Category Archives: Grief Support
Revitalizing Oromo History: The Gadaa System as a Source of Democratic Thought
Beyond Culture — Gadaa as a Living Philosophy of Governance, Accountability, and Coexistence
By Hailu Gonfa
As I promised in the first part of this series on “Revitalizing Oromo History,” this second installment delves deeper into the Gadaa system—not merely as a cultural artifact, but as a profound source of democratic principles, governance, and social philosophy that holds invaluable lessons for the Oromo people today.
For too long, Gadaa has been reduced to folklore, song, dance, and ceremonial dress. But to confine Gadaa to the realm of culture alone is to miss its essence. Gadaa was—and remains—a system of governance, law, power-sharing, accountability, and conflict resolution. It is a philosophy of life that offers timeless wisdom on how to organize society, distribute power, and build lasting peace.
2.1. Gadaa Is Not Just Culture
When we speak of Gadaa, we often reduce it to traditional clothing, songs, ceremonies, or rites of passage. These are indeed elements of Gadaa, but they represent only a fraction of its meaning. To see Gadaa only as culture is to miss the forest for the trees.
Gadaa was a comprehensive system of governance that encompassed:
- Leadership and administration — How society was organized and governed.
- Law and justice — How rules were made, interpreted, and enforced.
- Power-sharing — How authority was distributed and transferred.
- Accountability — How leaders were held responsible for their actions.
- Deliberation and decision-making — How collective decisions were reached.
- Conflict resolution — How disputes were mediated and peace restored.
- Resource distribution — How resources were allocated and managed.
To study Gadaa is not merely to study Oromo history; it is to study a sophisticated political and social system that functioned for centuries. It raises fundamental questions: How did a people organize governance long before modern states? Who ruled? How were rulers checked? How were laws made? How was power transferred? How were conflicts resolved?
These are questions that remain relevant today.
2.2. What Is Democracy?
Democracy is often reduced to elections. But elections are only one part of democracy. True democracy encompasses:
- Public participation — The involvement of citizens in decision-making.
- Deliberation — The exchange of ideas and arguments.
- Consensus-building — The search for common ground.
- Accountability — The responsibility of leaders to the people.
- Rule of law — The supremacy of law over individuals.
- Human rights — The protection of fundamental freedoms.
- Limits on power — The prevention of tyranny and abuse.
When we examine Gadaa through this lens, we find striking parallels. Gadaa featured public deliberation, collective decision-making, accountable leadership, and a system of checks and balances. It offered a model of governance that, while distinct from modern democracy, shared many of its core principles.
However, we must be cautious. Gadaa is not identical to modern democracy. And not all modern democracy is derived from Gadaa. The two systems emerged in different historical contexts and reflect different societies. But the parallels are significant enough to merit serious study.
The goal is not to claim that Gadaa was “better” or “worse” than modern democracy, but to understand its principles, learn from its strengths, and apply its lessons to the challenges of today.
2.3. Power Was Never Concentrated in One Person
One of the greatest dangers in any political system is the concentration of power in the hands of a single individual or group. Power, when unchecked, tends to corrupt. When held too long, it becomes tyranny.
In Gadaa, power was never absolute.
Power was distributed, limited, and transferred regularly. It was tied to:
- Time — Power was held for a fixed period.
- Law — Power was exercised within legal boundaries.
- Social roles — Power was shared among different groups and institutions.
- Collective responsibility — Leaders were accountable to the community.
This is a profound lesson: Good governance does not depend solely on good leaders; it depends on a good system. A system that limits power, distributes authority, and holds leaders accountable is more important than the personal qualities of any individual leader.
The Gadaa system understood this. It did not rely on the virtue of a single ruler; it created institutions and processes that prevented the abuse of power.
2.4. Limiting Power: A Lesson from Gadaa
True democracy asks a fundamental question: “Who checks the one who holds power?”
If the answer is “no one,” then democracy is in danger. The Gadaa system offers a powerful answer: power was checked by time, law, social roles, and collective institutions.
- Power was temporary. Leaders served for a fixed term and could not extend their rule arbitrarily.
- Power was bound by law. Even the most powerful leaders were subject to the laws and customs of the community.
- Power was shared. Leadership was distributed among different groups and generations, preventing domination by a single faction.
- Power was accountable. Leaders were expected to answer to the community and could be removed if they failed.
The lesson is clear: Power is not a personal possession; it is a public trust. It carries responsibility, not privilege.
2.5. Deliberation Is the Foundation of Decision-Making
In any society, decisions made without deliberation—without discussion, debate, and the exchange of ideas—may be executed quickly, but they often lack legitimacy and sustainability.
In Gadaa, deliberation was central to decision-making.
- Issues were discussed openly.
- Diverse opinions were heard.
- Consensus was sought.
- Decisions were made collectively.
But deliberation is not just about speaking. It is about listening. It is about considering different perspectives, seeking common ground, and building collective ownership of decisions.
This is a vital lesson for today: Democracy is not just about majority rule; it is about listening to minorities. The loudest voice is not always the right one. The smallest voice deserves to be heard.
2.6. Consensus: From Democracy to Peace
In any society, the existence of diverse opinions is not a problem. The problem arises when diversity of opinion becomes conflict, and conflict becomes chaos.
In Gadaa, reconciliation, deliberation, consensus, and peace were central values. The system understood that unity is not the absence of disagreement, but the ability to manage disagreement peacefully.
Consensus is not a sign of weakness; it is a sign of political maturity. It requires patience, listening, compromise, and a commitment to the common good.
The lesson is clear: Victory is not measured by defeating an enemy, but by bringing that enemy into a relationship of mutual respect and coexistence.
2.7. The Supremacy of Law
Good governance is not defined by the quality of the ruler, but by the supremacy of the law. When the law is applied differently to rulers and to the ruled, injustice prevails.
In Gadaa, law, ethics, and accountability were intertwined. Law was not a tool of the powerful; it was a framework for justice that applied to all.
The lesson is profound: Freedom is not the absence of limits; it is the presence of just limits. True freedom exists within a framework of law, accountability, and mutual respect.
2.8. Reconciliation and Justice
Conflict is inevitable in any society. The question is how it is resolved.
In Gadaa, reconciliation was central to conflict resolution. It was not about forgetting or ignoring harm; it was about:
- Acknowledging the truth — Recognizing the harm that was done.
- Seeking accountability — Holding those responsible to account.
- Repairing relationships — Restoring trust and social bonds.
- Preventing recurrence — Addressing the root causes of conflict.
This is a powerful model for today: reconciliation is not a soft option; it is a demanding process that requires truth, justice, and a commitment to rebuilding relationships.
2.9. Leadership and Accountability
A leader is not merely someone who holds power; a leader is someone in whom the people have placed their trust. This trust is not unconditional.
In Gadaa, leaders were expected to:
- Listen to the people
- Respect the law
- Be accountable for their decisions
- Use power for the public good
- Step down with dignity at the end of their term
The lesson is clear: Leadership is a service, not a privilege. A good leader is not someone who commands obedience, but someone who earns trust and exercises power with accountability.
2.10. The Transfer of Power
One of the greatest challenges in any political system is the peaceful transfer of power. When leaders cling to power as if it were personal property, they create instability.
In Gadaa, the transfer of power was institutionalized and ritualized. It was seen not as a loss, but as a natural and necessary part of the political cycle.
The lesson is clear: Power is not for individuals; it is for the community. The ability to transfer power peacefully is a sign of a mature political system.
2.11. Participation and Inclusion
Governance cannot be separated from the people. People are not passive subjects; they are active participants in their own governance.
In Gadaa, participation was not limited to elites. Different groups—families, clans, age sets, and leaders—had roles and responsibilities in the system.
The lesson is clear: Democracy is not just something that happens in parliament; it must be practiced in families, schools, communities, and every sphere of life.
2.12. A Critical Examination of Gadaa
To revive Oromo history, we must not romanticize Gadaa. We must examine it critically.
- What were its strengths? Its participatory governance, accountability mechanisms, and peaceful conflict resolution.
- What were its limitations? The exclusion of certain groups, particularly women, from full participation in decision-making.
A critical examination of Gadaa does not diminish its value. On the contrary, it gives us a more complete and honest picture of our history—and a richer source of lessons for today.
2.13. Gadaa as a Source of Ideas
The danger is that Gadaa becomes a symbol, a flag, or a costume—something we wave but do not think about. If we want to learn from Gadaa, we must ask the hard questions:
- How do we limit power?
- How do we hold leaders accountable?
- How do we make decisions through deliberation?
- How do we resolve conflicts through reconciliation?
- How do we transfer power peacefully?
- How do we make law supreme?
- What do we pass on to future generations?
These are not just historical questions. They are questions for today and tomorrow. Gadaa offers a starting point for answering them.
2.14. Gadaa and Modern Democracy
We should not isolate Gadaa from the world, nor should we uncritically adopt foreign models. The way forward is to combine:
- Our own experience — The wisdom of Gadaa.
- Global knowledge — Insights from democratic theory and practice.
- Scientific inquiry — Rigorous research and analysis.
Gadaa + Global Democracy + Scientific Inquiry = A Path Forward.
2.15. Is Gadaa Oromo Property or Human Property?
This is a profound question. Gadaa is Oromo history and heritage. But the values embedded in it—deliberation, reconciliation, accountability, limits on power—are universal human values.
Gadaa is Oromo heritage. But its lessons are not for Oromo alone. And at the same time, universalizing Gadaa does not erase its Oromo identity.
The challenge is to honor Gadaa as Oromo history while sharing its wisdom with the world.
2.16. A Message to the New Generation
To the Oromo youth of today:
Do not reduce Gadaa to song, dance, or costume. Carry its ideas.
- See power as accountability, not privilege.
- See deliberation as strength, not weakness.
- See consensus as victory, not surrender.
- See diversity as wealth, not conflict.
- See law as supreme, not individual will.
- See leadership as service, not domination.
- See history as learning, not nostalgia.
If you do this, Gadaa will not be a relic of the past; it will be a living guide for the future.
Conclusion: Revitalizing History, Building the Future
Gadaa is not just about remembering the past. It is about engaging with the questions of today and tomorrow. Oromo history is not a museum; it is a living source of ideas, values, and lessons.
The new generation of Oromo must carry Gadaa forward—not as a heritage to be preserved in isolation, but as a philosophy to be applied in the modern world.
Let us not worship our history; let us study it critically. Let us not only celebrate our heroes; let us also learn from their accountability. Let us not only remember our victories; let us also learn from our defeats.
This is how we revitalize Oromo history. This is how we build the future.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Gadaan haa jabaattu!
Seenaan Oromoo haa haaromfu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Hailu Gonfa and is dedicated to all those who are committed to revitalizing Oromo history, studying the Gadaa system with honesty and rigor, and applying its lessons to the challenges of today.
Irreechaa: The Oromo Thanksgiving — A Celebration of Creation, Renewal, and Gratitude
Honouring Waaqa Through Ancient Rituals of Rain, Peace, and Fertility
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the heart of the Oromo nation, a sacred tradition unfolds each year—a celebration that connects the living to their creator, their ancestors, and the natural world that sustains them. Irreechaa is more than a cultural festival; it is the spiritual heartbeat of the Oromo people, a profound expression of thanksgiving to Waaqa (God) for the gift of life, the renewal of the seasons, and the promise of abundance.
As the Oromo people gather at sacred sites—atop mountains, along riverbanks, and around the shores of lakes—they carry bunches of fresh grass and flowers, symbols of creation and gratitude. They sing, they pray, and they reaffirm their faith in the one universal creator. This is Irreechaa: the Oromo Thanksgiving Day.
The Oromo Belief in One God: Waaqa Tokko
The Oromo people are one of the indigenous peoples of East Africa, with a rich cultural heritage that stretches back millennia. Central to their worldview is a profound and unwavering belief in monotheism—the belief in one God, whom they call Waaqa.
The Oromo are not fetishists. They do not worship the forces of nature; rather, they see in them the manifestations of Waaqa’s power and wisdom. The Oromo people hold this faith so deeply that any expression of doubt regarding the unity of God is met with strong protest. For the Oromo, there is and will always be but one God—Waaqa Tokko—the unique, universal creator and master of all existence.
This belief is the foundation upon which the Irreechaa ceremony is built. It is a celebration not of nature itself, but of the creator whose wisdom and power are revealed through nature’s beauty, fertility, and renewal.
The Gadaa System and Qaalluu Institution: The Framework of Irreechaa
To fully understand Irreechaa, one must understand the broader cultural and political systems of the Oromo people, particularly the Gadaa system and the Qaalluu institution.
The Gadaa system is a millennia-old democratic governance structure based on generational age sets, egalitarian principles, and rotating leadership. It has been recognized by UNESCO as part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. The Qaalluu institution, on the other hand, is the spiritual authority that maintains harmony between society, nature, and the spiritual realm.
Irreechaa is intimately connected to both. The Qaalluus (spiritual leaders) and the Abbaa Malkaas (lineal chiefs of the areas) are at the top hierarchies of the ritual. The Qaalluus give instructions and directives regarding the location and timing of the ritual, ensuring that it is conducted in accordance with ancient traditions.
The Philosophy of Irreechaa: Life, Death, and Resurrection
Irreechaa is not merely a ritual; it is a comprehensive philosophical worldview that reflects the Oromo people’s understanding of existence.
The ceremony embodies a profound admiration for the miraculous spiritual powers of Waaqa and the living secret of generation. The ever-greenness and productivity of plants, the regeneration of life, the replacement of the old by the new, and the death and resurrection of fruits are seen as manifestations of Waaqa’s wisdom.
According to this belief, all is accomplished by the will of Waaqa.
The cycle of seasons—the death of vegetation in the dry season and its resurrection with the rains—is likened to the cycle of life itself. It reflects a philosophy of life after death, of renewal, and of hope.
Historically, this worldview is believed to have originated from the ancient Cushitic people living along the Nile Valley. While the Oromo Waaqeffannaa is not identical to the religious practices of these ancient peoples, it shares a common origin in the Nile Valley Cushitic civilization.
The Two Major Irreechaa Celebrations
The Irreechaa ritual ceremony is conducted at different places and times, governed by its own system and portrayed by its own ritual practices. By and large, it takes place at two major areas:
1. Irreechaa Tulluu — The Mountain Celebration
Irreechaa Tulluu is the ritual ceremony conducted at the top of mountains. It is performed at the beginning of the spring season, usually in the month of March.
For three months prior, the land has endured the harshness of the dry season (bona) . Both people and cattle suffer from drought, shortage of water, and scarcity of grasses. It is during this time of hardship that the Oromo people gather on the mountain tops to pray to Waaqa to send rain, to bring relief, and to restore life to the land.
The mountain tops are solitary places characterized by moisture conducive for praying. This ritual ceremonial practice is said to have closely related to the worship practiced by ancient settlers of peoples of the Nile Valley.
2. Irreechaa Malkaa — The Riverbank Celebration
Irreechaa Malkaa is celebrated immediately after the end of the rainy season, in the middle of September (Fulbaana). It is a time of transition—when the darkness and fog of the rainy season give way to the brightness of spring (Birraa) .
This ritual ceremony is accomplished not only along the banks of rivers but also around lakes and their vicinities. The most famous of these celebrations takes place at Hora Arsadi, near Bishoftu town, a site of profound historical and cultural significance.
This Irreechaa holiday is sometimes known as Ayyaana Birraa (the Birraa holiday). It is the time when relatives, families, and clans, separated by rivers and floods during the rainy season, are able to meet and reconnect.
The Significance of Hora Arsadi
Hora Arsadi, the iconic site of Irreechaa Malkaa, is located adjacent to Bishoftu town, not far from Oda Nabe—one of the Oromo religious, political, and historical centers of ancient times.
The name “Hora Arsadi” is derived from a man named Arsadi, who is said to have belonged to the Liban lineage. The site is a sacred space, where the Oromo people gather annually to give thanks, to pray, and to renew their connection to Waaqa and to each other.
At this site, the Abbaa Malkaas and the Abbaa Gadaas have vital participatory roles. Communities carrying bunches of lovely grasses and flowers in their hands—symbols of creation and abundance—praise, bless, and pray to Waaqa.
The Rituals of Irreechaa
The Irreechaa ceremony is a rich tapestry of song, dance, prayer, and community fellowship.
Carrying the Bunch of Grasses and Flowers
Participants hold in their hands fresh grass and flowers—symbols of the creation they are praising. This act embodies the essence of Irreechaa: “Uumamaan uumaa raajjeeffanna” —we pray and admire the creator having creations in hands.
After the thanksgiving songs are sung, the bunches of flowers and grasses are laid over, symbolizing the offering of gratitude to Waaqa.
The Songs of Irreechaa
The songs of Irreechaa are deeply moving and spiritually charged. The women, decorated in Caaccuu (beads) cultural suits and holding Siiqqee (cultural slender sticks), sing the melody:
“Maareyoo! Maareyoo…!”
The men, holding Harooressa (male sticks), respond with:
“Irrechoo yaa irrecha malkaa roobaafi nagaa…”
This call and response is a prayer for rain, peace, and fertility—for the well-being of the community and the promise of abundance.
The Return Home
After the prayers, all participants return to their villages, accompanying the Abbaa Malkaa and their clan leaders. The journey back is marked by joy, fellowship, and the reaffirmation of community bonds.
Children and Youth Celebrations
Children with peer groups sing seasonal and love songs. This is the season when young people select their partners, give and receive gifts, and express their best wishes to one another through cultural songs. It is a time of hope, renewal, and the celebration of life.
The Cultural and Spiritual Meaning of Irreechaa
Irreechaa embodies the core values of Oromo culture and spirituality:
1. Gratitude to the Creator
The ceremony is an act of thanksgiving, acknowledging that all life and abundance come from Waaqa.
2. Renewal and Hope
Irreechaa marks the transition from hardship to hope, from the scarcity of the dry season to the abundance of spring.
3. Community and Unity
The celebration brings together families, clans, and communities, reinforcing the bonds of kinship and solidarity.
4. Connection to Nature
The use of fresh grass and flowers symbolizes the Oromo people’s deep connection to the natural world and their role as stewards of creation.
5. Peace and Reconciliation
Irreechaa is also a time for reconciliation—for mending relationships, resolving conflicts, and fostering peace within the community.
Irreechaa in the Modern Era
Today, Irreechaa has grown beyond its traditional boundaries. The annual celebration at Hora Arsadi now draws hundreds of thousands of Oromo people from across Ethiopia and the diaspora. It has become a powerful expression of Oromo identity, unity, and cultural pride.
The ceremony has also garnered international recognition. It serves as a reminder of the Oromo people’s rich cultural heritage and their enduring connection to their land, their faith, and their traditions.
In the diaspora, Oromo communities in cities like Minneapolis, Seattle, Melbourne, and Toronto have also begun to celebrate Irreechaa, ensuring that the tradition continues across borders. These celebrations preserve cultural identity, connect younger generations to their heritage, and create spaces for community bonding.
A Call to Preserve and Celebrate
As the Oromo people continue to navigate the challenges of the modern world, Irreechaa remains a source of strength, hope, and identity. It is a reminder of who they are, where they come from, and the values that unite them as a people.
Irreechaa is more than a holiday—it is a way of life. It is a philosophy of gratitude, a celebration of creation, and a reaffirmation of faith in the one universal creator.
As the participants gather at Hora Arsadi and other sacred sites, they carry not just bunches of grass and flowers, but the hopes, prayers, and dreams of an entire nation.
Irreechoo yaa irrecha malkaa roobaafi nagaa!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Irreechaa haa jabaattu!
Waaqa haa galatannu!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo people—past, present, and future—who carry the spirit of Irreechaa in their hearts, and to the generations yet to come who will continue this sacred tradition.
Finfinne: A Question of Law, Governance, and Political Will
Moving Beyond History to Constitutional and Administrative Solutions
By Birhanu Lenjiso (PhD)
The debate surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—has long been entangled in competing historical narratives, emotional appeals, and identity politics. But at its core, the question of Finfinne’s status is not primarily historical or geographical. It is a question of law, governance, and political will.
Finfinne is the capital of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. It serves as the seat of the federal government. But it is also a city located within the boundaries of Oromia, and this geographical reality carries constitutional implications that cannot be ignored. The distinction between the city’s role as a federal capital and its regional location must be clearly understood if we are to find a sustainable solution.
The Constitutional Framework: A City Within Oromia
Finfinne did not become the capital of Ethiopia because it lacked an owner. It became the capital because the Oromo people—the rightful owners of the land—consented to its role as the seat of the federal government. This consent was formalized in the Ethiopian Constitution, which recognized Oromia’s “special interest” in the city concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters.
This constitutional recognition is not a declaration of Oromo ownership in the exclusive sense. Rather, it acknowledges a practical reality: the city is located within Oromia, and its daily functioning and development depend on resources, infrastructure, and cooperation from surrounding Oromo communities.
Two distinct dimensions must be clearly distinguished:
- The city’s regional status — its location within Oromia and its relationship with the surrounding communities.
- The city’s federal status — its role as the capital of Ethiopia and the seat of the federal government.
Both dimensions are legitimate and must be respected. The challenge is to find a governance framework that honours both.
The Oromo Position: A Clear and Legitimate Demand
The Oromo people’s demand regarding Finfinne is clear and straightforward: Finfinne should remain the capital of Ethiopia, but its administration should be placed under the jurisdiction of Oromia.
This demand is rooted in the following considerations:
- Geographical Reality: Finfinne is surrounded by Oromia and is an integral part of the Oromo homeland.
- Historical Connection: The area known as Finfinnee has been inhabited by Oromo people for generations and holds deep cultural significance.
- Constitutional Recognition: The Constitution recognizes Oromia’s special interest in the city, a provision that has never been fully implemented.
- Practical Necessity: The city’s development and the well-being of surrounding communities are interconnected and require coordinated governance.
The Oromo position is not a rejection of Finfinne’s role as the federal capital. It is a demand for constitutional implementation, administrative justice, and practical cooperation.
The Importance of Legal and Administrative Clarity
The debate over Finfinne should not be reduced to competing historical claims or identity-based appeals. While history and geography provide important context, the core question is one of law and governance.
What is the legal status of Finfinne?
How should its relationship with Oromia be governed?
How can the constitutional provisions regarding Oromia’s special interest be implemented?
These are the questions that demand answers. Repeatedly invoking historical grievances or geographical arguments without addressing the legal and administrative dimensions does not move the debate forward. It only complicates the process and deepens divisions.
Separating History, Law, Politics, and Identity
To make progress on the Finfinne question, we must develop the discipline of separating different dimensions of the issue:
- History: The historical connection between the Oromo people and the land on which Finfinne was built is a fact. It is not a question—it is a reality that must be acknowledged.
- Geography: The city is located within Oromia. This is a geographical fact, not a political claim. It has implications for governance, resource sharing, and administrative cooperation.
- Constitutional Law: The Constitution recognizes Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne. This is a legal provision that requires implementation. How this implementation should occur is a matter of legal interpretation and political negotiation.
- Politics: The demand for administrative control over Finfinne is a political question. It is subject to debate, negotiation, and compromise. It is not a historical or geographical inevitability—it is a matter of political will and constitutional interpretation.
- Identity: Finfinne holds deep cultural and symbolic meaning for the Oromo people. This identity dimension must be respected, but it should not dominate the legal and administrative discussions.
By separating these dimensions, we can engage in a more productive and less emotionally charged debate.
The Need for a Framework Agreement
The Finfinne question will not be resolved through unilateral declarations or zero-sum demands. It requires a framework agreement that addresses the following key issues:
- Constitutional Implementation: How can Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne be implemented in practice? What joint administrative mechanisms are needed?
- Administrative Relations: How should the federal government, the Oromia regional government, and the city administration coordinate their activities?
- Resource Sharing: How should the city’s resources—including land, water, and infrastructure—be managed in a way that benefits both the city and surrounding communities?
- Development Planning: How can urban expansion and development be planned in a way that respects the rights and interests of affected communities?
- Citizen Participation: How can all residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—participate in the governance of the city?
Such an agreement must be based on mutual respect, constitutional fidelity, and a commitment to justice.
The Danger of Historical Simplification
One of the greatest obstacles to resolving the Finfinne question is the tendency to reduce complex issues to simplistic historical claims.
Those who argue that Finfinne is simply “Oromo land” or that it is simply “Ethiopian capital” are missing the point. The city is both. It is the capital of Ethiopia and the historical heart of Oromia. These two truths are not contradictory—they are complementary.
The challenge is to create governance arrangements that honour both truths. This requires moving beyond historical claims and engaging in practical, constitutional discussions.
A Call for Pragmatism and Cooperation
The Finfinne question has been debated for decades. It has been the source of conflict, protest, and political tension. It has divided communities and strained relationships. But it does not have to be a source of endless conflict.
A sustainable solution requires:
- Acknowledgment of Historical Facts: The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne must be acknowledged. This is not a concession—it is an acknowledgment of reality.
- Respect for Constitutional Provisions: Oromia’s special interest in the city, as recognized in the Constitution, must be implemented. The Constitution is not a suggestion—it is the supreme law of the land.
- Political Will: The federal government and the Oromia regional government must engage in good-faith negotiations to find a mutually acceptable governance framework.
- Focus on Practical Solutions: The debate should focus on practical questions of governance, resource sharing, and administrative coordination—not on abstract claims of ownership or identity.
Conclusion: A Path Forward
The Finfinne question is ultimately a question of law and governance. It is about how the city should be administered, how resources should be shared, and how the relationship between the city and surrounding communities should be governed.
The Oromo people’s demand—that Finfinne remain the capital of Ethiopia while its administration is placed under Oromia—is a legitimate political claim. It is rooted in constitutional provisions, historical realities, and practical considerations. It deserves to be taken seriously.
But the resolution of this question will not come from historical debates or identity-based appeals. It will come from good-faith negotiations, constitutional implementation, and a commitment to justice.
Let us focus on the law.
Let us focus on governance.
Let us focus on practical solutions.
Let us build a future where Finfinne serves as a city for all Ethiopians while honouring its historical and constitutional relationship with Oromia.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Oromia fi Finfinne walitti haa qabatan!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dr. Birhanu Lenjiso and is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and lasting solution to the question of Finfinne.
A Historical Reflection on the Betrayal of Abiishee Garbaa: Lessons for the Oromo Struggle Today
How Deception, Diplomacy, and Divide-and-Rule Tactics Defeated a Leader—and What the Oromo Liberation Army Must Learn
By Dinknesh Dheeressaa
As I observe the events unfolding in our midst today, I am reminded of a painful chapter in Oromo history—the story of Abiishee Garbaa, a leader whose fate was sealed not by the strength of his enemies on the battlefield, but by their cunning, deception, and manipulation of Oromo unity.
This is not merely a tale of the past. It is a mirror held up to the present. The same tactics that brought down Abiishee Garbaa are being employed today against the Oromo people and their liberation struggle. The question we must ask ourselves is: Have we learned the lessons of history?
The Historical Context: Abiishee Garbaa and the Gojjam Invasion
According to the authoritative book “Seenaa Abiishee Garbaa fi Gootota Oromoo Biroo” by Ginbaar Nagaraa Kumsaa (2013), the story of Abiishee Garbaa is one of betrayal, deception, and the tragic fragmentation of Oromo unity .
In the years 1854/55, following the death of Garbaa Huruubaa—the ruler of Horro and Abiishee’s father—the region fell into political turmoil. No new leader had been appointed to rule Horro, and this power vacuum was exploited by the Gojjam forces. They crossed the Mormor River through Amuru and launched a devastating campaign against the Horro people .
Abiishee, compelled to defend his people and claim his father’s legacy, mobilized his forces. He gathered the Qondaaltota (warriors) of Horro and successfully repelled the Gojjam invaders. Despite multiple attempts, the Gojjam forces could not defeat Abiishee in direct military confrontation .
But they did not need to.
The Tactics of Deception: Divide, Bribe, and Betray
Unable to defeat Abiishee through conventional warfare, the Gojjam forces turned to a different strategy: division and deception.
They exploited internal rifts within the Horro leadership. One of Abiishee’s own commanders, Soorii Galaa, who had opposed Abiishee’s leadership, defected to the enemy. Soorii Galaa fled to Gojjam, where he was received and employed. He then conspired to betray his people, using his insider knowledge to undermine Oromo resistance .
This pattern is all too familiar. As the Oromo proverb says: “Soogiddaan soogidda cabsu” —”Salt breaks salt.” The enemy does not always need to destroy you from the outside. Often, they find someone from within to do the work for them.
The Gojjam forces used a combination of modern weaponry, espionage, bribery, and deception. They pitted Oromo leaders against each other, spreading rumours, creating alliances based on false promises, and exploiting personal ambitions and grievances to shatter the unity of the Oromo people .
The Role of Qadiidaa Wannabee: False Diplomacy and Betrayal
The most infamous act of deception was the role of Qadiidaa Wannabee. Unable to defeat Abiishee through force, the Gojjam forces enlisted Qadiidaa to lure Abiishee into a trap through the promise of peace. Qadiidaa went to Abiishee, swore oaths of friendship, and assured him that the Gojjam forces were sincere in their desire for reconciliation .
Abiishee, believing in the promise of peace, agreed to meet the Gojjam forces at a location they had prepared. He set out without his weapons—unarmed, trusting in the word of Qadiidaa.
But it was a trap.
As Abiishee entered the camp of the Gojjam forces, the Amhara forces, who had been lying in wait, surrounded him. Soorii Galaa—the defector—served as the translator. Abiishee was disarmed and taken captive .
The Humiliation and Tragic End
Abiishee was not given a warrior’s death. Instead, he was subjected to unspeakable humiliation. He was bound with heavy wooden yokes—the same yokes used to bind oxen. He was paraded and forced to walk to Gojjam. Stripped of his dignity, his clothing, and his freedom, he was led like an animal before his enemies.
According to the account, when Abiishee realized the depth of the deception and the humiliation he had been forced to endure, his grief and rage were so overwhelming that he chewed off his own fingers in despair .
This tragic ending is a searing reminder: when unity is broken, when trust is misplaced, when the enemy’s diplomacy is a mask for violence, the price is catastrophic.
The Relevance of History: The Oromo Liberation Army Today
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is not just a historical curiosity. It is a lesson for the Oromo Liberation Army (WBO) today. As the armed wing of the Oromo struggle, the WBO faces challenges that echo the past:
1. The Danger of Deception and False Diplomacy
Today, the Ethiopian government and its allies are skilled in the same tactics that defeated Abiishee. They offer peace, dialogue, and reconciliation—but often, these are merely tools for disarmament and control. The legacy of Qadiidaa Wannabee lives on. Abiishee’s mistake was trusting the word of an enemy who offered peace while preparing to destroy him.
The WBO must remain vigilant. Not every hand extended in peace is sincere. Some are reaching for a weapon.
2. The Need for Unity
Abiishee’s downfall was accelerated by division within his own leadership. The defection of Soorii Galaa and the internal conflicts among the Horro commanders fractured their resistance. The enemy exploited these divisions masterfully.
The WBO must guard against internal fragmentation. The Oromo struggle is a collective effort, and unity is its greatest strength. As the Oromo saying goes: “Tokkummaan jabina” —”Unity is strength.”
3. The Power of Knowledge and Preparation
Abiishee’s defeat was also a failure of intelligence and preparation. He underestimated his enemies, overestimated their sincerity, and failed to anticipate the trap they had set.
The WBO must prioritize intelligence, strategy, and preparation. The enemy is often more cunning than they appear. Knowledge of history, awareness of tactics, and readiness for deception are essential weapons in the struggle.
The Broader Lesson: History Must Not Be Forgotten
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is part of the larger history of Oromo resistance—a history that has been systematically suppressed and erased. As one historian notes, studies focusing on the history of Oromo heroes like Abiishee Garbaa are relatively scarce, and the historical narratives have often been shaped by external perspectives .
Recovering and teaching Oromo history is therefore a political act. It is an act of resistance against the erasure of Oromo identity and memory. It is a way of ensuring that the mistakes of the past are not repeated.
The book “Seenaa Abiishee Garbaa fi Gootota Oromoo Biroo” is one such effort to reclaim that history. By telling the stories of Oromo heroes, it provides the younger generation with the knowledge they need to continue the struggle with wisdom and determination.
A Call to Action: Learn from the Past, Build for the Future
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is a cautionary tale. It reminds us that the struggle for Oromo liberation is not only a battle against external enemies but also against internal divisions and naivety.
Today, the Oromo Liberation Army and the broader Oromo movement face challenges that require wisdom, unity, and vigilance. The Ethiopian government continues to use the same tactics of divide-and-rule that were employed against Abiishee. False diplomacy, offers of peace, and political manipulation are still weapons in their arsenal.
The lesson is clear: the enemy does not always come with guns. Sometimes they come with promises.
The WBO and all Oromo people must learn from the mistakes of the past. They must:
- Study history to understand the tactics of their enemies.
- Remain united and guard against internal division.
- Be vigilant in the face of false diplomacy.
- Prepare strategically for both political and military challenges.
Conclusion: Honouring the Memory of Abiishee Garbaa
Abiishee Garbaa was a leader who fought bravely to defend his people and his land. He was defeated not by a stronger enemy on the battlefield, but by betrayal, division, and deception. His story is a tragedy—but it is also a lesson.
As Dinknesh Dheeressaa reminds us: “The wounds of history are not just memories; they are warnings. They tell us what we must not do again.”
The Oromo struggle has been marked by many such tragedies. But each tragedy has also produced heroes, martyrs, and lessons. If we honour the memory of Abiishee Garbaa, we must do so by learning from his story—by ensuring that the same mistakes are not repeated.
Let us learn from the past so that the future may be free.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Seenaa haa barannu!
WBO haa jabaattu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dinknesh Dheeressaa and is dedicated to all those who continue to struggle for Oromo liberation and who seek wisdom from the lessons of history.
The Unrelenting Reactionary Force: A Reflection on Ethiopia’s National Dialogue and the Battle for Constitutional Integrity
Confronting the Forces That Seek to Undermine Ethiopia’s Federal Foundation
By Dereje Gerefa Tullu
For over three decades, the Ethiopian Constitution has served as the foundational document upon which the country’s federal system was built. It enshrined the rights of nations, nationalities, and peoples—including the right to self-determination, cultural recognition, and political participation. It was a historic compromise, an attempt to address the historical grievances of marginalized communities and build a new Ethiopia based on equality and justice.
Yet, from the moment it was adopted, there have been forces that have sought to undermine it. These forces—reactionary in their orientation—have never accepted the constitutional order. They have never reconciled themselves to the reality that Ethiopia is a country of diverse nations and nationalities with equal rights. And now, as the national dialogue unfolds, they have emerged once again, more vocal and more aggressive than ever.
This is a reflection on the reactionary forces that have dominated Ethiopia’s political discourse for decades—forces that, under the guise of unity, seek to reimpose a centralized, assimilationist order that has been rejected by the Ethiopian people.
The Assault on the Constitution: Erasing Nations and Nationalities
The reactionary forces have made their agenda clear. They have targeted the very language of the Constitution, particularly the phrase “nations and nationalities” that appears in its preamble. They argue that this language is divisive, that it undermines national unity, that it must be replaced with something more “inclusive”—a term that, in practice, means something far more sinister.
“The phrase ‘nations and nationalities’ bothers me,” they declare. “It should be removed.”
When the ruling Prosperity Party proposed replacing it with “Ethiopian nationalities” —a gesture toward the reactionaries—it was not enough. They demanded more. They insisted that the very recognition of distinct nationalities be erased entirely, replaced by a homogenized “Ethiopian” identity that denies the reality of the country’s diversity.
No one outside the reactionary camp has asked for this. No one has demanded that the Constitution’s recognition of nations and nationalities be removed. This is not a popular demand—it is the agenda of a minority that refuses to accept the constitutional order.
The Attack on Self-Determination: Article 39 Under Fire
If the preamble was the first target, Article 39 of the Constitution—which enshrines the right to self-determination, up to and including secession—has been the primary focus of the reactionary assault.
“Remove the right to secession,” they demand. “Why should the Constitution include such a dangerous provision?”
Despite the fact that the right to self-determination is a fundamental principle of international law, despite the fact that it is recognized in constitutions around the world, the reactionaries have never accepted it. They see it as a threat to their vision of a centralized Ethiopian state.
“We Ethiopians are not interested in secession,” they insist. “We are interested in unity, equality, and brotherhood/sisterhood.”
But if the right to self-determination is not a threat, if it is simply a constitutional safeguard, then why do they want it removed? The answer is clear: because they do not trust the Ethiopian people. They do not believe in democracy. They do not believe that the people, if given the choice, would choose to remain united. They want to deny the people that choice—not because they believe in unity, but because they believe in control.
The Land Question: Undermining Oromo’s Constitutional Rights
The reactionary forces have also targeted Article 49(5) of the Constitution, which recognizes Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters.
“Remove Oromia’s special interest,” they demand. “Why should Oromia have a special interest in the capital?”
They argue that because Finfinne is surrounded by Oromia, and because the city’s daily activities and development depend on resources from Oromia, this constitutional provision is somehow unfair. They have called for the complete removal of any reference to Oromia in the Constitution’s treatment of the capital.
“The national dialogue is completely under the control of Oromia’s Prosperity Party,” they have claimed on social media. “It is rigged.”
Despite the fact that Finfinne has historically been the capital of Ethiopia and the seat of the federal government, the reactionary forces have framed Oromia’s constitutional interests as a threat. They have campaigned relentlessly to delegitimize these provisions and to marginalize the Oromo people in their own capital.
The Land Question: Property, Access, and Control
The reactionary forces have also weighed in on the land question, challenging the constitutional principle that land is the common property of the state and the people. They have demanded that private property rights be expanded to include land—a demand that would fundamentally alter the socio-economic order of Ethiopia.
“Land should be private,” they declare.
When it was suggested that some form of private land ownership could be introduced, the reactionary forces were not satisfied. They insisted that the only reason private land ownership was not already enshrined in the Constitution was the treachery of the previous regime, the EPRDF. They dismissed any attempt at compromise and insisted on the full privatization of land—a demand that would disproportionately benefit the wealthy at the expense of farmers and rural communities.
The Historical Revisionism: A Convenient Amnesia
The reactionary forces have also engaged in historical revisionism. They have argued that Finfinne has always been the capital of Ethiopia, that it has always been the capital of the Shoa region, and that there is nothing exceptional about this arrangement.
“Under the Emperor, Finfinne was the capital of Ethiopia and Shoa. Under the Derg, it was the capital of Ethiopia, the Shoa Province, and the Administrative Region. Under the EPRDF and Prosperity Party, it has been the capital of Ethiopia and Oromia. Nothing has changed.”
But this is a convenient amnesia. The fact that Finfinne has served as the capital is not in dispute. What is in dispute is whether the Oromo people have a constitutional and historical stake in the city. Article 49(5) was not invented by the current regime—it was a product of the EPRDF era, adopted with the consent of all parties.
The reactionary forces have conveniently forgotten that the EPRDF itself faced a crisis when it attempted to revise the capital’s status. The Oromo people protested, and the attempt failed. The current regime itself is a product of that crisis—a crisis that was caused precisely by the refusal to respect Oromo rights.
“If the Prosperity Party does not change Oromia’s capital from Finfinne to something else,” the reactionaries now declare, “then Prosperity Party itself is OLF.”
The Flag: A Symbol of Unity or Division?
The reactionary forces have even gone after the Ethiopian flag, arguing that the star represents nations and nationalities and that this is somehow divisive.
“If the star is meant to represent the equality and unity of the nationalities, then it must be removed,” they insist. “Otherwise, I am willing to go to death.”
When it was suggested that the flag could be discussed as part of the national dialogue, the reactionary forces attacked the dialogue commission and its members for even raising the issue. They accused the Prosperity Party of being willing to “sell out” by even considering changes to the flag.
“The flag is sacred,” they claimed. “Why should it be changed?”
But the flag has been changed before—under the Derg, under the EPRDF, and under the current regime. The Ethiopian flag has always reflected the political order of the time. The reactionaries’ demand that the flag be frozen in amber, that it never change, is not a demand for tradition—it is a demand for control.
The Deception of the Reactionary Forces
The reactionary forces have attempted to frame themselves as defenders of Ethiopian unity. They have attacked the Prosperity Party for being too “soft” on Oromo rights. They have attacked the national dialogue commission for being too “Oromo-dominated.” They have attempted to claim the mantle of Ethiopian nationalism for themselves.
But their actions betray them.
- They refuse to accept the constitutional recognition of nations and nationalities.
- They refuse to accept the right to self-determination.
- They refuse to accept Oromia’s special interest in the capital.
- They refuse to accept the principle of land as common property.
- They have delegitimized the national dialogue before it even began.
They are not defending Ethiopian unity—they are defending their own power. They fear that any recognition of Oromo rights, any acknowledgment of the constitutional order, will diminish their influence. And so they fight tooth and nail to preserve a system that has already been rejected by history.
The Failure of the National Dialogue
The reactionary forces are now attempting to sabotage the national dialogue. They have engaged in a social media campaign to discredit the dialogue commission, to attack its members, and to delegitimize its proceedings.
“The dialogue is a sham,” they have claimed. “It is entirely controlled by Oromia’s Prosperity Party.”
But the reality is different. The national dialogue has brought together a wide range of voices from across Ethiopia. The Oromo representatives, including Qajeelaa Mardaasaa, Sanyii Nagaasaa, and Dr. Saamuel Kiflee, have presented their views. The issues of Finfinne, the capital status, and the constitutional rights of the Oromo people have been discussed.
But the reactionary forces have not accepted the dialogue—they have sought to undermine it. They have attacked the dialogue commission, they have attacked the participants, and they have demanded that the agenda be changed to suit their preferences.
They are not interested in dialogue. They are interested in dictation.
The Need to Confront the Reactionary Forces
The reactionary forces have been allowed to dominate the political discourse for too long. They have been allowed to attack the Constitution, to deny Oromo rights, and to undermine the national dialogue—all in the name of “unity.”
But silence is not a strategy. It is a surrender.
If the reactionary forces are not challenged, they will continue to dominate. They will continue to attack the constitutional order. They will continue to undermine the national dialogue. And they will continue to marginalize the Oromo people and other communities that seek justice and equality.
“If you don’t say ‘enough,’ the reactionary forces will not retreat. They will only grow bolder.”
The time for confrontation is now.
Conclusion: A Choice Between Two Futures
The reactionary forces have made their agenda clear. They want to roll back the constitutional gains of the past thirty years. They want to deny the Oromo people their rights. They want to centralize power and impose a homogenized Ethiopian identity.
But that is not the only future available.
The Oromo people have made their voice heard. They have insisted on the recognition of their rights, the acknowledgment of their history, and the respect of their constitutional position. They have demonstrated that they will not accept a system that denies them justice.
“Finfinne is Oromo. Oromia’s rightful capital must be recognized. The struggle for justice continues.”
The choice is now before the Ethiopian people: Will they allow the reactionary forces to dominate? Will they accept the denial of Oromo rights? Will they embrace a future of equality and justice—or a return to the past?
The time to say “enough” is now.
The time to confront the reactionary forces is now.
The time to build a future of justice and equality is now.
Finfinne is Oromo.
The Constitution must be respected.
The national dialogue must serve the people, not the reactionaries.
The struggle for justice continues.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dereje Gerefa Tullu and is dedicated to all those who continue to struggle for justice, equality, and constitutional integrity in Ethiopia.
Finfinne and Oromia: A Shared Future Rooted in History, Culture, and Constitutional Reality
Moving Beyond Ownership Toward Partnership, Justice, and Lasting Coexistence
By Iyasu Enoro
The debate surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—has long been characterized by competing narratives, political posturing, and historical grievances. Too often, the discussion has been reduced to a simplistic and divisive question: Who owns the city?
But a modern capital city is not private property. It is not a piece of land to be claimed, contested, or parceled out among competing groups. Finfinne belongs to all its residents and serves as the political, economic, and cultural heart of Ethiopia. At the same time, recognizing this reality should not require ignoring the city’s historical, cultural, geographical, and constitutional relationship with Oromia.
The path forward requires moving beyond the zero-sum logic of ownership toward a framework of partnership, recognition, and shared responsibility. This is not only possible—it is essential for the long-term stability, justice, and prosperity of both the capital and the surrounding Oromo communities.
The Historical and Constitutional Foundation
Finfinne, known historically as Finfinnee, is surrounded by Oromia and remains deeply connected to the Oromo people who have lived in the area for generations. The city’s very name, Finfinnee—meaning “place of hot springs”—is Oromo, a testament to its indigenous roots.
The Ethiopian Constitution recognizes this unique relationship. Article 49(5) affirms Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters arising from the city’s location within the State of Oromia.
This constitutional recognition is not a declaration of exclusive ownership. Rather, it acknowledges a practical and historical reality: the future of Finfinne and the future of surrounding Oromo communities are inseparable.
The clause, repeatedly violated according to Oromo advocates, represents a constitutional acknowledgment that the relationship between the capital and Oromia is not merely symbolic—it has direct implications for governance, resource sharing, and the well-being of communities on both sides of the city’s borders.
Oromia’s Cultural Contribution to Finfinne
The story of Finfinne cannot be separated from the story of Oromo culture and heritage. Long before modern political debates emerged, the area known as Finfinnee was part of the social and cultural landscape of the Tulama Oromo. It was a place of springs, grazing lands, and cultural significance.
Today, Oromo culture continues to shape the identity of the capital:
- Afaan Oromoo has become increasingly visible in public life, media, education, business, and cultural institutions.
- Oromo artists, musicians, writers, academics, entrepreneurs, athletes, and public servants continue to contribute significantly to the cultural and economic life of Finfinne.
- Major Oromo cultural celebrations such as Irreecha have strengthened cultural connections between the capital and the broader Oromia region.
- The growing recognition of the name Finfinnee alongside Finfinne represents an effort to acknowledge the city’s historical roots while preserving its role as a national capital.
Recognizing Oromo heritage does not diminish the contributions of Amharas, Gurages, Siltes, Somalis, Tigreans, Afars, or any other community. Finfinne has been built by the collective efforts of many peoples. A truly inclusive city should celebrate all of these contributions, including those of the Oromo people whose historical connection to the area remains undeniable.
Development and Its Impact on Oromo Communities
The relationship between Finfinne and Oromia is not merely symbolic. It has direct consequences for people living in the surrounding areas.
The controversy over the 2014 Finfinne Integrated Development Master Plan highlighted these concerns. Many Oromo communities feared that the proposed expansion of the capital into surrounding Oromia districts would lead to displacement, loss of farmland, and reduced local control over resources. The resulting protests spread throughout Oromia and eventually led to the cancellation of the plan.
The experience demonstrated an important reality: decisions made in Finfinne often directly affect neighboring Oromo communities.
Rapid urbanization continues to create challenges, including:
- Conversion of agricultural land into residential and commercial developments
- Pressure on water sources, environmental resources, and public infrastructure shared by both the city and surrounding communities
- Economic disruption for farming families whose livelihoods depend on land affected by urban expansion
- Concerns regarding fair compensation, consultation, and participation in development projects
- Cultural and linguistic pressures that can emerge when traditional communities are absorbed into rapidly expanding urban areas
These are not theoretical concerns. They are everyday realities for many communities living around Finfinne, making consultation and cooperation essential for sustainable development.
The Economic Impact of Finfinne’s Growth on Oromia
The relationship between Finfinne and Oromia is also economic. As Ethiopia’s capital has expanded, both the benefits and burdens of that growth have increasingly been felt in surrounding Oromo communities.
Recent research has documented the scale of this impact:
- A 2024 study examining land-use change in Finfinne reported that the city’s built-up area increased by 25.28 percent between 2000 and 2020. During the same period, agricultural land decreased by 15.92 percent and vegetation cover declined by 9.35 percent as urban development expanded outward.
- Much of this expansion was linked to housing projects, infrastructure construction, industrial development, and investment activities that transformed peri-urban landscapes.
- Research on communities affected by urban expansion found significant economic consequences for many farmers whose land was expropriated. Many displaced farmers experienced declines in income, while others were pushed into temporary or lower-paid employment after losing access to agricultural land.
- Another study found that urban expansion negatively affected multiple aspects of the lives of affected Oromo farming communities, including their economic and social wellbeing.
At the same time, Finfinne’s growth has also created opportunities for Oromo residents through:
- Employment in the city’s expanding economy
- Transportation links connecting Oromia to the capital
- Education and access to urban institutions
- Business expansion and market access
- Industrial investment creating new economic opportunities
The challenge is ensuring that the benefits of development are fairly shared and that the communities most directly affected by urban growth are not excluded from decision-making processes.
This reality helps explain why Oromia’s constitutional special interest in Finfinne remains relevant today. The issue is not ownership of the capital but ensuring that decisions regarding land use, infrastructure, natural resources, public services, and urban expansion are made with meaningful participation from the communities most affected by them.
Beyond Ownership: Toward Partnership
The real question is not who owns Finfinne. The city cannot and should not belong exclusively to any single ethnic group. At the same time, denying Oromia’s historical presence, cultural contribution, economic stake, and constitutionally recognized interests does not promote justice or long-term stability.
A sustainable future requires acknowledging several truths simultaneously:
- Finfinne is Ethiopia’s capital and belongs to all its residents. It is a city for all Ethiopians, regardless of their ethnic background.
- Finfinnee has deep historical and cultural ties to the Oromo people. This heritage must be acknowledged and respected.
- Oromo culture continues to enrich the city’s identity and development. The city is stronger for its diversity.
- Finfinne’s expansion directly affects neighboring Oromo communities. Their voices must be heard in decisions that affect their lives.
- Oromia possesses constitutionally recognized interests in matters concerning the city and its relationship with surrounding communities.
- Development should benefit affected communities rather than marginalize them. Fair compensation, consultation, and participation are essential.
A Vision for the Future
The path forward is therefore not ownership, exclusion, or historical denial. It is partnership built on constitutional respect, cultural recognition, economic fairness, and genuine cooperation.
This vision includes:
1. Constitutional Implementation
Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne, as recognized in Article 49(5) of the Constitution, should be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms that ensure meaningful Oromo participation in decisions affecting the capital and surrounding communities.
2. Cultural Recognition
The Oromo heritage of Finfinnee should be acknowledged through cultural institutions, public recognition, and educational programs that celebrate the city’s diverse history.
3. Fair Development
Urban expansion should be planned with meaningful consultation with affected communities, ensuring fair compensation, environmental protection, and shared benefits.
4. Inclusive Governance
All residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—should have equal rights to participation, public services, and legal protection.
5. Shared Prosperity
The economic benefits of the capital’s growth should be shared with surrounding communities, creating a virtuous cycle of development rather than a pattern of exploitation.
Conclusion: A Foundation for Lasting Coexistence
Finfinne can remain a city for all Ethiopians while also recognizing the heritage of Finfinnee, protecting the interests of surrounding Oromo communities, and respecting the constitutional principles designed to govern the relationship between the capital and Oromia.
Such an approach offers the strongest foundation for justice, stability, inclusion, and lasting coexistence.
The debate over Finfinne will not be resolved through confrontation or denial. It will be resolved through honest acknowledgment of history, respect for constitutional principles, and a shared commitment to building a future where all Ethiopians—Oromo and non-Oromo alike—can live with dignity, security, and hope.
Finfinne is for all Ethiopians.
Finfinnee is Oromo heritage.
The future is shared.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Oromia fi Finfinne walitti haa qabatan!
This feature article is dedicated to all residents of Finfinne and all Oromo communities whose lives are connected to the capital—past, present, and future.
Our Land, Our Legacy: The Oromo Youth’s Sacred Vow to Protect Their Homeland
“As Long As We Live, Our Land Will Never Be Conquered by Outsiders” — A Promise Passed Down Through Generations
By Dhabessa Wakjira
There are promises that transcend generations. There are vows that are sealed not with ink, but with blood and bone. There are commitments that are not spoken but lived—passed down from fathers to sons, from mothers to daughters, from elders to youth, through the very fabric of cultural memory.
“Nuti otuu jirruu, biyyi keenya alagaan hin dhaalamtu.”
“As long as we live, our land will never be conquered by outsiders.”
This is not a slogan. It is not a political statement. It is a sacred vow—a pledge that the Oromo people have carried in their hearts for generations. It is a promise that was sealed by the blood of ancestors who gave their lives to protect their homeland, and it is a commitment that the current generation has sworn to uphold.
The Oromia Youth Association stands at the forefront of this sacred duty, committed to preserving this legacy and passing it on to future generations.
The Weight of History: A Legacy of Resistance
The history of the Oromo people is a history of resistance. For over a century, the Oromo people have faced systematic attempts to dispossess them of their land, erase their identity, and deny their humanity. From the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire under Menelik II to the brutal repression of the Derg regime to the ongoing marginalization under the current system, the Oromo people have endured wave after wave of oppression.
Yet they have never surrendered. They have never abandoned their land. They have never forgotten who they are.
This resilience is not accidental. It is the result of a deep and abiding commitment to the land that sustains them. The Oromo people’s connection to their homeland is not merely economic or political—it is spiritual. It is rooted in the belief that the land is sacred, that it is entrusted to them by their ancestors, and that they have a duty to protect it for future generations.
The Oromo proverb says: “Biyya abbaa keessaa hin ba’inu” —”One does not abandon the land of one’s father.” This is not merely a saying; it is a guiding principle of Oromo life.
A Promise Passed Through Blood and Bone
The vow to protect the land is not something that was written in a book or declared in a speech. It was passed down through the generations—through the stories told around the fire, through the songs sung at celebrations, through the rituals performed at sacred sites, and through the sacrifices made by those who came before.
This is the promise that the Oromo people have carried in their hearts:
- The promise of the warriors who fought against the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire
- The promise of the farmers who refused to abandon their fields, even when threatened with death
- The promise of the mothers who taught their children to speak Afaan Oromoo, even when it was banned
- The promise of the activists who risked their lives to speak the truth
- The promise of the Qeerroo youth who took to the streets to demand justice
“Kun waadaa abbootiin keenya dhiigaa fi lafeen eeganii nutti dabarsanii dha.”
“This is the promise that our fathers, with their blood and bones, defended and passed down to us.”
This is not a metaphor. The Oromo people have literally shed their blood to defend their land. They have literally sacrificed their bones—their bodies—to ensure that their children would inherit a homeland. The promise is etched in the landscape of Oromia, in the names of its rivers and mountains, in the songs of its people, and in the memories of those who have fallen.
The Role of the Oromia Youth Association
The Oromia Youth Association understands the weight of this legacy. It recognizes that the promise of the ancestors is not just a historical artifact—it is a living commitment that must be renewed by each generation.
The association’s vision is clear: to ensure that the Oromo youth are prepared to carry this promise forward and pass it on to future generations.
Protecting the Land
The association is committed to defending Oromo land from any attempts at dispossession. This includes:
- Advocating for the recognition of Oromo land rights
- Opposing any attempts to illegally separate Oromo land
- Raising awareness about the historical and legal basis of Oromo claims to their land
- Building solidarity with other communities who face similar struggles
Preserving Oromo Identity
The association recognizes that protecting the land is inseparable from preserving Oromo identity. This includes:
- Promoting Oromo culture, language, and traditions
- Ensuring that Oromo history is taught to the younger generation
- Celebrating Oromo achievements and resilience
- Building a sense of pride and belonging among Oromo youth
Building a Future of Justice
The association believes that true protection of the land requires justice. This includes:
- Advocating for an end to the oppression of Oromo people
- Supporting efforts to address historical injustices
- Building a future where Oromo people can live in dignity, peace, and prosperity
- Ensuring that the voice of the Oromo people is heard in national and international forums
The Challenge of Our Time
The promise of the ancestors is under threat. Today, as the Ethiopian government conducts a national dialogue that some view as a tool to further marginalize the Oromo people, the question of Finfinne and other Oromo territories remains unresolved. There are ongoing attempts to separate Oromo land, to undermine Oromo rights, and to deny the Oromo people their rightful place in their own homeland.
Yet the Oromo people have not wavered. The youth, in particular, have shown remarkable resilience and determination. From the Qeerroo movement to the cultural revival in the diaspora, young Oromo people are demonstrating their commitment to the promise of their ancestors.
As one Oromo youth leader declared: “Waldaan Dargaggoota Oromiyaa imaanaa kana eeguu fi dhalootatti dabarsuuf qophiitti jira.”
“The Oromia Youth Association is prepared to protect this promise and pass it on to the next generation.”
International Solidarity and the Oromo Cause
The Oromo struggle for land and identity is not just a local issue—it has international dimensions. The international community has a responsibility to recognize and support the rights of indigenous peoples, including the Oromo people.
The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) recognizes the right of indigenous peoples to their lands, territories, and resources. It affirms the importance of preserving indigenous peoples’ cultural identity, heritage, and historical connection to their ancestral territories.
The Oromo people are entitled to the same rights as other indigenous peoples around the world. They are entitled to live on their land, to speak their language, to practice their culture, and to determine their own future.
As the international community has shown in countries like New Zealand, Canada, Australia, and the United States, it is possible to recognize indigenous rights while ensuring equal citizenship rights for all residents. The Oromo people are not asking for special privileges—they are asking for justice.
A Call to Action: Honouring the Promise
The promise of the ancestors is not just something to be remembered—it is something to be lived. It requires action, commitment, and sacrifice.
For the Oromo Youth:
- Learn your history. Know the struggles and sacrifices of those who came before you. Understand what you are fighting for and why it matters.
- Protect your culture. Speak your language, practice your traditions, and celebrate your heritage. Your culture is your strength.
- Be vigilant. Stay informed about what is happening in your community and your homeland. Speak out against injustice and oppression.
- Build solidarity. Work with other communities and organizations that share your commitment to justice. Your struggle is connected to the struggles of others.
- Prepare the next generation. Teach your children, your siblings, and your peers about the promise of the ancestors. Ensure that they are ready to carry it forward.
For the Wider Community:
- Support the Oromo struggle for justice. Recognize the rights of the Oromo people to their land, their identity, and their future.
- Hold the Ethiopian government accountable. Demand that it respects the rights of the Oromo people and adheres to international human rights standards.
- Amplify Oromo voices. Listen to what the Oromo people are saying, and help their voices be heard in national and international forums.
Conclusion: The Promise Lives On
“Nuti otuu jirruu, biyyi keenya alagaan hin dhaalamtu.”
“As long as we live, our land will never be conquered by outsiders.”
This promise has been carried by the Oromo people for generations. It has been tested by fire, blood, and tears. It has survived attempts at genocide, cultural erasure, and political marginalization. And it endures today—carried in the hearts of the Oromo youth who are determined to protect their homeland and pass it on to future generations.
The Oromia Youth Association is proud to be part of this legacy. It is committed to protecting the promise of the ancestors, to defending Oromo land, and to building a future of justice, peace, and prosperity for all Oromo people.
The struggle is not over. The promise is not yet fulfilled. But the Oromo people have not wavered, and they will not surrender. As long as they live, their land will be free.
Nuti otuu jirruu, biyyi keenya alagaan hin dhaalamtu!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Biyyi Oromoo haa jabaattu!
Dhaloonni itti aanu imaanaa kana eeguu qophi’aa jira!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who have sacrificed to defend Oromo land, to the youth who carry the promise forward, and to the generations yet to come who will inherit this sacred duty.
Finfinne at the Heart of National Dialogue: Oromo Representatives Speak with One Voice
Unified Stance on the Capital’s Status Marks a Defining Moment in Ethiopia’s National Conversation
By Daandii Ragabaa
As Ethiopia’s first-ever national dialogue approaches its conclusion, the representatives of the Oromo people have delivered a clear and resounding message: Finfinne is Oromo, and its status is non-negotiable.
The national dialogue, convened as a historic attempt to heal the deep wounds of Ethiopia’s past and forge a path toward lasting peace, has become a critical arena for addressing long-standing grievances. For the Oromo people, the question of Finfinne—known internationally as Addis Ababa—stands at the centre of these deliberations.
A Unified Oromo Position
At the dialogue table, Oromo representatives—including Obbo Qajeelaa Mardaasaa, Obbo Sanyii Nagaasaa, and Dr. Saamuel Kiflee, President of Finfinne University—have presented a unified position on the status of the capital city.
Their message is unequivocal: Finfinne is Oromo, and the issue concerns the Oromo people alone. The representatives have been vocal in expressing that the historical, constitutional, and cultural connections between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital cannot be dismissed or negotiated away by any political actors.
Dr. Saamuel Kiflee has reportedly emphasized the importance of making the Oromo voice heard within the dialogue. The very presence of this unified stance is said to have caused significant unease among those who have long claimed Finfinne as their own.
The Foundation of the Oromo Claim
The Oromo position is rooted in history and law. As the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association recently declared, “Menelik committed a great crime against the Oromo people when he separated Finfinne from its Oromo owners.” The association has detailed the atrocities of that era, where Oromo people were systematically dispossessed of their land, their dignity, and their lives.
The suffering has now spanned three generations. From the initial dispossession under Menelik, to the brutal repression under the Derg regime, and now to the present day, the Oromo people have paid a heavy price. During the Derg era, many Oromo gave their lives for Finfinne.
Today, the wound remains unhealed.
The Oromo representatives at the national dialogue have argued that Finfinne is an integral part of Oromia, situated on Oromo land. The city’s very name, Finfinne—meaning “place of hot springs”—is Oromo, a testament to its indigenous roots.
The Question of Constitutional Interpretation
Central to the debate is the interpretation of the Ethiopian constitution. Article 49 of the FDRE Constitution does far more to support the Oromo claim than the “city of all nations” narrative often invoked by the ruling party.
Article 49(5) specifically states that Oromia has a “special interest” in Addis Abeba regarding the provision of social services, the utilisation of natural resources, and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Abeba within the State of Oromia.
This clause, repeatedly violated according to Oromo advocates, represents a constitutional recognition of Oromia’s claim over the city.
The National Dialogue: A Tool of Deception?
However, the Oromo representatives have expressed profound concern that the national dialogue is not being used as a genuine mechanism for reconciliation and justice.
According to the Macha-Tulama Association, “The agenda of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought to the national dialogue to weaken the Oromo people.” The association further declared that “the old politics of the Abyssinian elite continues, refusing to step back from the land that rightfully belongs to Oromo.”
Critics argue that the dialogue commission has been hijacked by the familiar machinery of political manipulation. Instead of acknowledging historical grievances, it has become a shield for the perpetrators of genocide and a tool to legitimise the ongoing dispossession of Oromo land.
A City Built on Bones
For the Oromo people, the call for justice regarding Finfinne is not a political slogan but a demand rooted in historical truth.
“The city we now know as Finfinne was not established upon empty land,” one Oromo commentator has written. “It was built through genocide. When the army of Emperor Menelik settled upon this land, they did not find a vacant wilderness waiting for civilisation. They found the Oromo people—indigenous, thriving, rooted in the soil for generations. And they systematically removed them.”
The Oromo Position: Unwavering and Clear
The representatives at the national dialogue have articulated a position that reflects the will of the Oromo people:
- Finfinne is Oromo, by history and by law. It must be recognised as an integral part of Oromia.
- The national dialogue must not be a platform to undermine Oromo rights. The process should be used to address historical grievances, not to further marginalise the Oromo people.
- There is no need for negotiations or agreements regarding Finfinne. The question of securing Finfinne as part of Oromia is part of Oromia’s liberation from a system of domination.
- Finfinne should be placed under the administrative jurisdiction of Oromia, as an integral part of the Oromo homeland.
Looking Forward
As the national dialogue approaches its conclusion, the Oromo representatives have made it clear that they will not accept any outcome that denies the Oromo people’s legitimate claim to their ancestral capital.
The Oromo people’s voice has been heard—loud and clear. The challenge now lies in whether the national dialogue will genuinely address the historical injustices that have defined the relationship between the Oromo people and the Ethiopian state for over a century.
Finfinne is Oromo.
Oromia’s rightful capital must be recognised.
The struggle for justice continues.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo representatives at the national dialogue and all those who continue to speak truth to power in the pursuit of justice for the Oromo people.
Finfinne, Indigenous Rights, and Equal Citizenship: A Vision for Justice and Coexistence
Reconciling Historical Claims and Democratic Principles in the Heart of Oromia
By Iyasu Enoro
In the ongoing discourse surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—a fundamental question persists: How do we reconcile the historical and indigenous rights of the Oromo people with the equal citizenship rights of all residents who now call the city home?
For the Oromo people, the answer is clear. Finfinne was established on Oromo land, and it remains an integral part of their historical and ancestral homeland. From this perspective, the concern is profound: some political actors are negotiating over what Oromos consider their own ancestral property, as if the land were a commodity to be traded rather than a sacred inheritance passed down through generations.
At the same time, international human rights principles demand equality and non-discrimination for all residents. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and other international instruments affirm that every person has equal rights—regardless of ethnicity, language, religion, or origin. These rights include equality before the law, freedom of expression, freedom of association, participation in public affairs, and the right to vote and be elected.
The question, then, is not whether these two sets of rights can coexist—they can, and they must. The question is whether there is the political will to recognize both.
The Oromo Position: An Ancestral Homeland, Not a Negotiable Asset
From the Oromo perspective, there is no need for negotiations or agreements regarding Finfinne. The city was not established on empty land; it was built on Oromo territory, and the Oromo people view it as part of their historical and ancestral homeland.
This is not a claim rooted in political expediency—it is rooted in history. Before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire under Menelik II, the area now known as Finfinne was inhabited by the Oromo people. It was a place of springs, grazing lands, and cultural significance. The city’s very name, Finfinne, is Oromo—meaning “place of hot springs.”
The establishment of the city and the subsequent displacement of the Oromo people were acts of dispossession that have never been fully acknowledged or addressed. For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not a political bargaining chip—it is the heart of their homeland, the symbol of their historical connection to the land, and the future capital of a free Oromia.
The Principle of Equal Citizenship: Rights for All Residents
International human rights law is clear: all citizens are entitled to equal civil and political rights. No resident of Finfinne should be denied democratic participation, public services, employment opportunities, or legal protection on the basis of ethnic identity. All citizens living in Finfinne are entitled to equal treatment and equal participation in the city’s political and civic life.
This principle is non-negotiable. Whether a resident is Oromo, Amhara, Gurage, Tigrayan, or of any other background, they are entitled to the full protection of the law and the full rights of citizenship. Discrimination on the basis of ethnicity is a violation of the most fundamental human rights.
Applied to Finfinne, this means that every resident of the city—regardless of their origin—should enjoy equal rights. No resident should be made to feel like a second-class citizen. No resident should be denied access to public services, economic opportunities, or political participation.
Indigenous Rights: Acknowledging History and Ancestral Connection
While equal citizenship guarantees participation and protection under the law for everyone, it does not resolve questions concerning historical ownership, indigenous rights, or territorial status. These are distinct but equally important questions.
The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) affirms the importance of preserving indigenous peoples’ cultural identity, heritage, and historical connection to their ancestral territories. It recognizes that indigenous peoples have the right to maintain and strengthen their distinct political, legal, economic, social, and cultural institutions.
Supporters of the Oromo position argue that the historical relationship between the Oromo people and the land on which Finfinne was built should be acknowledged and respected. This is not a rejection of the rights of other residents—it is a demand for historical justice and recognition.
International Examples: Coexistence of Indigenous and Citizenship Rights
Around the world, there are numerous examples where indigenous rights have been recognized without denying equal citizenship rights to other residents. These examples demonstrate that both sets of rights can coexist and that recognizing indigenous claims does not diminish the rights of others.
New Zealand: The Treaty of Waitangi
The Māori people are recognized as the indigenous people of New Zealand. The Treaty of Waitangi provides a foundation for protecting Māori rights, culture, and claims to ancestral lands while ensuring equal citizenship for all New Zealanders. Māori political representation, cultural preservation, and land claims are recognized alongside the full democratic rights of all citizens.
Canada: First Nations, Inuit, and Métis
In Canada, First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples possess constitutionally recognized indigenous rights. Land claims agreements and self-government arrangements acknowledge historical connections to traditional territories while cities and communities remain open to residents of all backgrounds. Indigenous rights and citizenship rights coexist within a framework of mutual respect.
Australia: The Mabo Decision
The High Court of Australia’s landmark Mabo decision rejected the doctrine of terra nullius (empty land) and recognized Native Title rights. Indigenous Australians gained legal recognition of their ancestral connection to land without affecting the equal civil and political rights of other Australians. This decision acknowledged historical injustice while affirming the rights of all citizens.
Norway, Sweden, and Finland: The Sámi People
The Sámi people are recognized as indigenous peoples with cultural, linguistic, and political rights in Norway, Sweden, and Finland. Sámi representative institutions exist alongside the democratic rights enjoyed equally by all citizens. This recognition has not diminished the rights of non-Sámi residents.
United States: Native American Tribes
Native American tribes in the United States retain certain rights related to self-government, culture, and ancestral territories. These rights coexist with the citizenship rights of all residents within the United States. Tribal sovereignty and individual citizenship rights are recognized as complementary, not contradictory.
A Common International Principle
These examples demonstrate a common international principle: recognizing indigenous peoples’ historical and ancestral connections to land does not require denying democratic, civil, or human rights to other residents. Rather, both sets of rights can coexist.
The recognition of indigenous rights does not create a hierarchy of citizenship. It acknowledges that some communities have a distinct historical relationship to a particular territory—a relationship that predates the current political order. This recognition is not a threat to equal citizenship; it is a complement to it.
The Challenge of Equality
Those who place themselves above others often find it difficult to accept genuine equality. Throughout history, dominant groups have resisted the recognition of indigenous rights, viewing it as a threat to their privileged position. But lasting peace and coexistence cannot be built on domination and denial.
From the Oromo perspective, the path forward requires recognizing both the equal rights of all residents and the legitimate historical and indigenous claims of the Oromo people. This is not a zero-sum game—both sets of rights can be honoured.
A Vision for Finfinne
Finfinne remains an integral part of Oromia. It is situated on Oromo land, and the Oromo people’s historical connection to the city must be acknowledged and respected. This recognition does not require the exclusion of other residents—it requires a new framework of coexistence based on mutual respect and justice.
Such a framework would include:
- Recognition of Oromo Indigenous Rights: Formal acknowledgment of the Oromo people’s historical connection to the land on which Finfinne was established.
- Equal Citizenship for All Residents: Guaranteed democratic participation, public services, and legal protection for all residents, regardless of ethnicity.
- Shared Governance: Mechanisms for inclusive governance that ensure all residents have a voice in the city’s future.
- Historical Justice: Addressing the historical dispossession of the Oromo people through acknowledgment, apology, and appropriate remedies.
- Cultural Preservation: Support for the preservation and promotion of Oromo culture, language, and heritage within the city.
Conclusion: A Path to Lasting Peace
The recognition of indigenous rights and equal citizenship is not a contradiction—it is a foundation for lasting peace and coexistence. The international community has demonstrated that both sets of rights can be honoured, and the Oromo people are entitled to the same recognition.
Those who resist this recognition may see it as a threat to their position, but true peace cannot be built on denial and domination. Lasting peace requires acknowledging the truth of history, respecting the rights of all, and building a future based on justice.
From the Oromo perspective, Finfinne remains an integral part of Oromia—a sacred homeland that must be acknowledged, respected, and reclaimed. But this reclamation is not a rejection of others; it is an affirmation of the Oromo people’s right to their heritage, their identity, and their future.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo people and all those who believe in the principles of justice, equality, and coexistence.
A Giant of the Oromo Revolution: Honouring Jaal Fekadu Wakjira
A Tribute to a Veteran Who Carried the Weight of the Struggle Through Sacrifice, Courage, and Unwavering Commitment
By Giiftii Waaqoo
In every liberation movement, there are those who carry the heaviest burdens—the ones who walk through the darkest hours so that others may one day see the light. They are the pillars upon which the struggle is built, the voices that refuse to be silenced, and the hearts that continue to beat for the freedom of their people, even when all seems lost.
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira is one such figure. A true veteran of the Oromo Revolution, his name is etched in the annals of Oromo history as a testament to sacrifice, courage, resilience, and unwavering commitment. His journey is not merely his own—it is the journey of an entire generation that dared to dream of a free Oromia and refused to let that dream die.
The Weight of a Generation
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira belongs to a generation that carried the weight of the Oromo struggle on their shoulders. These were the men and women who, in the face of brutal repression, chose to stand up and say, “Enough is enough.” They were the ones who, when their language was banned, spoke it in whispers. When their culture was suppressed, they celebrated it in secret. When their rights were denied, they demanded them with their lives.
This generation understood that liberation would not come easily. They knew that the road to freedom was paved with sacrifice—that some would fall, some would be imprisoned, some would be exiled, and some would never see the Oromia they dreamed of. Yet they marched forward anyway. They refused to be silenced. They refused to be erased.
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira stood among them. His service to the Oromo cause is not a footnote in history—it is a chapter of profound significance, written in the ink of struggle and the blood of martyrs.
The Foundations of the Struggle
The Oromo struggle for self-determination did not begin yesterday. It has deep roots that stretch back over a century—from the resistance against Menelik’s expansion, to the armed struggle of the Oromo Liberation Front, to the peaceful protests of the Qeerroo movement. Each generation has contributed to the edifice of Oromo identity and national consciousness.
But it was the generation of Jaal Fekadu Wakjira that laid the foundation upon which the current struggle stands. They were the architects of the movement’s organizational structures, the guardians of its history, and the transmitters of its values to the next generation. They ensured that the flame of Oromo nationalism would not be extinguished, even when the forces of repression sought to snuff it out.
Their sacrifices were not in vain. The Oromo people continue to rise. The struggle continues to advance. And the dream of a free Oromia continues to burn brighter with each passing year.
A Legacy of Sacrifice
The legacy of Jaal Fekadu Wakjira is one of sacrifice—a word that carries profound weight in the Oromo liberation movement. Sacrifice means leaving your family behind to join the struggle. Sacrifice means enduring imprisonment and torture without betraying your comrades. Sacrifice means living in exile, far from your homeland, yet never forgetting the people you left behind.
It is this spirit of sacrifice that defines the generation of Oromo veterans. They gave not only their time and energy but, in many cases, their lives. They faced imprisonment, forced displacement, and the constant threat of death with a courage that inspires us still.
As the Oromo saying goes, “Qabsoo baatuu dhiigaatuu” —the struggle is won by those who shed their blood. Jaal Fekadu Wakjira and his generation shed their blood so that future generations might live in dignity and freedom. That is a debt we can never fully repay, but we can honour it by continuing the work they began.
Courage in the Face of Adversity
Courage is not the absence of fear—it is the determination to move forward despite it. Jaal Fekadu Wakjira embodied this courage. In the face of a state that sought to crush the Oromo identity, he stood firm. In the face of imprisonment, he refused to break. In the face of exile, he never forgot his homeland.
His courage was not a solitary flame. It was part of a collective fire that burned in the hearts of all those who joined the Oromo struggle. Together, they challenged an oppressive system that had denied the Oromo people their land, their language, and their dignity for generations. And though the struggle continues, their courage has inspired countless others to take up the mantle.
Resilience: The Spirit That Endures
Resilience is the ability to endure hardship and emerge stronger. The Oromo people are among the most resilient in the world. Despite centuries of oppression, they have maintained their language, their culture, and their identity. Despite repeated attempts at assimilation and erasure, they have remained steadfast in their commitment to freedom.
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira embodies this resilience. His life and work are a testament to the unbreakable spirit of the Oromo people. Through every setback, every defeat, and every moment of despair, he has remained committed to the cause. His resilience is a reminder that the Oromo struggle is not a fleeting moment of political unrest—it is a long and determined march toward justice.
Unwavering Commitment: The Call That Never Fades
What does it mean to have unwavering commitment? It means dedicating your life to a cause without expecting recognition or reward. It means continuing to fight, even when the odds are stacked against you. It means never losing sight of the goal, even when the path is shrouded in darkness.
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira’s commitment to the Oromo cause has never wavered. Through decades of struggle, through moments of triumph and moments of defeat, he has remained a steadfast advocate for Oromo liberation. His commitment is a beacon for all who continue to fight for justice, reminding us that the struggle is not a sprint but a marathon—one that requires patience, persistence, and unshakeable faith in the righteousness of the cause.
A History That Must Not Be Forgotten
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira is part of a history that must never be forgotten. It is a history of resistance, of resilience, and of hope. It is a history that belongs not only to the Oromo people but to all those who believe in the cause of justice and human dignity.
The story of the Oromo struggle is one of many chapters, each written by a generation of courageous individuals. Jaal Fekadu Wakjira’s generation laid the foundation, and it is our responsibility to build upon it. We must ensure that future generations know the sacrifices that were made on their behalf and that they understand the importance of continuing the fight.
As the Oromo proverb says, “Kan booda dhufuuf hundumaatu deebisa” —the future belongs to those who remember the past.
A Message of Gratitude
To Jaal Fekadu Wakjira, we say: Galatoomaa. Thank you for your service, your sacrifice, and your unwavering commitment to the Oromo cause. Thank you for the courage you showed in the darkest hours. Thank you for the resilience that inspired so many. Thank you for the foundation you built, upon which we continue to build.
Your generation carried the weight of the struggle so that ours could carry the torch. Your sacrifices became part of our history, and your legacy will live on in the hearts of the Oromo people for generations to come.
Ulfaadha! —You are honoured!
The Legacy Continues
The struggle for Oromo liberation is not yet complete. There is still work to be done, sacrifices to be made, and victories to be won. But the legacy of Jaal Fekadu Wakjira and his generation is a source of strength and inspiration. It reminds us that the fight for freedom is a journey—one that requires courage, resilience, and unwavering commitment.
We who carry the torch today owe it to the veterans of the Oromo struggle to continue the work they began. We must honour their sacrifices by building a future worthy of their dreams. We must ensure that the freedom they fought for is not only achieved but also preserved for future generations.
Conclusion: A Living Legacy
Jaal Fekadu Wakjira is a living legacy of the Oromo Revolution. His name will be remembered alongside the great heroes of the Oromo struggle—those who dared to dream of a free Oromia and refused to let that dream die.
As we honour Jaal Fekadu Wakjira, we honour an entire generation that carried the weight of the Oromo struggle through sacrifice, courage, resilience, and unwavering commitment. We remember their contributions. We celebrate their achievements. And we recommit ourselves to the cause for which they fought.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Galatoomaa, Jaal Fekadu Wakjira!
Ulfaadha!
This feature article is dedicated to Jaal Fekadu Wakjira and all the veterans of the Oromo Revolution—past, present, and future—who have given so much for the freedom and dignity of the Oromo people.
Advocacy for Oromia 