouraging. But necessity, as they say, is a harsh teacher.
And Ethiopia’s geography is not finished instructing.
Dhagaa Baabbilee: Nature’s Marvel Beckons Tourists to Eastern Hararghe
Oromia, Babille— Rising majestically from the rugged landscape of Eastern Hararghe Zone, the extraordinary rock formation known as Dhagaa Baabbilee stands as one of Ethiopia’s most remarkable natural wonders, offering visitors an unforgettable encounter with geological history.
Located just five kilometers from the town of Babile and approximately 40 kilometers from the ancient walled city of Harar, this fascinating volcanic rock structure is easily accessible to both domestic and international tourists seeking authentic natural experiences. The site, situated in an area locally called Dakkata, presents visitors with a stunning visual spectacle that has captivated travelers, photographers, and nature enthusiasts alike.
A Testament to Volcanic Origins
Dhagaa Baabbilee’s distinctive shape tells a story millions of years in the making. Geological experts attribute its unusual formation to ancient volcanic activity that shaped the region’s topography. Unlike typical rock formations found elsewhere in the country, these particular monoliths stand in remarkably preserved forms, their peculiar contours defying conventional expectations of natural rock structures.
Standing prominently along the roadside, the formation offers convenient viewing opportunities without requiring strenuous hiking or specialized equipment. Visitors can simply park and witness this geological masterpiece up close, making it an ideal stop for travelers journeying between Harar and Babile.
Photographer’s Paradise
For photography enthusiasts and social media content creators, Dhagaa Baabbilee presents an unparalleled backdrop. The interplay of light and shadow across the volcanic rock faces during golden hours creates dramatic compositions that have made the site increasingly popular among Ethiopia’s growing community of nature photographers.
“The way these rocks catch the morning light is simply magical,” observed Tadesse Alemu, a frequent visitor from Harar. “Every visit offers a different perspective, a new angle to appreciate.”
Gateway to Greater Exploration
The Dakkata Valley, stretching from Harar to Funyaan Bira, features an entire landscape dotted with similar volcanic formations, creating what tourism experts describe as an underutilized geological corridor with tremendous potential for adventure tourism, educational field trips, and scientific research.
Unlike many tourist destinations that offer only recreational value, Dhagaa Baabbilee serves multiple purposes. Its accessibility makes it suitable for school excursions focusing on geography and natural sciences, while history researchers find value in understanding how such formations have influenced human settlement patterns in the region.
Untapped Tourism Potential
Despite its proximity to Harar—a UNESCO-recognized heritage site that attracts thousands of international visitors annually—Dhagaa Baabbilee remains relatively unknown outside the immediate region. Local tourism stakeholders are now advocating for greater promotional efforts to integrate this natural attraction into existing tourist circuits.
“We have this magnificent resource practically at our doorstep, yet many visitors to Harar leave without knowing it exists,” said Mulugeta Tesfaye, a tourism operator based in Babile. “The potential here is enormous—for local job creation, for community development, and for diversifying Ethiopia’s tourism offerings beyond the northern circuit.”
An Invitation to Discover
As Ethiopia’s tourism sector continues recovering and expanding, destinations like Dhagaa Baabbilee represent opportunities to showcase the country’s lesser-known natural heritage. The site embodies the geological diversity that makes the Horn of Africa region scientifically significant while offering accessible adventure for casual travelers.
“We invite everyone—whether you’re a researcher seeking to understand our geological history, a photographer chasing that perfect shot, or simply someone who appreciates the extraordinary beauty of nature,” said community representative Amina Ibrahim. “Come, visit Dhagaa Baabbilee, witness this wonder of Oromia’s natural heritage, and take pride with us in this magnificent gift of nature.”
As sunset paints the volcanic rocks in shades of amber and crimson, visitors to Dhagaa Baabbilee experience what local guides describe as “the moment when stone and sky become one”—a fitting metaphor for a place where Ethiopia’s ancient geological past meets its promising tourism future.
Advocacy for Oromia 