Building a New Life: A Guide to Support for Oromo Asylum Seekers in Victoria

By Dhabessa Wakjira

MELBOURNE, VICTORIA – The decision to leave one’s homeland is never easy. For many Oromo people, it has meant fleeing persecution, violence, and the impossible choice between staying and surviving . Arriving in Australia as an asylum seeker brings a new set of challenges—unfamiliar systems, language barriers, and the uncertainty of your legal status .

But you are not alone.

In Victoria, a range of services are specifically designed to support asylum seekers. From community organisations that speak your language to government programs that offer training and legal assistance, help is available at every step of your journey .


The First Step: Connecting with Your Community

For Oromo asylum seekers, the most important first step is often connecting with community organisations that understand your culture, language, and lived experience .

The Oromo Community in Melbourne Inc. (OCM)

Established specifically to support the Oromo diaspora in Victoria, OCM provides refugee settlement support—assisting new Oromo refugees with housing, healthcare, and employment . They work in partnership with organisations like the Migrant Resource Centre and the Department of Immigration to address the unique challenges Oromo refugees face .

For many, OCM is the first point of contact. It offers a safe space to celebrate Oromo culture, history, and language without fear of persecution .

Advocacy for Oromia Association (A4O)

Since 2014, A4O has been dedicated to supporting and empowering disadvantaged Oromo individuals and families in Victoria . Their mission is to ensure that the voices of the Oromo community are heard by relevant authorities .

What A4O offers :

  • Free, independent advocacy to help you resolve issues related to housing, healthcare, employment, and legal matters
  • Settlement assistance including orientation programs and access to essential services
  • Culturally sensitive support designed to help refugees integrate into Australian society
  • Information about your civil and human rights

The Australian Oromo Community Association in Victoria (AOCAV)

Established in 1984, AOCAV is another key non-profit organisation dedicated to supporting, uniting, and empowering Oromo people residing in Australia . It provides vital resources and support for new arrivals, assisting them with settlement, education, and employment to ensure a smooth transition into Australian society . AOCAV also advocates for the rights and interests of the Oromo community at local, state, and national levels, serving as a bridge between the Oromo community and the wider Australian community .


Legal Assistance: Navigating the Visa Process

For asylum seekers, legal status is often the most pressing concern. Victoria offers a comprehensive network of legal support.

Victoria Legal Aid (VLA)

VLA provides free legal assistance for asylum seekers, including representation before the Administrative Review Tribunal (ART) for protection visa appeals . The new ART—established in October 2024—has replaced the former Immigration Assessment Authority and now gives all asylum seekers the right to a full merits review of their cases .

Key support from VLA :

  • Legal representation for protection visa appeals
  • Assistance with judicial review in Federal courts
  • Trauma-informed legal services that understand the experiences of asylum seekers

Data shows that asylum seekers who are legally represented are seven times more likely to receive a positive outcome at the Tribunal . In 90 per cent of VLA’s protection visa matters, they saw positive outcomes including decisions being overturned .

Contact VLA :

  • Legal Help phoneline: 1300 792 387 (Monday to Friday, 8 am–6 pm)
  • Protection visa assistance email: PVAssistance@vla.vic.gov.au
  • You can ask for an interpreter

Refugee Legal

Refugee Legal is a community legal centre that has specialised in refugee and immigration law for over 28 years . They provide free legal advice and representation to asylum seekers, refugees, and disadvantaged migrants in the community and in immigration detention . They assisted more than 12,500 people last year alone .

Status Resolution Support Services (SRSS)

The SRSS program provides support to people living in Australia while their protection visa application is being processed . This includes financial assistance and support services through providers like Settlement Services International (SSI) and Life Without Barriers .


Healthcare: Accessing Medical Support

Accessing healthcare as an asylum seeker can be complex, but Victoria has specialised services to meet your needs.

Refugee Health Services

  • The Royal Melbourne Hospital – Refugee Health: Provides specialist care for adult immigrants and refugees, including those who are not eligible for Medicare
  • Monash Health – Refugee Health and Wellbeing: Provides comprehensive primary care together with tertiary services including infectious diseases, paediatrics, and psychiatry
  • The Royal Children’s Hospital – Immigrant Health Service: Offers free specialist care for children and young people who arrived as refugees, including those without Medicare

The Asylum Seeker Resource Centre (ASRC) – Health Service

The ASRC offers casework, counselling, and general access to wider support programs . It is one of the most comprehensive support organisations for asylum seekers in Victoria .

Specialised Mental Health Support

Foundation House provides specialised counselling for torture and trauma, including individual and family support, group programs, and complementary therapies . They operate across six metro sites and in partnership with agencies in regional Victoria . The Victorian Government continues to support Foundation House to deliver these trauma-informed programs .


Education and Training: Building Skills for the Future

Victoria offers subsidised training programs for asylum seekers to help them build new careers and contribute to their new communities .

Asylum Seeker VET Program

The Victorian Government has invested $3 million to extend the Asylum Seeker VET program, which provides access to vocational training for refugees and asylum seekers .

Popular courses include :

  • Childcare
  • Community and disability services
  • Nursing and allied health

Since 2024, more than 950 asylum seekers have been supported to study at TAFE through this program . The program is delivered in partnership with the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre (ASRC), which provides wraparound support and follow-up services .

Reconnect Program

The Reconnect program supports people who are not engaged in education, employment, or training—including asylum seekers . With $48 million in funding extended for another four years, the program provides one-on-one wraparound support including :

  • Counselling and mentoring
  • Housing support
  • Education opportunities
  • Health and wellbeing services
  • Foundation and employability skills

Since 2016, the program has helped thousands of people move into further study, training, or employment .

AMES Australia

AMES Australia provides settlement services to refugees, including meeting new arrivals at the airport, providing safe and secure accommodation, and offering English and vocational courses . In the 2024-25 financial year, AMES helped more than 1,500 migrants and refugees find sustainable employment and supported more than 200 refugees to start their own businesses .


Government Support and Commitment

Victoria welcomes between 4,000 and 6,000 refugees every year . The Victorian Government has committed over $20 million in programs through the 2025–26 budget to support refugee communities . This includes $3.6 million over two years to support regional organisations to deliver settlement supports and $7.6 million to protect vulnerable workers, along with over $56 million through the education portfolio for English as an additional language classes .


Practical Steps for Oromo Asylum Seekers in Victoria

  1. Reach out to your community – Contact OCM, A4O, or AOCAV. They understand your culture and can guide you through your first steps.
  2. Seek legal advice – Contact Victoria Legal Aid or Refugee Legal if your protection visa has been refused or you need legal representation.
  3. Access healthcare – Visit one of Victoria’s specialised refugee health services, including The Royal Melbourne Hospital – Refugee Health or the ASRC Health Service.
  4. Explore education and training – Ask about the Asylum Seeker VET program or AMES Australia courses to build skills and start a career in Victoria.
  5. Consider mental health support – Foundation House provides specialised counselling for torture and trauma, free of charge.

Key Contacts

ServiceContact
Advocacy for Oromia (A4O)info@advocacy4oromia.org
Victoria Legal Aid1300 792 387
Refugee Legalhttp://www.refugeelegal.org.au
Asylum Seeker Resource Centre (ASRC)http://www.asrc.org.au
Foundation House (Mental Health)Specialised torture and trauma counselling
The Royal Melbourne Hospital – Refugee HealthSpecialist care for adult asylum seekers

Sources: Advocacy for Oromia, Victoria Legal Aid, Refugee Legal, Asylum Seeker Resource Centre, Foundation House, AMES Australia, Parliament of Victoria.


Disclaimer: This article provides a general guide only. Readers should not act on the basis of any material without getting legal advice about their own particular situations .

#Oromo #AsylumSeekers #Victoria #RefugeeSupport #SettlementServices #CommunitySupport

Navigating the Path to Healing: A Guide to Drug and Alcohol Support for Oromos in Victoria

By Dhabessa Wakjira

MELBOURNE, VICTORIA – For members of the Oromo community in Victoria, the journey of settlement in a new country is often marked by resilience, hope, and hard work. However, it can also come with unique challenges that may, for some, lead to problematic alcohol and other drug (AOD) use. The transition to a new culture, coupled with experiences of trauma, grief, and social isolation, can create significant vulnerability .

The good news is that help is available. While accessing support can be daunting due to language barriers, cultural stigma, and a system that hasn’t always felt welcoming, a growing network of services is working to become more accessible and culturally safe for Victoria’s diverse communities. This guide provides a starting point for Oromo families seeking help.

Why Accessing Help Can Be Harder

Acknowledging the barriers is the first step to overcoming them. Members of migrant and refugee communities, including Oromos, are significantly underrepresented in AOD services. In Victoria, 95% of those seeking help speak English as their first language, indicating that the system often does not feel accessible to those who don’t .

Common obstacles include :

  • Stigma and Shame: In many communities, substance use is seen as a sign of weakness that damages family reputation, making it difficult to seek help openly.
  • Language Barriers: There are limited AOD resources available in languages other than English.
  • Cultural Disconnection: Services can feel too “Angiocentric” and may not cater to cultural practices and norms.
  • Fear and Distrust: Concerns about confidentiality and fear of authorities can prevent people from coming forward.

Where to Start: Immediate and Confidential Support

If you or someone you care about needs help right now, these services are confidential, available 24/7, and free. They are the best first point of contact .

  • DirectLine is a 24-hour telephone service providing immediate, confidential counselling, information, and referral to treatment services. You can call 1800 888 236 at any time and ask for an interpreter .
  • Counselling Online offers free, confidential, professional online counselling about alcohol or drug-related issues, available 24/7 .

Finding Culturally Appropriate Support

The Victorian Government requires all funded AOD services to provide a culturally safe environment . While culturally tailored services are still limited, some dedicated programs exist.

  • Muslim Youth, Adult & Families (MYAF) Program
    This federally-funded program is specifically designed to support individuals and families from the Islamic community . It is based in Glenroy and offers:
    • AOD counselling (face-to-face, telephone, and outreach)
    • Assessment and referral to withdrawal and rehabilitation programs
    • Family support workers providing practical help and education
    • Youth AOD outreach for young people aged 15–24
    • Male and female specific support groups
    Contact: 9078 3840 | 831 Pascoe Vale Rd, Glenroy VIC 3046 .
  • Step Thru Care (STC)
    This is a new integrated Mental Health and AOD support service being delivered across western Victoria. It is designed to be accessible to priority groups, including people from Culturally and Linguistically Diverse (CALD) backgrounds . The program does not require a Mental Health Care Treatment Plan to access support .

Practical Steps Forward

If you know someone struggling with alcohol or drugs, here is a path forward :

  1. Start with DirectLine: Call 1800 888 236. It is confidential, available 24/7, and they can connect you with services in your area. You can ask for an interpreter.
  2. Reach out to Community Organisations: Contact the Australian Oromo Community Association in Victoria Inc. or the Advocacy for Oromia Association. They may be able to connect you with culturally appropriate support or advocate on your behalf .
  3. Consider Step Thru Care if you are in western Victoria. This service does not require a referral .
  4. If you are from the Islamic community, contact MYAF for tailored counselling in a culturally safe environment .
  5. Seek mental health support if needed. Alcohol and drug issues are often linked to trauma. Organisations like Foundation House provide specialised counselling for torture and trauma .

A Statewide Commitment to Change

On a broader scale, the Victorian Government has committed to a $95 million Statewide Action Plan and launched the Victorian Alcohol and Other Drugs Strategy 2025-35 . This ten-year plan aims to build a more compassionate, coordinated, and connected system with a health-led approach . Key priorities include making services easier to access, strengthening harm reduction, and ensuring culturally safe care .

This commitment is leading to practical changes, such as funding for community health services to expand pharmacotherapy (medication-assisted treatment) for opioid dependence, making it available to an additional 1,500 Victorians . It also focuses on improving coordination across mental health, housing, and justice services to provide holistic support .

Remember: You Are Not Alone

The Victorian AOD system supports around 40,000 people each year . Substance use is a health issue, and seeking help is a sign of strength, not weakness . With the support available, healing is possible.

The Silence That Betrays: Why Speaking Out Is the First Step Toward Justice

Remaining silent in the face of oppression does not keep the peace—it perpetuates the harm.


There is a moment that comes to every society, every community, every workplace, every family. It is the moment when something unjust happens, and we are faced with a choice: speak or stay silent.

All too often, we choose silence. We tell ourselves it is not our place. We fear the consequences. We hope someone else will step forward. We convince ourselves that if we just keep our heads down, the storm will pass.

But the storm never passes. It only grows.

“Remaining silent like sheep is the source of our problems.”

These words cut to the heart of a painful truth. Silence—passive, obedient, fearful silence—is not neutrality. It is complicity. And it has allowed countless injustices to flourish unchecked.


The High Cost of Silence

History is written in the blood of those who were silenced and those who chose silence.

When neighbours turned a blind eye to persecution, whole communities were destroyed. When colleagues remained quiet about harassment, victims suffered in isolation. When citizens refused to speak against corruption, entire nations were plundered.

Silence does not protect the vulnerable—it abandons them.

Consider the workplace where bullying is dismissed as “personality clashes.” The employee who is unfairly passed over for promotion but fears speaking up. The team that knows about unethical practices but says nothing because “it’s not my problem.”

Each silence is a brick in the wall of injustice. And brick by brick, we build a prison for ourselves and for others.


When Falsehoods Become Weapons

“Failing to respond to those who are oppressing people with falsehoods is turning many just people into victims.”

Oppression rarely announces itself with a bang. It creeps in quietly, disguised as convenience, tradition, or even common sense. And it is almost always accompanied by lies.

The lie that “they are not like us.”
The lie that “they deserved it.”
The lie that “there is nothing we can do.”
The lie that “this is just how things are.”

Falsehoods are the fuel of oppression. They dehumanise the victim and numb the conscience of the bystander. When we fail to challenge these falsehoods, we allow them to take root and grow. We allow the oppressor to rewrite reality—and in doing so, we become accomplices to the very injustice we claim to abhor.

Every time we remain silent when a lie is told, we give it power. Every time we look away when an innocent person is attacked, we become part of the attack.


The Courage to Speak

Speaking out is never easy. It requires courage, conviction, and a willingness to pay a price.

Those who speak truth to power are often punished. They are called troublemakers, agitators, or traitors. They lose friends, jobs, and sometimes their freedom. The path of the whistleblower, the activist, the truth-teller is never smooth.

But the alternative is worse.

For every person who speaks out, there are countless others who draw strength from their example. One voice can break the spell of silence. One act of courage can inspire a movement. One truth, spoken clearly and without apology, can shatter a system of lies.


What Speaking Out Looks Like

Speaking out does not always mean standing on a podium or leading a protest. It can take many forms:

  • In the workplace: Refusing to participate in unethical practices and reporting misconduct through proper channels.
  • In the community: Challenging discriminatory remarks and standing up for those who are marginalised.
  • In the family: Breaking cycles of abuse or silence and creating space for honest conversations.
  • In daily life: Refusing to laugh at hurtful jokes, questioning assumptions, and refusing to accept injustice as normal.

Small acts of courage, multiplied across thousands of people, can change the world.


A Biblical Warning and a Moral Call

The metaphor of sheep is a powerful one. Sheep are gentle, but they are also passive. They follow without questioning. They are led to slaughter without resistance.

But we are not sheep. We are human beings, endowed with reason, conscience, and the capacity for moral choice. We have a responsibility—to ourselves, to each other, and to future generations—to use our voices for good.

The prophet Isaiah spoke of a time when “the people shall be oppressed, every one by another, and every one by his neighbour.” The remedy, then as now, is not silence. It is the courage to speak truth, to defend the vulnerable, and to refuse to bow to injustice.


The Ripple Effect of Speaking Out

When one person speaks out, something remarkable happens. Others who were silent find their voice. Those who were isolated find solidarity. Those who were afraid find courage.

The civil rights movement was built on the voices of those who refused to stay silent. The fight for women’s suffrage, for LGBTQ+ rights, for environmental justice, for freedom from tyranny—all of it began with someone saying, “No more.”

Each of us has a sphere of influence—our family, our workplace, our community, our nation. Within that sphere, our voice matters. What we say—or don’t say—shapes the world around us.


Breaking the Silence

If you have been silent, it is not too late to speak. If you have looked away, it is not too late to turn back. If you have ignored injustice, it is not too late to act.

Start small. Speak up for a colleague who is being treated unfairly. Challenge a friend who makes a racist remark. Report misconduct at work. Support a cause that defends the vulnerable. Write a letter, make a call, sign a petition.

And when you feel the weight of fear pressing down on you, remember this: the cost of silence is always greater than the cost of speaking out.


A Call to Action

“Remaining silent like sheep is the source of our problems. Failing to respond to those who are oppressing people with falsehoods is turning many just people into victims.”

These are not just words—they are a warning and a call. A warning that passivity has consequences. A call to rise, to speak, and to act.

The world does not change by accident. It changes because ordinary people refuse to accept the unacceptable. It changes because someone, somewhere, decides that silence is no longer an option.

Will you be that someone?


In the end, the question is not whether you speak. The question is whether you can live with yourself if you don’t.


Take a stand. Break the silence. Be the voice that others need to hear.

When Home Doesn’t Feel Like Home: The Quiet Struggle of Multicultural Seniors

For many older Australians from multicultural backgrounds, the decision to seek aged care isn’t about pride—it’s about feeling understood.


Elena* came to Australia from Greece in the 1960s. Now in her eighties, she lives alone in the Melbourne suburb where she raised her children. Her daughter Maria visits weekly, bringing groceries and checking that her mother has taken her medication. Lately, Maria has noticed changes—a forgotten appointment, a bruise from a fall that Elena dismisses as nothing.

When Maria suggested aged care support, Elena’s response was immediate: “I don’t need strangers coming into my home.”

It’s a familiar story. Many older Australians from multicultural backgrounds don’t access aged care support—not because it isn’t available, but because it doesn’t feel made for them. The system can seem foreign, the forms overwhelming, and the idea of a stranger providing personal care feels deeply uncomfortable when culture dictates that family should be the ones to help.


A Gradual Shift Families Struggle to Name

Families supporting older loved ones often describe the same experience: a gradual shift they weren’t sure how to name. A parent becoming more forgetful. A decline in mobility that makes stairs dangerous. A growing isolation as friends move away or pass on.

“For a long time, we just thought Mum was getting older,” says Maria. “It was only when the doctor pointed out the signs that we realised she needed more help than we could give her.”

But even then, the question remained: where to start?


The Support at Home Program: Meeting People Before Things Become Urgent

The Australian Government’s Support at Home program is designed to meet people at that moment—before things become urgent. Launched on 1 November 2025 as part of the new Aged Care Act 2024, the program replaces the former Home Care Package program with a simplified system that makes it easier for older Australians to get help to live safely and independently at home .

Support can include:

  • Personal care such as showering, dressing, and grooming
  • Domestic assistance including cleaning, laundry, and gardening
  • Transport to shopping, banking, and medical appointments
  • Allied health services like physiotherapy and podiatry
  • Assistive technology and home modifications for safer living
  • Social support to reduce isolation and maintain community connections

But for multicultural communities, accessing these services often means navigating more than just paperwork—it means finding someone who speaks their language and respects their culture.


The AMCS Difference: Care That Feels Like Home

This is where the Australian Multicultural Community Services (AMCS) steps in. For over 40 years, AMCS has been providing culturally appropriate care to seniors from diverse backgrounds across Melbourne and Geelong .

Founded in 1983 as the Australian Polish Community Services by visionary leaders who saw an urgent need for support services, the organisation has evolved significantly . It changed its name to Australian Multicultural Community Services in 2009, extending its reach to all multicultural communities .

Today, AMCS employs staff from more than 50 countries of origin who speak over 45 languages . This linguistic and cultural diversity is not incidental—it’s fundamental to how they deliver care.

“As a multicultural organisation, we understand that culture is more than just the language we speak,” says Maryanne Tadic, CEO of AMCS. “It’s in our rituals, our gestures, our celebrations, our food and shared experiences” .


Finding the Words: Breaking Down Language Barriers

For many families, the first barrier is language. Government resources like My Aged Care are available, but navigating the system can be daunting, especially when English isn’t your first language .

AMCS helps bridge this gap. Their staff guide families through the process from start to finish—identifying needs, understanding assessments, and making referrals . As one client shared:

“Amazing support for my mother and myself as a carer. With the help of the program, we were able to access the support we required, and we were not even aware that it was available. It really made a difference to us.”


More Than Just Services: Building Community

Beyond practical support, AMCS also addresses a less visible but equally important need: social connection.

Through group social support programs, community outings, and cultural celebrations, seniors have the opportunity to connect with others who share their background . For many, this is as valuable as the practical care they receive.

The organisation’s new Millenium House Community Centre, a $7 million renovation of a former Polish community centre in Melbourne’s west, will serve as a multicultural hub and events venue, continuing the legacy of community connection .

For those living with dementia, AMCS also provides free Multicultural Dementia Care and Support Centres in Melbourne and Geelong, offering culturally targeted activities, peer support, and wellbeing checks .


Starting the Conversation

If you’re working with families navigating these challenges, or if you know someone who could benefit, the first step is often the hardest. But it can be as simple as a phone call.

AMCS welcomes conversations with families and community members. Their team can help identify needs, explain the Support at Home program, and connect people with services that respect their language, culture, and personal preferences.

Call (03) 9689 9170 or visit http://www.amcservices.org.au


It’s never too early to start the conversation. Because for the Elena’s of our community, home should always feel like home.


*Name changed for privacy.


This story is published in partnership with the Australian Multicultural Community Services, a not-for-profit organisation dedicated to supporting older Australians from multicultural backgrounds to live independently at home.

Maaramee Harqaa: The Voice of Resistance, The Soul of Oromia

By Zelalem Tadesse Duressa
Senior Broadcast Journalist, Nairobi, BBC Afaan Oromoo


“Fo’ii loli… goonni haa baruudu…”
(“Fight, fight… let the cowards learn…”)

When Maaramee Harqaa sang these words, she wasn’t just performing—she was summoning a people to awakening. Her voice, sharp as a blade yet tender as a mother’s embrace, cut through the silence of oppression and gave language to a generation’s longing for freedom.


The Songstress Who Became a Symbol

To the Oromo people, Maaramee Harqaa Kaasaa is not merely a singer or a teacher. She is memory incarnate—a woman whose life became inextricably woven into the fabric of Oromo resistance. Those who knew her speak of her with a reverence reserved for ancestors: “Bilisummaan tola hin dhufu” (Freedom does not come for free)—one of her most famous refrains—remains etched in the collective consciousness of a people who have long known the weight of subjugation.

But who was Maaramee Harqaa, truly?


Roots in Wallagga

Born in the late 1950s in Qeejjoo, a village in Gobbuu Sayyoo district, eastern Wallagga, Maaramee entered the world as the daughter of Harqaa Kaasaa and Geexee Baloo. She was the only daughter among five brothers—a position that might have made her soft, but instead forged in her an unyielding spirit.

From childhood, those around her recognized something extraordinary. According to Baqqalaa Warquu, author of “The History of Oromo Women Fighters,” Maaramee was “a truth-teller who could not tolerate injustice, who could not be silent in the face of wrongdoing.” She was, in every sense, faaya Oromoo—the pride and ornament of her people.

Her education began at the first-grade level in Baakkoo, continued in Amboo, and culminated at Dabra Birhaan Teachers’ Training Institute (TTI). Upon completing her training, she returned to Amboo and the surrounding Awwaaro area, where she devoted herself to teaching.


The Teacher Who Became a Revolutionary

But Maaramee was never merely a teacher. Even as she stood before her students, she was organizing, mobilizing, and awakening. During the Derg regime, she became a member of the ABO (Adeemsa Bilisummaa Oromoo—the Oromo Liberation Front’s predecessor organization). Her classroom became a site of consciousness-raising; her lessons extended beyond textbooks into the realm of political awakening.

“She was particularly active in the struggle to teach the Oromo alphabet (qubee),” writes Baqqalaa. “She called countless young women into the field of education, transforming them from passive subjects into active agents of change.”

Alongside other iconic Oromo women fighters like Ilfinash Qannoo and Angaatuu Baalchaa, Maaramee immersed herself in the cultural and political resistance of her people. Through poetry, song, and unwavering activism, she became a pillar of the movement.


Exile and Resilience

When the Oromo Liberation Front withdrew from the transitional government in 1984, pressure mounted on Maaramee. The authorities intensified their surveillance, and she was forced to flee to Finfinne (Addis Ababa). Even there, however, she found no peace—the regime continued its pursuit.

Eventually, she left formal teaching and joined the Oromo Relief Association (ORA), a humanitarian organization that allowed her to continue serving her people while navigating the treacherous political landscape.


Love and Loss

It was during her years of struggle that Maaramee met Jifaara Qarneessaa—a man described as strong, historically conscious, and deeply moved by her passion and courage. Their union produced two children: Leellisee Jifaaraa and Gammachuu Jifaaraa.

But the revolution demanded its sacrifices. After her husband’s death, Maaramee was urged by a prominent woman from a fighting family to continue the struggle—to not retreat into private grief but to channel her sorrow into the collective cause. She listened.

When asked why her people suffered—“Maaf lafasaa dhaba? Maaf namasaa dhaba? Maaf gootasaa dhaba?” (Why do they have no land? Why do they have no dignity? Why do they have no strength?)—she found her answer in the faces of her children, her students, and her people. She rose, hardened, and fought with renewed vigor.


The Poet of Resistance

Maaramee’s literary legacy is profound. She became one of the first Oromo women to write extensively in the Oromo language (qubee), composing songs not only for herself but for other artists as well. Her songwriting bore the fingerprints of a scholar, a patriot, and a mother all at once.

Among her most famous lyrical moments is this haunting stanza:

Biyyoo biyya lafaa eenyut sirratti hafaa?
Du’a biyya lafaa eenyu irraa hafaa?
(Oh earth, who will remain upon you?
Who will remain after death upon this land?)

She sang these words for her deceased husband but they echoed far beyond personal grief. They became an anthem for a dispossessed nation.

Another powerful line from her recordings reveals her defiance in the face of mortality:

“Jabaatanii dhukkubaa fi du’arraa wal hin hanbifannu,
Dabareen kiyya na gahee hanga sibira gahuttii, nagaatti…”
(Let us not abandon one another to illness and death,
My beloved, stand by me until the end, in peace…)


Gundoo Booree: A Cultural Monument

Perhaps no contribution captures Maaramee’s genius better than her work on Gundoo Booree. This traditional Oromo song, deeply embedded in the culture of the Maccaa Oromo, particularly among the sons of Jaawwii, is performed during weddings and celebrations.

The song’s lyrics—playfully provocative, filled with mock rivalry and affection—became a vehicle for Maaramee to document and preserve Oromo cultural identity:

“Fuutuu… eenyu isheen dhuftee fuutu…”
(Come… who comes to take you?)

Young women, holding enamel cups, would sing this to challenge their male counterparts, their voices dripping with both pride and mockery. The playful confrontation masked deeper cultural commentary—about dignity, about possession, about who holds power in the dance of life.

When a young man fails to properly present the traditional cup, the women sing:

“Gundoo Booree… Dhiistee galta mooree?
Gundoo dhiigaa… Gurroo dhiiraa dhiistee galta mooree?”
(Gundoo Booree… Did you leave and come back?
Gundoo of blood… Did you leave the man’s son and return?)

Maaramee elevated this cultural treasure into written form, preserving it for posterity in her book, where it stood alongside histories, political commentaries, and explorations of Oromo ethics and customs.


Discography: The Voice in Four Albums

Maaramee Harqaa released four albums during her lifetime, each a testament to her range as an artist and her depth as a thinker.

Her first album, released in 1997 E.C. (2005 G.C.) under Zeddi Music Studio, contained ten tracks, including:

  • Boonaa warraa
  • Fandishee Alaa’ee
  • Asham Baabee
  • Ishoo loli yaa durbee
  • Hin booyin golloo
  • Qarree durbaa baali hin haadu
  • Bilisummaan tola hin dhufu (Freedom does not come free)
  • Harcumme yaa looyye
  • Si hin waamne yaa seesaa
  • Yaa Sharrittii koo

Her second album, released in 2000 E.C. (2008 G.C.) under Kiilolee Music Studio, also featured ten tracks:

  • Finfinnee
  • Kuufama kee yaa garaa
  • Geerarsa
  • Faaruu Oromiyaa
  • Ongololi
  • Falmadhu addooyyee
  • Yoona malee yoomiree

These songs remain alive in the hearts of Oromos across the diaspora, in refugee camps, in cities, and in the rural highlands where her voice still echoes.


The Price of Freedom

Maaramee’s life was not one of comfort. She was arrested, tortured, and forced to witness the suffering of her people firsthand. Yet she never wavered.

In 1995, after years of tireless struggle, illness finally claimed her. Surrounded by her memories and the songs she had composed, she departed this world—but not before securing her place in the eternal choir of Oromo resistance.


A Legacy Honored

In 2022, the Oromia Writers’ Association posthumously awarded Maaramee Harqaa the prestigious Gaaddisaa literary award. Though she was no longer physically present, the honor acknowledged what her people had always known:

Maaramee Harqaa was more than a singer. She was more than a teacher. She was a revolutionary, a cultural ambassador, and a mother to a nation.


The Land Remembers

Today, when Oromos gather at weddings and sing Gundoo Booree, when they murmur the lyrics of Bilisummaan tola hin dhufu, when they remember the price their ancestors paid, they are also remembering Maaramee.

Her voice—sharp with defiance, tender with love, and eternal in its call for justice—remains a compass for a people still navigating the storm toward freedom.


“Biyyoo biyya lafaa eenyut sirratti hafaa?”

Maaramee, the land remembers. The people remember. And as long as Oromo lips sing and Oromo hearts hope, your name will never fade.


Zelalem Tadesse Duressa is a Senior Broadcast Journalist based in Nairobi, BBC Afaan Oromoo, covering the Horn of Africa region.

The Lioness Queen of Africa: Reclaiming the Legacy of Aayyo Guddittii

She was called the “Lioness Queen of Africa” by the world, a figure of such power that she reshaped the political landscape of the Horn of Africa. To the Oromo people, she is known as Aayyo Guddittii Gaadi’aa—Grandmother of Wisdom, the Great Queen. To the dominant Ethiopian historical narrative, she is Yodit Gudit—a destroyer of churches and a rebellious woman. But who was she, and why is her story so contested?


A Figure Shrouded in Mystery

The personage known by multiple names—Gudit, Yodit, Isato, Aayyo Guddittii, Akoo Manooyee—is one of the most fascinating and controversial figures in Ethiopian history. If she is the same as Māsobā Wārq, the daughter of the last Aksumite king Dil Na’ad, she ruled in the 10th century and is said to have been responsible for laying waste to the Kingdom of Aksum and its countryside .

According to Oromo oral tradition, Aayyo Guddittii was not a destroyer but a liberator. She was born into the Bareentu branch of the Oromo, in the area of Asaboot (Ashaboo) in Hararge . The name “Asaboot” itself comes from the Arabic Aṣ-ṣaḥābah (“The Companions”), referring to companions of the Prophet Muhammad, and the town still exists today in the West Hararghe Zone of the Oromia Region . Her people were from the Azabo (Asabo) clan, a Cushitic Oromo group, known for their resistance and warrior traditions.

The Habesha (Amhara and Tigrayan) chronicles tell a different story. They describe Gudit as a rebellious woman—even a prostitute—who raised an army, invaded Aksum, and burned its palace and churches . She is portrayed as a monstrous figure, a “female gud or monster” . Her deeds are still cursed in the northern Ethiopian countryside. To this day, when stories are told of her violent misdeeds, they are recounted among peasants in the northern Ethiopian countryside .

But is this portrayal history—or propaganda?


The Rise of the Queen

In the 9th century, she mobilized an army, destroyed the ancient Kingdom of Aksum, and took power. She ruled for 40 years over a vast territory that included northern Ethiopia, ruling over both Oromo and Habesha subjects . This was a time when Aksum, once one of the four great civilizations of the world alongside Rome, Persia, India, and China, was in decline .

The reasons for her rise are disputed. One legend says she was stripped of her title as princess and became a prostitute to survive. After a priest stole a sacred artifact on her behalf, she was blamed and exiled. She married Prince Zenobis and together they invaded Aksum, where she destroyed the palace and churches . Another legend claims she was the granddaughter of Aksumite Emperor Wuden Asferé and that her motherland was Hahaylé in Tigré .

But Oromo tradition offers a different interpretation: she was a unifier, a leader who rose to challenge an oppressive empire and liberated her people. As one Oromo source puts it, “Oromo calls her the father of imperialism. Habesha said Yodit Gudi Abba Ire Wareertu and still cursing her” .


The Zagwe Dynasty: An Oromo Legacy

After her death, power passed to a dynasty that Oromo tradition calls Hidda-Zagwe—the Zagwe Dynasty. This dynasty ruled for 333 years, with 11 kings, and is recognized for building the famous rock-hewn churches of Lalibela .

The name “Zagwe” itself is contested. In Oromo, it is connected to Haagahu—a name derived from an Oromo tribe from the Gojjam region. The Habesha narrative has transformed this into “Agaw” or “Z-Agaw,” obscuring the Oromo origins of these rulers . The dynasty’s capital was Roha, later renamed Eddeessaa, and eventually Lalibela—a name that in Oromo means “Laali balaa” or “look at danger/see the threat,” referring to the defensive architecture of the churches .

The most famous of the Zagwe kings was Laalibala (Lalibela), who commissioned the eleven magnificent rock-hewn churches. According to both tradition and archaeological evidence, these churches were carved in the 12th and 13th centuries, in the mountainous region of Lasta in northern Ethiopia . The Zagwe dynasty is credited with preserving and spreading Orthodox Christianity, particularly into the southern regions of Gojjam and Shewa .

The 11 churches, including the iconic Church of Saint George (Biete Giorgis), were carved from a single block of stone. According to the Acts of Lalibela, the king built them in the likeness of what he had seen in a vision, with the help of both men and angels . The site became a major pilgrimage destination—a “New Jerusalem” for Ethiopian Christians .


The Erasure of Oromo History

The Zagwe dynasty’s rule ended in 1270 when the so-called “Solomonic Dynasty” was restored, claiming descent from King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. The new rulers launched a campaign of propaganda warfare against the Zagwe, labeling them as “alien and impious groups of adventurers” . The Kebrā Nāgäst (Glory of Kings) was used as a political gospel to delegitimize the Zagwe and justify Solomonic rule .

This anti-Zagwe propaganda deliberately obscured what is perhaps the richest and most artistic period of Ethiopian civilization since the conversion of Ezana . The Zagwe kings, who were of Agaw/Oromo heritage, had “preserved their linguistic identity and used Agaw outside the church,” making them linguistically different from the Amhara and Tigray elites—and thus easy to dismiss as “foreign” .

The obscurity of this period has been “further aggravated by both subjective and objective factors”—including “deliberate and concerted intrigue of the Solomonic elite and the clergy” .


Reclaiming the Legacy

Today, Oromo scholars and advocates are working to restore the true history of Aayyo Guddittii and the Zagwe dynasty. They argue that the deliberate distortion of this history has served to:

  1. Erase Oromo contributions to Ethiopian civilization, including the construction of the Lalibela churches and the spread of Christianity .
  2. Suppress Oromo identity by claiming that Oromo history begins only in the 16th century—a claim that is thoroughly debunked by linguistics and archaeology .
  3. Justify the dominance of Amhara and Tigrayan political elites over Oromo and other Cushitic peoples .

The Zagwe period, as one scholar notes, “laid the foundation for a multi-national unitary state.” They preserved “incalculable material and spiritual wealth from devastation” and initiated commercial and cultural links with other countries . Their “contribution to the survival and consolidation of Christianity is hardly acknowledged” .


The Story That Will Not Be Silenced

Aayyo Guddittii—whether called Gudit, Yodit, or the Lioness Queen of Africa—represents a powerful symbol of Oromo resistance. She challenges the dominant narrative that has portrayed Oromo people as latecomers to Ethiopian history, as “invaders” from the south.

The sources cited in this account, including the book “Eenyummaan Dhokate” (Hidden Identity) and “Bultoo Hubachiisaa” (The Informer) by Bulto Hubechi, argue that the Oromo people have been in the Horn of Africa for millennia, that they are central to the Christian heritage of Ethiopia, and that their history has been systematically stolen and distorted .


May the story of Aayyo Guddittii, the Lioness Queen, continue to inspire generations of Oromo people to reclaim their heritage, their history, and their identity. The truth, once buried, will always find a way to the surface.

“Bariisaa Newspaper is the Heart of the Oromo Struggle” – Father of Bariisaa

In the annals of Oromo media history, few names shine as brightly as that of Dr. Mahadii Hamid Mudee—known to millions simply as “Abbaa Bariisaa” (Father of Bariisaa). He is the founder of Bariisaa newspaper, a publication that became the heartbeat of Oromo cultural and political awakening.

For decades, Bariisaa has played an extraordinary role in elevating Oromo culture, language, and history. It has championed the rights of the Oromo people, defended their dignity, and brought their struggles into the light. Dr. Mahadii Hamid Mudee stands as a towering figure in this legacy—a scholar, activist, and journalist who dedicated his life to the Oromo cause without seeking personal gain.


The following is an exclusive interview with the man himself.


Bariisaa: Dr., let’s get acquainted. When and where were you born?

Abbaa Bariisaa: My birth name is Mahadii Hamid Mudee. Later, I became known as “Abbaa Bariisaa.” Some also call me “Abbaa Dikshinarii” (Father of the Dictionary). You may call me Dr. Mahadii or Abbaa Bariisaa.

I was born in 1942 in Eastern Oromia, West Hararge Zone, in the town of Chiro. My father is Obbo Hamid Mudee, and my mother is Aadde Hamiida Ahmad.


Bariisaa: Where did you complete your primary, secondary, and higher education?

Abbaa Bariisaa: Before joining modern schools, I studied at an Islamic religious school. I then entered the formal education system starting from Grade 3. I completed my primary and secondary education at “Dajjaazmaach Waldagabir” School in Chiro town.

At that time, students could skip grades based on performance—from first to third, then to the next level. I completed both primary and secondary school in just six years. For my higher education, I studied at Addis Ababa University for three years.

During my third year studying Physics at the university, I was assigned for practical training to North Gojjam Zone in Amhara Region, at “Negus Taklahaymanot” Secondary School in Dabra Maarkos.

The school refused to rent me a room because of my religion—I am Muslim. I spent three months living in a hotel while teaching. Because of this, I decided to leave the position. But they transferred my Physics colleague to Bahir Dar and sent me there instead.

At Bahir Dar, there were many students, and I taught double sessions—morning and afternoon. In the evenings, with no other work, I began preparing textbooks in Afaan Oromoo for the children. I taught there for two and a half years until the revolution of 1966 (Ethiopian calendar) erupted.


Bariisaa: How did you start preparing Bariisaa newspaper?

Abbaa Bariisaa: At that time, there were many newspapers in various languages—but none in Afaan Oromoo. The question “Why isn’t there a newspaper in Oromo?” constantly occupied my mind. From this reflection came the desire to start an Oromo-language newspaper.

Initially, I thought preparing and publishing a newspaper in Oromo would be simple. But when I got down to work, I realized it was extremely difficult. In 1964, I approached Dr. Tasefaye Gabre’igzii, then Minister of Information, and asked for permission to publish a newspaper in Oromo. He responded with anger: “How dare you come to my office asking to publish a newspaper in Oromo? Get out!” He kicked me out of his office. I left, burning with anger.

In 1966, Ahaduu Saaburee became Minister of Information. I approached him again. He didn’t refuse me as harshly as Dr. Tasefaye, but he also didn’t give me permission.

Then, in September 1966 (Ethiopian calendar), Haile Selassie was overthrown and the Derg came to power.

In 1967, Kumalaa Girmaay Yilmaa became Minister of Information. I went to him and requested permission to publish an Oromo newspaper. Unlike those who had insulted me, Kumalaa Girmaay listened. He said to me: “You have asked for two impossible things. First, a private individual cannot publish a newspaper. Second, publishing a newspaper in Oromo is not allowed. If you had asked to publish in another language, I would have given you permission today. I cannot authorize an Oromo newspaper, but you can try asking other officials.”


Bariisaa: How did you finally get permission?

Abbaa Bariisaa: At that time, I knew people like Luba Gudina Tumsa, his brother Baaroo Tumsa, and Obbo Leencoo Lataa. We discussed the matter and decided to approach someone who supported the Oromo cause—Colonel Takkaa Tulluu, an Oromo official in the Derg government.

Together with Baaroo Tumsa and Leencoo Lataa, we went to Colonel Takkaa. He asked what we wanted. We said, “We have come to request permission to publish a newspaper in Oromo.” He asked, “Why didn’t you ask the Minister of Information?” We explained that we had asked but were refused. Colonel Takkaa said, “I will ask on your behalf.” We replied, “If you can’t get full authorization, at least ask for permission for just one day.”

Because it was the first anniversary of the Derg’s coming to power—September 2, 1968—they granted us permission to publish Bariisaa in Oromo for just one day. But we decided to seize the opportunity: “We will publish if we live; if we die, we die.” We declared that Bariisaa would be published every two weeks, and if it was stopped, we would challenge the government. And so, the first issue of Bariisaa was published in Oromo.


Bariisaa: How did you distribute the first issue?

Abbaa Bariisaa: For the first issue, we printed 20,000 copies. We donated 1,000 to the Kibur Zabanya (Imperial Guard), 1,000 to the Fourth Army Division in Finfinne near Laga Harre, 1,000 to the police, 1,000 to the Air Force in Bishooftu, and 1,000 to the Navy and Oromo farmers. The remaining copies were sold at 10 cents each.


Bariisaa: What happened after that?

Abbaa Bariisaa: When we went to the Ministry of Information to ask for permission for the second issue, they arrested us. They said, “We only authorized one issue, but you told the public it would be published every two weeks—you are inciting the people against the government.” They threw us in the “Maakelaawi” prison. But I was released soon after.


Bariisaa: How long was Bariisaa suspended, and how did it resume?

Abbaa Bariisaa: Bariisaa was suspended for five months. Then, an opportunity arose. Colonel Asraat Dastaa was the Deputy Minister of Information responsible for Public Relations. When he went abroad for training, a man named Irreessaa Fissahaa Gadaa was acting in his position.

We approached him and asked for permission to publish Bariisaa. He said, “I can’t authorize what the colonel refused. When he returns, I don’t know what will happen—you could be arrested again. But I have an idea. Go to someone more powerful than me, someone Colonel Asraat fears, and get authorization from him.” He suggested Mangistuu Hayilamaariyam (the former president of Ethiopia). We went to him, and he gave us permission.

With the authorization of Colonel Mangistu, Bariisaa resumed publication every week. When Colonel Asraat returned from abroad and heard that Bariisaa had been authorized, he said, “What kind of world is this? I leave the country for a few days, and this happens!”


Bariisaa: What were the challenges under the Derg?

Abbaa Bariisaa: They constantly looked for ways to destroy us. Bariisaa was building Oromo unity, promoting Oromo language, culture, and history, and defending Oromo rights—so it was hated by the regime.

In 1969, we organized an Oromo Cultural Exhibition in Finfinne at the “Biheraawwii Tiyaatir” Hall. The goal was to raise funds for Bariisaa. People came from all over Oromia in the tens of thousands. But the authorities said, “Everything you do must be under the name of the Ministry of Culture.” In December 1969, the government shut down Bariisaa. The closure was even announced on the radio.


Bariisaa: What was the difference between Bariisaa under private ownership and after it was taken over by the government?

Abbaa Bariisaa: In the private era, everyone worked without pay. Lammeessaa Boruu, a father of a family, earned 100 birr per month; Immiruu Angoosee earned 70 birr. Ibraahiim Hajii Alii worked for two years without any salary. I also worked without pay. We worked because of our deep commitment to the Oromo cause.

The Oromo people themselves were our reporters and sources of information. We focused on what the people wanted to hear, learn, and benefit from.

After the government took over, the content shifted. Most of what was published reflected the government’s message to the people, rather than the people’s message to the government. Our sources of information shifted from the people to the regime. Reporting Oromo issues to the government became secondary to conveying government wishes to the people.

The government allocated 500,000 birr per year and a vehicle to the newspaper. Reporters like Caalchisaa Ciibsaa, Waaqgaarii Gunjoo, Mahaammad Hasan, Bulloo Siibaa, Ibiraahiim Hajii, and Kuwee Kumsaafaa were hired with salaries. Two proofreaders and a “free-lancer” were also paid. I was paid 800 birr as chief editor.


Bariisaa: When did you stop working on the newspaper?

Abbaa Bariisaa: After the government took over, I realized I could no longer work with the freedom I needed. The political situation was difficult, so I decided to step away. I trained my successors over three months, rotating them weekly until they could manage the newspaper independently.


Bariisaa: What contribution did Bariisaa make to the Oromo people?

Abbaa Bariisaa: Bariisaa is the heart of the Oromo struggle. It strengthened Oromo unity and promoted Oromo language, culture, history, and identity. It focused on Oromo rights and benefits—which is why it was hated and called “ABO newspaper” (referring to the Oromo Liberation Front). Bariisaa was never separate from Oromo politics. The newspaper’s workers were deeply committed to the Oromo cause; many were imprisoned and some were killed.


Bariisaa: How did you get the name “Abbaa Bariisaa”?

Abbaa Bariisaa: From the founding of the newspaper until I stepped down, I was the chief editor. Because of this, the name “Abbaa Bariisaa” and “Abbaa Dikshinarii” was given to me, both at home and abroad.


Bariisaa: What did you do after leaving Bariisaa?

Abbaa Bariisaa: I was working with the “Guddinni Gamtaa” (Joint Committee) at the time. The government sent me to Harar to stabilize the political situation in Eastern Ethiopia. I was assigned to coordinate Radio Harar, the Ethiopian News Service, and military training. But when I went to Harar, I found Oromo children imprisoned for political reasons. I managed to have them released, and then I went to Saudi Arabia.

As a member of the OLF, I worked to organize the Oromo community in Saudi Arabia and raise funds for the cause. I told them that Oromos should not live as slaves in their own land. I built relationships with foreign governments to raise awareness about the Oromo issue. I stayed in Saudi Arabia for four and a half years, then moved to America.


Bariisaa: Did you face personal difficulties while working on Bariisaa?

Abbaa Bariisaa: Yes, I faced many pressures. But I never stepped back from speaking the truth or doing my work. I wasn’t afraid of being killed or losing my job. However, I did face a time when I could no longer return to my home. I left my house and stayed with relatives, friends, or wherever I could find shelter.

After I left the country, my mother was taken to a police station at 6:00 PM and interrogated. They beat her and demanded to know where I was. The harm my mother suffered because of me was terrible. She was forced to leave her home, and she never knew where I was. My colleagues also suffered greatly.


Bariisaa: What did you feel when you saw Bariisaa 42 years later upon your return from America?

Abbaa Bariisaa: I felt both joy and sorrow. I was overjoyed to see that the newspaper had not died or disappeared. But it saddened me that the circulation had dropped from 20,000 to 10,000. For a population of 50 million Oromos, printing only 10,000 copies is not enough. This requires serious thought and action.


Bariisaa: What would you like to see for Bariisaa’s future?

Abbaa Bariisaa: I want to see the circulation exceed one million, published daily. I want Facebook followers to number in the millions. I want distribution to reach all corners of Ethiopia and beyond. I want the newspaper to reach every school in Oromia, and I want it available in public libraries so everyone can read it.


Bariisaa: What kind of content would make Bariisaa more beloved among the Oromo people?

Abbaa Bariisaa: What determines whether Bariisaa is loved or not is its content. You must work within your limits. Don’t rely on lies or flattering the government to gain popularity—earn it through truth.

If the newspaper presents what is right, true, and just, it will be beloved. Speaking truth and justice won’t even cause problems with the government. Content that highlights Oromo culture, language, history, and development—that protects Oromo rights, promotes their interests, and brings solutions to Oromo problems based on verified truth—that is what will make Bariisaa truly beloved.


Bariisaa: What did you do about the Oromo cause while in America?

Abbaa Bariisaa: People do two things: one is what they do for a living, and the other is what their conscience tells them. Working for the Oromo cause is what my conscience demands. I worked without pay before, and I continue to do so. What I have earned is not measured in dollars, but in service to the Oromo people.

In America, I wrote and published ten books. I prepared a dictionary (known as “Dikshinarii Hamiid Mudee”). I also worked for 21 years to make Oromo a technological language, preparing software and manual guides.


Bariisaa: How do you view the changes happening in Ethiopia today?

Abbaa Bariisaa: If I speak truthfully, the changes are very encouraging. The country has made great strides and is emerging from darkness. The respect for human rights fills me with great joy.

However, I also have great concern. I am deeply grateful to those who sacrificed to make these changes possible. The reason I can return to my country is because of these changes. I pray that the progress continues.


Bariisaa: How do you see today’s media in Ethiopia?

Abbaa Bariisaa: Some private media, driven by hate politics, are working not to build the country but to destroy it. This concerns me greatly. Both government and private media should work based on truth and justice, with a unified voice. Their information should be based on verified facts and reality. Repeating lies to corrupt people’s minds must stop. Media that works for truth should stand firm against false media and publish what is real and just.

It would be good to have a Media Council to oversee and regulate all media. Such a council should expose, control, and correct media that spread lies—independent of government influence. The government should support the establishment of such a council.

If media outlets spread unverified information—whether true or false—they can cause division and destruction. They should be careful. Media that refutes falsehoods with truth should be encouraged. Journalism that pits one group against another with misinformation must end.


Bariisaa: How do you want to support Bariisaa in the future?

Abbaa Bariisaa: Until the Oromo issue finds a solution, I will not rest. Oromo nationalism still lives within me. I will never step back from working for Bariisaa and for the Oromo people. I will work to make the newspaper known internationally. I also want to use my knowledge and resources to help in Ethiopia.


Interview conducted by Natsaannat Taaddasaa
Bariisaa Newspaper, June 20, 2011

The History of Oromo Writing and the Role of Dr. Sheikh Mohammed Rashaad

Language is a tool of communication and a symbol of identity. But for the Oromo people, their language remained largely oral for centuries—confined to the spoken word while the world around them moved forward in ink. The story of how Afaan Oromoo finally found its written form is a story of struggle, sacrifice, and one man’s relentless vision.


A Language Without Letters

The Oromo language, spoken by tens of millions across the Horn of Africa, was for a long time a language of the spoken word alone. Unlike many of its neighbors, Afaan Oromoo lacked an indigenous writing system that could accurately capture its unique sounds and grammatical structure.

Efforts to write Oromo began in the 19th century. The first known written Oromo texts were religious manuscripts from the Rayya area, produced during the time of the sheikhs of Anniyya and Danniya. These were handwritten poetry collections, hymns to God and His Prophet, penned with a reed pen using the Arabic script.

But the Arabic script was never a perfect fit for Oromo. Arabic has only a limited set of vowels and consonant distinctions. Oromo, by contrast, has ten vowels and a richer set of consonants. Six Oromo phonemes—c, ch, dh, g, ny, and ph—had no direct equivalents in Arabic writing. Scholars had to adapt, improvise, and sometimes simply make do with imperfect approximations.

Three Scripts, Three Attempts

The Ethiopian Script (Ge’ez/Amharic)

In 1886, an Oromo man named Onisimos Nasiib (Abbaa Gammachiis) translated the Bible into Oromo and had it published in Asmara, Eritrea. He used the Ge’ez script—the same writing system used for Amharic and Tigrinya. This script, however, was designed for languages with seven vowels, not ten. It could not adequately represent Oromo sounds, and the translation, while groundbreaking, was limited by the tools at hand.

The Italian Contribution

After the Italian occupation of Ethiopia in 1935, the Italian linguist Martino Mario Moreno conducted systematic research on the Oromo language. In 1939, he published Grammatica teorico-pratica della lingua galla (Theoretical-Practical Grammar of the Galla Language) in Milan, using a Latin-based alphabet. His work was the first to accurately describe the phonology, morphology, and syntax of Oromo in a scientific way.

“The period of Moreno can be called the ‘Moreno Era’—a time when the science of linguistics began to properly understand the language”.

Moreno’s alphabet represented a significant step forward:

‘ A B C Č D Ḑ0 E F G H I J K L M N Ñ O H Q R S Ṧ T Ṭ U W Y Z

The Sheikh Bakri Script

Meanwhile, within Oromo society, a different approach was emerging. Sheikh Bakri Sapalo (born Abubakar Garad Usman, 1895-1980), an Oromo scholar and religious teacher, invented an entirely new writing system for Oromo in 1956. His script was designed from the ground up to capture Oromo sounds accurately.

Sheikh Bakri had studied under several distinguished Islamic teachers and became renowned for his poetry. Under Haile Selassie’s regime, however, Oromo language was banned in education, conversation, and administrative matters. Sheikh Bakri’s script was developed in secrecy, perhaps to avoid detection by authorities who would have opposed Oromo writing in any form.

His most important work was Shalda, a twenty-page pamphlet that purported to be religious instruction but was actually a veiled account of Oromo suffering under Haile Selassie. It became the first and last major work in his alphabet. In 1965, Sheikh Bakri was placed under house arrest. In 1978, he fled to a refugee camp in Somalia, where he died without ever seeing his script widely adopted.

Dr. Sheikh Mohammed Rashaad: The Man Who Completed the Mission

A Journey Begins on Foot

Born in 1934 in Eastern Oromia, in a village called Laga Arba, Sheikh Mohammed Rashaad Abdullee grew up under the harsh realities of colonial settler rule. As a young man, he was severely chastised by one of the settlers. With no one to defend him, his young mind resolved on a radical course: he would go overseas to acquire skills and weapons for his people’s emancipation.

At the age of 15, in 1949, he left Ethiopia on foot. He traveled through Djibouti, Yemen, and Saudi Arabia, performing Hajj in 1950. From there, he continued to Syria, where he spent five years at the Fatul Islam school in Damascus, eventually earning the title of Mufti.

In 1956, he entered Al-Azhar University in Cairo, a center of learning and liberation movements across Africa. There, surrounded by students from across the continent, his Oromo consciousness deepened.

“When he entered Al-Azhar University in 1956, all nations began to showcase their languages, cultures, and identities. He saw histories of different countries beautifully written and thought, ‘We also have a history to tell, a language to speak, a script to write with'”.

The Mogadishu Years: Radio and Rebellion

After graduating with top honors in 1962, receiving an award from Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, Sheikh Rashaad was sent by Al-Azhar to Somalia. There, he was hired by the Somali government as a linguistic expert. This gave him a new opportunity to study Oromo language using available Somali sources.

In Mogadishu, he joined forces with other Oromo refugees and intellectuals, including the journalist Ayub Abubakar. Together, they started the first Oromo-language radio broadcast from Mogadishu in 1965. The program began at 15 minutes, grew to 30, and eventually to a full hour.

“The broadcast shook the Haile Selassie regime in Ethiopia, which dispatched agents to assassinate and put a stop to their work. Haile Selassie’s agents eventually assassinated Ayub but were apprehended in Mogadisho before they could similarly murder Sheikh Rashad”.

The Birth of Qubee

It was during this period that Sheikh Rashaad discovered the suitability of the Latin script for writing Oromo. His comparative studies of Oromo and Somali led him to develop the modern Oromo alphabet.

In 1969, he prepared a manuscript titled “Fura Afaan Oromoo” (The Key to Oromo), which was handwritten and circulated among Oromo communities. Two years later, in 1971, it was published—the first complete Oromo-language reader in the modern Latin alphabet.

The book faced immediate challenges. In Somalia, the regime tried to impose the label “Somali-Abbo” on Oromos and recalled his book to redo the cover. But in haste, they left the inside page intact, which still read “Fura Afaan Oromoo”—exposing the plot. In Ethiopia, his writings were strictly forbidden; anyone found with them would face severe punishment.

Exile and Lifelong Work

Under pressure from both sides, Sheikh Rashaad relocated to Saudi Arabia, where he continued his scholarly work. Over the following decades, he produced an extraordinary body of work:

  • The first Quran translation in Afaan Oromoo
  • Translation of over 40 Hadith books from Arabic to Oromo
  • The first Somali-Oromo dictionary
  • The first Arabic-Oromo dictionary
  • Numerous articles on Islam with particular emphasis on Eastern Africa
  • Hajj and Umra guidance for Oromo pilgrims
  • Collections of Oromo traditional songs (miriysaa, dhiichisa, geerarsa)
  • Children’s stories in Oromo
  • History of the Prophet Muhammad in Oromo
  • History of Islam in Oromo

“He spent over 15 years conducting research on the Oromo and Somali languages, which later became the focus of his thesis for a PhD in linguistic studies, which he received from the UK”.

Recognition and Final Years

In recognition of his lifelong contribution, the Oromo Studies Association bestowed on him its Lifetime Achievement Award in 2009. In 2010, the Oromiyaa Radio and Television (ORTO) recognized him for his contribution to the development of the Oromo alphabet.

In 2009, he returned to his homeland, settling in Adama, central Oromia. But his final years were not peaceful. When the Ethiopian regime tried to impose a particular interpretation of Islam on the faithful, Sheikh Rashaad objected. For his conviction, he was evicted from his home and forced to relocate to Dire Dawa.

Fiercely independent and unquestionably loyal to his people, Dr. Sheikh Mohammed Rashaad passed away with dignity on May 25, 2013, at the age of 79.

The Legacy

Sheikh Rashaad was not alone. He worked alongside others who contributed to the development of Oromo writing. Haylee Fidaa and Abdullaahi Yuusuf, Oromo students in Europe, adopted the Moreno alphabet with modifications and published two important books in 1973-74: Hirmaata Dubbii Afaan Oromoo (an Oromo grammar) and Bara Birraan Barihe (a drama about the suffering under the Neftenya system).

But it was Sheikh Rashaad who provided the definitive, scientifically-based alphabet that would eventually be adopted for all Oromo writing—from educational materials to official government communications to the translations that would bring the world’s knowledge into the Oromo language.

“His contribution in informing and educating the masses and in strengthening Oromo nationalism, despite serious threats and challenges, is immense. His works will live with the Oromo people forever and continue to inspire millions”.

Today, when millions of Oromo children learn to read and write in their own language, when Oromo scholars publish research in international journals, when the Bible and the Quran are read in Oromo by millions, the foundation they are building on—the alphabet they are using—is the one that Sheikh Mohammed Rashaad developed, refined, and fought to protect.

He ranks among the patriotic Oromo religious scholars from both Muslim and Christian traditions who, despite persecution from successive regimes, paid heavy sacrifices for their people. Among them are the Reverend Gudina Tumsa, who gave his life for the cause; Sheikh Bakri Saphalo, who died in a refugee camp; and the great Abbaa Gammachis, who endured humiliation and subjugation. They remain giant role models who will continue to inspire future generations—shining forever like lighthouses in a free Oromia.

May the angels welcome this man who made written Oromo language accessible to millions—a renewer of his time, a truly great man.

A Concise History of Oromo Media: From Colonial Radio to Digital Revolution

From the hills of Jimma to the screens of the diaspora, the journey of Oromo media is a story of resilience, sacrifice, and an unyielding quest for voice. It is a tale that begins not with ink on paper, but with electromagnetic waves cutting through the Ethiopian highlands during a time of war.


Part One: The Electronic Beginning

In the history of world media, print came first. Newspapers and magazines preceded radio and television. But in the story of Oromo media, the opposite is true. The first medium to speak the language of the Oromo people was not a newspaper—it was a radio station.

The Italian Experiment (1935-1941)

It was during the Italian occupation of Ethiopia that the first Oromo-language radio broadcast came to life. When Emperor Haile Selassie fled the country following Italy’s invasion, the fascist regime of Victor Emmanuel III sought to consolidate its control over the diverse peoples of the empire.

The Italians understood something the previous regime had ignored: that the Oromo people, who had been subjugated under the Neftenya (Amhara settler) system, harbored deep resentment toward the imperial order. To win their loyalty—or at least their compliance—the colonial administration needed to speak to them in their own language.

In a move that would forever change Oromo history, the Italians built a radio station near the city of Jimma. They called it “Centro Radio” in Italian, but the local Oromo people gave it a name that has stuck to this day—Shanta-Raadiyoonii (Radio Station). The hill where it was built, approximately 10 kilometers northwest of Jimma, still bears this name. To this day, visitors to Jimma can look toward the northwest and see the spot where the first Oromo voice entered the airwaves.

This radio station, however, served a calculated purpose. It was designed to persuade Oromos to embrace Italian fascism over Ethiopian imperialism—trading one master for another. The Italians dismantled the Neftenya system and replaced it with a form of ethnic-based administration, drawing borders along ethnic lines for the first time. But their propaganda was not liberation; it was another form of subjugation.

When Haile Selassie returned to power with British support in 1941, he quickly shut down the Italian-built station. Its equipment—studios, transmitters, and antennas—was dismantled and moved to Addis Ababa (Finfinne). The emperor tried to erase the memory of the station, even attempting to suppress the name “Shanta-Raadiyoonii.” But the people would not forget. For years after, Oromos remembered the brief time they had heard their language on the radio.

The Cairo Experiment (1960s)

The emperor had made a fatal miscalculation. He feared that acknowledging Oromo language on national radio would strengthen ethnic solidarity against his rule. And so, for decades, Oromo voices remained silent on Ethiopian airwaves.

But in the 1960s, a new voice emerged—from Egypt.

Oromo students studying at Al-Azhar University in Cairo, including the pioneering scholar Sheik Muhammad Rashaad Abdullee, established an Oromo-language radio broadcast from Cairo. This was different from the Italian station. The Cairo broadcast was not propaganda for any foreign power; it was a genuine Oromo voice advocating for Oromo rights, educating the people about their history, and mobilizing resistance against the Neftenya system.

The emperor’s government was alarmed. In his eyes, a broadcast of Oromo from Cairo was not a weapon to be used against him—and he could not allow it to continue. Through diplomatic pressure, Haile Selassie’s government persuaded the Egyptian regime to shut down the station.

The Mogadishu Martyrs (1967)

As soon as the Cairo station went silent, a new one emerged—this time from Mogadishu, Somalia. Oromo scholars and intellectuals who had studied in Egypt, including the likes of Sheik Muhammad Rashaad and others, moved to Somalia and established another Oromo-language radio station. Among those who joined this effort was a young Oromo journalist named Ayub Abubakar.

This station had a profound impact, particularly in the eastern Oromo regions of Hararge. The broadcasts ignited resistance and brought Oromo national consciousness to a new level. The emperor’s regime, already nervous, could not tolerate this. They struck a deal with the government of Siad Barre in Somalia to silence the station. When diplomatic pressure failed to achieve full compliance, the emperor’s agents reached into Mogadishu itself.

On a Friday afternoon in 1967, near a place called Liizo on the shores of the Indian Ocean, 25-year-old Ayub Abubakar was washing clothes. Agents of the imperial regime seized him and killed him. His body was found two days later and buried in Mogadishu. His crime? He had dared to give his people a voice.

Other journalists from that station managed to escape. Abubakar Muussaa, who would later bring his artistry to Radio Harar; Shantam Shubbisaa (the last living survivor today); Abdii Huseen; and Hindiyaa Ahmed (Shantam Shubbisaa’s wife) were among those who continued the struggle. They are the founding fathers and mothers of Oromo media, and their sacrifices paved the way for everything that followed.


Part Two: Radio Harar—A Calculated Gamble

By the early 1970s, the emperor had reached a desperate conclusion. The Mogadishu station had become too powerful to ignore. Fearful that the Oromo people of Hararge would align with Somalia against the Ethiopian state, Haile Selassie’s government made a strategic decision.

They would open their own Oromo-language radio station.

The Birth of Radio Harar (1973)

In 1973, Radio Harar was launched. But it was never intended as a genuine celebration of Oromo culture. According to veterans of the station, “Radio Harar was not originally intended for the Oromo when it was launched. Prior to that, a radio station broadcasting in Oromo was established in Mogadishu.”

The emperor’s government feared that if they opened an Oromo station in Addis Ababa (Finfinne), the Oromo people would unite around it. If they did nothing, the eastern Oromo would align with Mogadishu. Their solution was to create a limited, controlled Oromo-language program called “Qophii Afaan Oromoo”—a station they could monitor and manipulate.

The Price of Voice

But even under imperial control, Radio Harar became something more than its creators intended. The station’s Oromo staff—journalists, artists, and technicians—turned it into a genuine voice for their people.

The station faced immense pressure. Its journalists were imprisoned, persecuted, and killed. The bandleader Abubakar Muussaa survived persecution under Haile Selassie and later faced mortal danger from the Derg regime. The singer Abdi Qophee (Mohammed) wrote lyrics that became anthems of Oromo resistance.

For Jaafar Ali, who grew up listening to Radio Harar and later worked there as a producer of dramas and educational programs, the station was more than a workplace—it was family. “Our programming wasn’t just for entertainment,” he recalls. “We also produced programs for the struggle, about the persecution, imprisonment, and oppression that was being perpetrated against Oromos.”


Part Three: The Derg Era—From Suppression to Instrumentalization

In 1974, the Derg military regime overthrew Haile Selassie. At first, it seemed the new regime might be more amenable to Oromo aspirations. For the first time, Oromo language was allowed on Ethiopian national radio and television. Newspapers like Bariisaa began publication in Afaan Oromoo.

The Derg’s Instrumentalization

But the Derg’s motives were strategic, not benevolent. The regime used Oromo language to achieve three goals:

  1. Divide and co-opt: The Derg sought to bring educated Oromo elites into its fold, painting them as integral parts of a “revolutionary” Ethiopia while pitting them against the old Neftenya establishment.
  2. Create the illusion of change: By embracing Oromo language, the regime hoped to win the loyalty of the Oromo people and distinguish itself from the previous imperial order.
  3. Broadcast socialist ideology: Using Oromo language allowed the regime to disseminate its ideology to a wider audience, framing socialism as the true path to Oromo liberation.

Despite these political motivations, the Derg era brought significant development to Oromo media. Radio broadcasts in Oromo expanded. Oromo music flourished. Artists like Dr. Ali Birra and Wasannuu Didoo emerged, singing songs that, while occasionally paying lip service to the regime, secretly educated and mobilized the Oromo people.

Listen to the words of Dr. Ali Birra’s songs from that era:

“What did they say, what did they tell us?
When minds are tortured,
When life is spent in lies!
Those who lost land and had livestock stolen,
Those who fled from fear to the hills—
Why should they accept a bridle?!
Those who drove the enemy into foreign woods,
Those whose freedom was bought with blood…”

Songs like these resonated with the Oromo people across the country, reminding them of their shared suffering and inspiring a generation of resistance fighters. Even a radio station not built for Oromo liberation could, in the hands of Oromo artists, serve the cause of freedom.

The Birth of SBO (1988)

The most significant development of the Derg era came in 1988, when the first explicitly Oromo liberation radio station was established by Oromo freedom fighters. This was Sagalee Bilisummaa Oromoo (SBO)—the Voice of Oromo Liberation.

SBO was different from all previous Oromo broadcasts. It was established:

  1. By Oromos, for Oromos: Not as a colonial tool or a state calculation, but as an instrument of Oromo national liberation.
  2. On a scientific historical foundation: SBO educated Oromos about their history, culture, and political rights in a systematic, analytical way.
  3. At a time of technological expansion: By 1988, radio ownership had spread to many Oromo homes, both in cities and rural areas. SBO could reach a broad audience quickly.

SBO became the voice of the Oromo liberation struggle, broadcasting resistance messages and mobilizing the people. Its impact was profound, and it laid the groundwork for the media explosion that would follow.


Part Four: The Post-Derg Transformation (1991-2000s)

In 1991, the Derg regime fell. A new Ethiopia emerged, and with it, a new era for Oromo media.

ETV and the First Oromo Television Broadcast

For the first time in history, Oromo language was broadcast on Ethiopian Television (ETV). Oromo had moved from audio to video—from ears to eyes. This was a watershed moment.

The Written Word Emerges

Following the fall of the Derg, a true “Oromo media explosion” occurred:

  1. Oromo on television began for the first time.
  2. The Latin script for Afaan Oromoo was officially adopted, after extensive research by Oromo scholars. This paved the way for widespread literacy and publication.
  3. Independent newspapers and magazines began publishing in Afaan Oromoo in cities across Oromia and beyond—a first in Oromo media history.
  4. Mass literacy campaigns in the Oromo script meant that Oromos could now read and write in their own language, dramatically expanding the media market.

VOA and International Recognition (1996)

On November 8, 1996, another milestone was reached: the Voice of America (VOA) began broadcasting in Afaan Oromoo. This was a stunning development—Oromo had joined the ranks of major world languages recognized by one of the world’s most powerful broadcasters.

At first, Oromo broadcasts were only 15 minutes per day. Meanwhile, Amharic broadcasts were reduced from 60 to 30 minutes—a shift that caused significant political controversy. Critics accused VOA of bowing to Oromo pressure, but the American broadcaster had done its homework: it recognized that Oromo was the language of one of Africa’s largest ethnic groups, a language with a growing global presence.

Diaspora Media Grows

Throughout the 1990s and 2000s, Oromo diaspora media flourished. Diaspora radio stations like Radio Sagalee Oromoo (RSO) launched. In the 2000s, the first Oromo television station in the diaspora—Oromo TV—began broadcasting from Minnesota, USA.


Part Five: The Internet Revolution—A Level Playing Field

The most transformative development in Oromo media has been the rise of the internet. For the first time in history, Oromo language has achieved something truly revolutionary: it now competes on a level playing field with Amharic.

Script and Technology

A key factor in this transformation has been the script. Oromo’s adoption of the Latin alphabet gave it a massive advantage in the digital age. While Amharic and Tigrinya speakers struggled to adapt their ancient Ge’ez scripts to computers, keyboards, email, and social media, Oromos could simply type.

Today, 80% of Eritreans—who also used Ge’ez script—have shifted to Latin script for digital communication, including emails, Facebook, Messenger, Skype, and mobile texts. The situation for Amharic speakers in Ethiopia is not significantly different.

The Rise of Oromo Websites, Social Media, and Online Media

The internet has enabled:

  1. Oromo websites and online publications to flourish, providing news, analysis, and cultural content.
  2. Social media (Facebook, Twitter, Telegram) to become dominated by Oromo voices, with Oromo activists driving discourse on Ethiopian and international issues.
  3. Online radio and TV to reach a global Oromo audience, free from state control.

Oromo social media presence is often more vibrant and dynamic than Amharic presence—a remarkable development given the historical dominance of Amharic in Ethiopian public life.


Part Six: The Road Ahead—Challenges and Opportunities

Despite this progress, significant challenges remain.

The Rural Majority

More than 85% of the Oromo people still live in rural areas. Many do not have access to television, internet, or even reliable radio signals. Media content—no matter how powerful—cannot reach them effectively.

State Jamming and Censorship

State-owned media in Ethiopia remains tightly controlled. Oromo-language broadcasts are often co-opted for state propaganda, and independent Oromo media faces pressure, jamming, and censorship.

The Need for Strong, Unified Media

The proliferation of independent Oromo media organizations is a strength. But it also risks fragmentation. Many diaspora Oromo radio and TV stations operate with limited resources, broadcasting to small audiences. The sustainability of these efforts is questionable.

The solution, many argue, lies in consolidation. Instead of dozens of small, struggling stations, Oromos should pool resources to create one powerful, well-funded, well-staffed media organization capable of:

  • Producing high-quality, standardized programming that reaches rural audiences.
  • Overcoming state jamming and propaganda with technical sophistication.
  • Serving as a true voice of the Oromo people—educating, entertaining, and mobilizing.

The Challenge of Content

Even as technology improves, content remains a challenge. Oromo media must move beyond mere entertainment and propaganda. It must deliver substantive, accurate, and transformative content that addresses the real needs of the Oromo people—from education to health, from economic development to cultural preservation.


Conclusion: A Voice That Will Not Be Silenced

The history of Oromo media is a story of struggle against overwhelming odds. From the colonial radio of Jimma to the diaspora television of Minnesota, from the martyred journalists of Mogadishu to the vibrant voices of social media, Oromos have never stopped seeking to speak—and to be heard.

The journey has been long and painful. The Italian radio was propaganda. The emperor’s station was a calculated gamble. The Derg’s broadcasts were instrumentalized. But in each case, Oromo artists, journalists, and intellectuals took these tools and turned them into instruments of liberation.

Today, Oromo media is more vibrant and accessible than ever before. But the work is not complete. Millions of Oromos still lack access to reliable, trustworthy media in their language. The state still seeks to control the narrative. The diaspora still struggles to reach the homeland.

But the trajectory is clear. Oromo media will continue to grow. The voice of the Oromo people, once silenced, will become louder and clearer. And the martyrs of Mogadishu, the dreamers of Cairo, the artists of Radio Harar—their legacy will be fulfilled.

The history of Oromo media is a history of defiance. It is proof that a people who refuse to be silenced, who insist on speaking their truth in their own language, can never truly be conquered.

May the voices of those who came before rest in peace. And may those of us who carry the microphone today do justice to their memory and their dream.

The above feature story is adapted from YB, February 2014, Asmara, Ertirea.

Stand Up and Be Counted: The Oromo Community’s Call to Action for the 2026 Australian Census

By Daandii Ragabaa

MELBOURNE/SYDNEY/CANBERRA – A powerful call is echoing across Australian cities and suburbs, urging every Oromo person to stand up and be counted. On Tuesday, 11 August 2026, the Australian Census will offer what community leaders describe as a once-in-a-five-year opportunity to secure the Oromo community’s visibility, identity, and influence in the national landscape.

For decades, Oromo Australians have been rendered statistically invisible, their rich heritage and growing numbers absorbed into broader, less specific categories such as “Ethiopian” or “Other African.” This lack of precise data has meant that government funding, language services, youth programs, and multicultural support have often failed to reach the community in proportion to its actual size. But this year, every Oromo person holds the power to change that narrative—simply by identifying clearly and proudly as Oromo.

The Power of Two Answers

Community advocates are spreading a clear and urgent message: On Census Day, every household must take two decisive steps.

  • For Ancestry: Choose “Oromo.”
  • For Language Spoken at Home: Choose “Oromo/Afaan Oromo.”

These two seemingly simple answers are, in fact, powerful political and social tools. They ensure that the community is not only counted accurately but also recognised in federal and state government planning. When the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) compiles its data, accurate Oromo responses directly translate into evidence-based allocations for services, from interpreting and translation resources to culturally appropriate aged care and youth mentorship initiatives.

A History of Invisibility

The numbers from previous Census years paint a sobering picture. In the 2021 Census, only 2,578 people recorded Oromo ancestry, while 4,310 reported speaking Afaan Oromo at home. The significant gap between these two figures suggests that many community members—perhaps out of habit, misunderstanding, or a lack of clear guidance—did not fully self-identify.

Community leader Aliye Geleto, who has been at the forefront of the awareness campaign, emphasises the stakes involved. “If the Oromo public wants to have any influence on any entity—whether government, media, or civil society—we must first match their success with our own organised success. Being counted in the Census is the first and most fundamental step,” he stated.

A Community-Wide Mobilisation

The campaign is now a grassroots movement. Community organisations, cultural associations, and religious institutions are being urged to spread the message through every channel available. Social media platforms, community radio, WhatsApp groups, and local gatherings are buzzing with the hashtags #OromoCensus2026 and #StandUpAndBeCounted.

The process itself has been made simpler than ever. Households will receive a unique code in the mail, allowing them to complete the Census online quickly and securely. The deadline is clear: every form must be submitted on or before 11 August 2026.

Organisers are emphasising that every member of the household—children, youth, adults, and elders—must be recorded as Oromo. “When a family of five all ticks ‘Oromo,’ that is five voices that were previously silent. When a thousand families do it, that is a community that can no longer be ignored,” one community organiser explained.

Beyond Numbers: A Future of Influence

This visibility is not merely an exercise in statistics. It is a declaration of existence, a demand for recognition, and a blueprint for organised success. Accurate Census data will enable the Oromo community to advocate effectively for:

  • Language Services: Afaan Oromo interpreters in hospitals, courts, and government offices.
  • Cultural Events: Funding for annual Oromo cultural festivals, music, and arts.
  • Youth Programs: Mentorship and leadership initiatives tailored to second-generation Oromo Australians.
  • Multicultural Support: Targeted social services that understand the unique experiences of Oromo refugees and migrants.

As Australia continues to evolve as a multicultural nation, the Oromo community has a unique chance to ensure its voice is heard in the halls of power. The Census is not just a government form; it is a mirror reflecting the nation’s diversity, and for too long, the Oromo reflection has been blurred.

A Final Plea

As 11 August approaches, the message is clear: Choose Oromo. Speak Oromo. Record Oromo. Share widely.

This is not just about being counted. It is about being seen. It is about being heard. And it is about building a future where the Oromo community in Australia is recognised for its true size, strength, and potential.

“Our future influence begins with our numbers,” Aliye Geleto reminds the community. “On 11 August 2026, let every Oromo in Australia stand up and be counted.”

#Oromo #OromoInAustralia #Census2026 #StandUpAndBeCounted #AfaanOromo