Category Archives: Oromo truth telling
The Price of Silence: A Reflection on Inaction and the Tragedy of Our People
We Knew This Was Coming — Yet We Chose to Stay Silent
By Koste Abdiisaa
If we had shown even 1% of the outrage we have expressed over the past two days three, four, or five years ago—when Fano killed hundreds of innocent Oromos in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and elsewhere—perhaps these killings would not have happened.
We knew this was coming. The signs were everywhere. The warnings were clear. Yet we chose to remain silent. We chose to look away. We chose to believe that the storm would pass us by.
But storms do not pass by those who refuse to prepare. They break over them.
The Warning Signs We Ignored
For years, the enemies of the Oromo people have been methodically preparing for this moment. While we argued among ourselves, they were opening training camps in our backyard. While we engaged in name-calling and petty divisions, they were building security structures and training hundreds of people to carry out their plans.
We saw it happening. We heard the reports. We knew that innocent farmers—our farmers—were being killed in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and countless other places. And what did we do?
We expressed outrage on social media. We posted our anger, shared our grief, and then went back to business as usual.
Our collective inaction allowed this to continue. Our silence gave them permission to proceed. Our failure to act was an invitation for more violence.
The Consequences of Inaction
This is not about hindsight. This is about foresight—and our failure to use it. We cannot pretend that these killings were unexpected. We knew what was coming. We had every warning. But we failed to act.
And now, the consequences are here.
The killing of our innocent farmers is not just a tragedy—it is a judgment on our collective failure to protect our own. It is the result of years of political naivety, misplaced priorities, and a refusal to confront the reality of the threat we faced.
We were good at crying after the fact. We were good at expressing outrage on social media after tragedies happened. But we were very poor at recognizing threats early on, listening to those who recognized them, and preparing ourselves to face them.
The Deeper Outrage
Like many of you, I am outraged by the killing of our innocent farmers. But I am even more outraged by our inaction—our lack of political awareness, our failure to recognize and respond to such cruelty for so long.
What is even more troubling is that some of our so-called political entities—those who claim to speak for us—continue to seek alignment with those responsible. They act as if there is still some humanity left in them to appeal to. They still hope for dialogue with those who have shown, time and again, that they have no interest in peace, only in domination.
This is not leadership. This is delusion.
And we, as a people, have allowed it. We have allowed ourselves to be led by those who refuse to see the enemy for what they are. We have allowed ourselves to be distracted by petty divisions while our people are being slaughtered.
The Beginning, Not the End
Let us not pretend that this is the end. This is the beginning. The attacks will continue. The killings will escalate. And if we do not act now—with unity, determination, and clarity—the tragedies we see today will seem small compared to what is coming.
I fear that we may still fail to act in a timely manner. I fear that we will continue to cry and express outrage for a week, and then return to normal life. I fear that we will continue to do what we seem to be good at: mourning after the fact, but never preparing for what lies ahead.
A Call to Look Within
If this senseless killing of our people does not make us angry enough to question our collective inaction, then perhaps we need to look within ourselves and ask: What kind of society have we become?
Have we become a people who only react after the damage is done? Have we become a people who prioritize social media outrage over real action? Have we become a people who are more concerned with who is right than with what is right?
We must ask ourselves these questions. And we must answer them honestly.
The Path Forward
We cannot change the past. The blood that has been spilled cannot be unspilled. But we can change the future. We can act now—today—to ensure that these tragedies do not continue.
This requires several things:
- Unity: We must put aside our petty divisions and unite as a people. Our enemies are united; we must be even more united.
- Awareness: We must wake up to the reality of the threat we face. We must recognize the signs and act before it is too late.
- Action: We must support those who are willing to sacrifice and risk their lives to defend our people. We must build the structures and institutions necessary to protect ourselves.
- Accountability: We must hold our political entities accountable. We must demand that they prioritize the defense of our people over their own political ambitions.
- Resilience: We must be prepared for the long fight ahead. This is not a battle that will be won in a day. It requires patience, courage, and an unwavering commitment to our people.
Conclusion: Enough Is Enough
The killing of our innocent farmers is a crime against humanity. But our collective inaction is a crime against ourselves.
We cannot afford to continue down this path. We cannot afford to remain silent while our people are being slaughtered. We cannot afford to wait until the next tragedy to express our outrage.
Enough is enough.
Let us honor the memory of those who have been killed by resolving to act—not just with words, but with deeds. Let us build a future where our people are safe, our land is protected, and our dignity is restored.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Nagaan haa jabaatu!
This reflection is dedicated to the innocent Oromo farmers who have lost their lives, and to all those who are determined to build a future of peace, justice, and security for our people.
The Spark That Lit a Fire: The Macha-Tulama Association and the Birth of Modern Oromo Consciousness
By Our Senior Correspondent
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In the early 1960s, Ethiopia was a nation of silence. Political parties were banned. Open dissent was crushed. The empire of Haile Selassie I, with its ancient Amharic-speaking elite, governed through a system of centralized control that left little room for the voices of its largest ethnic group—the Oromo.
Yet, in the cramped offices of Addis Ababa, three small self-help groups began to meet. The Jibat and Macha, the Metta Robii, and the Tulama Shawa associations had been formed to provide modest social relief to Oromo communities. But in 1963, these three organizations merged into something far more significant. They became the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association—Waldaa Wal-gargaarsa Maccaa fi Tuulamaa—and in doing so, they ignited a fire that would reshape Oromo history forever.
A Name That United a People
The association took its name from two of the major Borana Oromo clans: Machaa and Tulema. But its vision was far broader than any single clan. It was designed to embrace all Oromos, irrespective of religion or region, and even welcomed non-Oromo nationalities who accepted its objectives. Its founders were a remarkable group: Hail Mariam Gamada, a lawyer; Alemu Qixxeesa, a retired colonel; Mamo Mezemer; and others who had been educated in the imperial system but had “subsequently rediscovered their culture”.
The most prominent leader was Tadesse Birru, a former general in the Ethiopian police force and territorial army. A Shewa Oromo who had been fully integrated into Amhara culture, his Oromo origins were not apparent to many until he began to champion the cause of his people. His conversion was a powerful symbol: a man who had risen to the highest ranks of the imperial establishment, turning his back on privilege to fight for his own people.
Two Levels of Purpose
The association operated on two distinct levels. The first was practical and visible: it built schools, health clinics, roads, and water supplies across Oromia. It constructed churches and mosques for believers who had none. It provided financial and legal assistance for the disabled and unemployed.
But the second objective was political—and far more dangerous. In an era when political parties were forbidden, the Macha-Tulama Association became a vehicle for Oromo nationalism. It was the first movement to articulate Oromo grievances in a public, organized manner. It championed “the social, educational, cultural and political rights of the Oromo people”. It politicized the masses and, through its dynamic Youth Wing, produced revolutionary literature that circulated underground. Its very existence marked “the public rise of Oromo nationalism”.
The Threat to Empire
The association’s rapid growth was breathtaking. At its height, it claimed as many as 200,000 members. It expanded “very rapidly all over Oromiyaa as a Pan-Oromo movement”. It was most successful in the south, particularly in Arsi, where Oromos had been relegated to the status of tenants on their own land after being conquered by Menelik’s forces.
For the imperial government, this was an existential threat. The Ethiopian state accused the association of committing “acts of terror” in an effort to suppress the developing Oromo National Movement. The repression was swift and brutal.
The Crackdown
In 1966, the Macha-Tulama Association was banned. Its leaders were arrested, imprisoned, and some were executed. Tadesse Birru, Mamo Mezemir, Alemu Kitessa, and others were imprisoned and killed for their humanitarian and political activities. The association was banned during the imperial regime, again under the Derg, and once more in 2011 under the EPRDF regime. It was accused of “threatening Ethiopia’s unity—an unfounded claim,” according to its current president.
Yet the organization refused to die. It survived underground, and its members continued to organize. The suppression of the Macha-Tulama Association became “an immediate reason for the birth of” a more militant organization. In 1974, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was formed, largely from the underground cells of the Macha-Tulama Association.
A Legacy That Endures
Today, the Macha-Tulama Association—now officially known as the Mecha and Tulema Self-Help Association—continues its work. It regained its legal status in 2019. It celebrated its 60th anniversary in 2024, a testament to its resilience.
Its current president, Diribi Damuse, has outlined the association’s ongoing humanitarian efforts: supporting internally displaced people from Western Oromia, assisting those affected by drought in Borena and Guji, and providing aid to university students and Abba Gada leaders. The association, he emphasized, “has united members from diverse backgrounds, including military, students, intellectuals, and grassroots, including non-Oromo members from Wolayita, Sidama, and other ethnic groups”.
The Unfinished Struggle
The Macha-Tulama Association’s place in Oromo history is secure. It was the first organized, mass-based expression of Oromo identity in the modern era. It bridged the gap between the rural peasantry and the urban intelligentsia. It laid the groundwork for every Oromo political movement that followed.
But its story is also a warning. The association was banned not because it committed violence, but because it united a people. Its leaders were killed not for crimes, but for the crime of demanding dignity. The imperial state, and every regime that followed, understood that a united Oromo people was a threat to centralized power.
As the association continues its work—building schools, feeding the hungry, preserving culture—it carries with it the memory of those who gave their lives. Mamo Mezemir, Tadesse Birru, Alemu Kitessa, and so many others are not just names in a history book. They are the foundation upon which modern Oromo consciousness was built.
The Macha-Tulama Association was the spark. The fire it lit continues to burn.
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Sources: UNHCR Refugee Review Tribunal; Canada Immigration and Refugee Board; Addis Standard; Wikipedia; AfricaBib; Taylor & Francis; Advocacy for Oromia.
The Hour of Need: Forging a Resilient Future for Oromia and Its People
By Maatii Sabaa
The air in Oromia is heavy with a sense of urgency. Across the region and its surrounding areas, a silent tremor of concern is reverberating through the hearts of its people. We are witnessing a pivotal moment in our history, a time fraught with challenges that test the very fabric of our society. The question is no longer if we will act, but when—and how boldly.
As we look at the current state of affairs, it is impossible to ignore the profound anxieties that grip our communities. The safety net that once held our families together is fraying under the weight of economic strain, environmental upheaval, and political instability. We are, to put it plainly, standing on the precipice of a great ordeal. The need for a unified, robust, and relentless response—a determined stand against the tide of adversity—has never been more critical.
This is not merely a time for sorrow; it is a time for strategy. The path forward is not found in despair, but in the deliberate construction of a new paradigm. We must build a fortress of resilience, brick by brick, institution by institution. It is through the creation of resilient systems—in agriculture, education, and governance—that we can effectively combat the crises that threaten to overwhelm us. We need a “fala/ gaachanaa” (shield) that is not just reactive but proactive, designed to protect the most vulnerable and secure the borders of our collective future.
Yet, the ultimate shield for Oromia is not made of steel or stone; it is made of the mind and spirit of its youth. The young men and women of this generation are the architects of tomorrow. To leave them untrained, unmotivated, or disconnected is to invite disaster. Our imperative is clear: we must educate, energize, and organize the Oromo youth.
This is more than a call to action; it is a call to transformation. We must transform our schools into crucibles of critical thinking, our communities into hubs of entrepreneurial energy, and our political spaces into arenas of constructive dialogue. By doing so, we ensure that our youth do not become victims of circumstance, but rather, become the standard-bearers of a proud heritage. They must become the vanguard that carries the torch of Oromia forward, ready to stand as “gaachana” (champions) for their land and their people.
It is a saddening truth that the heritage of the Oromo people—a legacy of resilience, democracy, and cultural richness—is at risk of being eroded. We are custodians of a “Dhaloota qaroo” (a heritage of value), a distinct identity that has survived for millennia. To protect this inheritance is to diversify it; to bring in new voices, new ideas, and new energy. We must ensure that the narrative of our people is written not by our oppressors, but by our own hands, in our own words.
The time for deliberation is over. The foundations of a new era must be laid today. It is not enough to hope for a brighter tomorrow; we must labor for it. Starting today, we must commit to the arduous but noble task of rebuilding. Starting today, we must bridge the divides that separate us. Starting today, we must empower the next generation to take the helm.
The challenges are great, but the spirit of Oromia is greater. Let us meet this moment with the courage it demands. The hour of need is upon us, but it is also an hour of opportunity. Let us rise, unite, and forge a destiny worthy of the sacrifices of our ancestors and the dreams of our children.
The time to start is now.
For the Cause of Finfinne: Entering Finfinne Itself Is Better Than Entering the Forest
A Reflection on Strategy, Presence, and the Path Forward for Oromo Liberation
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the long and arduous struggle for Oromo liberation, the question of strategy has always been central. For decades, the Oromo people have employed various methods of resistance—armed struggle in the forests, political advocacy in the diaspora, and mass protests in the streets. Each has its place and its purpose. But there is a principle that deserves careful consideration:
“Dhimma Finfinneetiif bosona seenuu caalaa Finfinneedhuma seenuutu karaa filatamaadha.”
“For the cause of Finfinne, entering Finfinne itself is better than entering the forest.”
This is not a dismissal of armed struggle or the sacrifices made by those who have fought in the forests. It is a strategic reflection on the nature of the struggle for Finfinne and the most effective means of achieving justice for the Oromo people’s ancestral capital.
The Significance of Finfinne
Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is not just any city. It is the historical and spiritual heart of the Oromo people. It is the place where the Oromo people lived for generations before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire. It is the site of their cultural heritage, the cradle of their language, and the symbol of their historical presence in the region.
For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not a bargaining chip. It is not a political football to be kicked around by competing interests. It is their ancestral homeland, and their connection to it is inseparable from their identity.
The struggle for Finfinne is therefore not just a political struggle—it is a struggle for the very soul of the Oromo nation. It is a struggle for recognition, for justice, and for the restoration of a people’s connection to their land.
The Forest and the City: Two Strategies
Historically, the Oromo liberation movement has employed two primary strategies: armed struggle in the forests and political organizing in the cities. Both have their strengths and limitations.
The Forest Strategy
Armed struggle has been a vital part of the Oromo resistance. The Oromo Liberation Army (WBO) has fought bravely against successive Ethiopian regimes, and their sacrifices have inspired generations. The forest has been a sanctuary for those who could not operate openly, a place where resistance could be sustained even in the darkest times.
However, the forest strategy has limitations. It is physically demanding, resource-intensive, and often results in heavy casualties. It can also be geographically remote from the centers of political power, limiting its direct impact on urban populations and decision-makers.
The City Strategy
The city strategy—entering Finfinne itself—offers a different approach. It recognizes that the struggle for Finfinne cannot be won solely in the forests. It must be waged in the city itself, among its residents, in its institutions, and in its political life.
Entering Finfinne means:
- Building a presence in the city’s political and civic institutions
- Organizing communities within the city
- Advocating for Oromo rights in the urban space
- Challenging the narrative that denies Oromo history
- Demanding recognition of Finfinne’s Oromo heritage
- Participating in governance to shape the city’s future
This strategy recognizes that Finfinne is not just a piece of land to be claimed from the outside—it is a living city with millions of residents, a complex political landscape, and a role as Ethiopia’s capital. Engaging with the city directly is essential for achieving justice.
Why Entering Finfinne Matters
1. Presence Is Power
In politics, presence is power. If the Oromo people are absent from Finfinne’s political and civic life, their voice will not be heard. Entering Finfinne means being present where decisions are made, where policies are shaped, and where the future of the city is determined.
2. The City Is the Symbol
Finfinne is not just a city—it is a symbol. It is the symbol of Oromo dispossession and the symbol of Oromo resistance. To enter Finfinne is to reclaim that symbol. It is to assert that the Oromo people have a rightful place in their ancestral capital.
3. The City Is the Center of Power
Finfinne is the seat of the Ethiopian government, the African Union, and numerous diplomatic missions. It is the center of political and economic power in Ethiopia. To influence the future of Finfinne, the Oromo people must be present at the center of that power.
4. The City Is a Space for Organizing
Finfinne is home to millions of people, including a significant Oromo population. It is a space for organizing, for building alliances, and for creating a movement that can effect change from within. By entering Finfinne, the Oromo people can build a movement that is rooted in the city itself.
5. The City Is the Future
The future of Finfinne will be shaped by those who are present in the city. If the Oromo people are absent, others will shape that future. Entering Finfinne ensures that the Oromo people have a say in what that future looks like.
The Path Forward
The principle that “entering Finfinne is better than entering the forest” is not a rejection of armed struggle. It is a call to recognize that the struggle for Finfinne must be waged on multiple fronts. It must include:
- Political organizing in the city
- Advocacy for Oromo rights in national and international forums
- Legal action to challenge unjust policies
- Cultural preservation to maintain Oromo heritage in the city
- Economic empowerment to build Oromo prosperity
- Public awareness to educate residents about Finfinne’s history
- Participation in governance to shape the city’s future
This multi-front approach recognizes that the struggle for Finfinne is not just about the past—it is about the present and the future. It is about ensuring that the Oromo people have a rightful place in their ancestral capital and that the city reflects the diversity and history of the Oromo nation.
A Call to Action
The time has come for the Oromo people to enter Finfinne—not as visitors, but as participants. Not as outsiders, but as rightful inhabitants. Not as supplicants, but as citizens with equal rights.
Entering Finfinne means:
- Registering to vote in the city’s elections
- Participating in civic organizations that shape the city’s life
- Advocating for Oromo rights in the city’s institutions
- Building businesses that create jobs and prosperity
- Educating residents about Finfinne’s Oromo history
- Demanding recognition of Oromo heritage in the city’s public spaces
This is not an easy path. It requires patience, persistence, and courage. But it is a path that offers a real chance for lasting change.
Conclusion: A New Chapter in the Struggle
The Oromo people have fought for Finfinne for generations. They have sacrificed their lives, their freedom, and their dreams. They have entered the forests, faced the guns, and endured the prisons. But the struggle is not over.
“Dhimma Finfinneetiif bosona seenuu caalaa Finfinneedhuma seenuutu karaa filatamaadha.”
“For the cause of Finfinne, entering Finfinne itself is better than entering the forest.”
This is a call to a new chapter in the struggle—a chapter of presence, participation, and engagement. A chapter where the Oromo people enter the city they love and claim their rightful place in it.
Let us enter Finfinne. Let us build a future where the Oromo people are recognized, respected, and empowered in their ancestral capital. Let us create a city that reflects the beauty, diversity, and resilience of the Oromo nation.
Finfinne is Oromo.
Entering Finfinne is the path forward.
The struggle continues.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Finfinnee haa seennu!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who have fought for Finfinne and to those who will continue the struggle in the city itself—the heart of the Oromo nation.
Revitalizing Oromo History: Recognizing Errors and Gaps in Oromo Historiography-Part Three
A Critical Examination of the Challenges Facing Oromo Historical Studies
By Hailu Gonfa
This article is not intended as a concluding statement, but rather as a starting point for further research and discussion. It is my hope that historians, scholars, and all those interested in Oromo history will engage with these reflections, deepen the analysis, and contribute to the vital work of revitalizing Oromo historiography.
3.1. Revitalizing History Is Not Simply About Uncovering the Hidden
When we speak of revitalizing Oromo history, the first thought that often comes to mind is uncovering what has been hidden, forgotten, or misrepresented. This is necessary and important. But the work of revitalization must also be viewed from another perspective. It requires us to honestly examine the errors, gaps, contradictions, and failures within our own historical record.
A people who selectively remember only what glorifies them, while hiding what does not flatter them, have not truly revitalized their history. A people who examine their history in its entirety—drawing strength from its achievements and learning from its mistakes—are the ones who move forward with wisdom. Revitalization is not an exercise in self-praise; it is an exercise in self-knowledge. And self-knowledge requires knowing not only what elevates us, but also what diminishes us.
3.2. Oromo History Must Not Be Written Only by Outsiders
One of the major gaps in Oromo historiography is that for a long time, much of the research and writing about Oromo history has come from external perspectives. This is not to say that outsiders should not study Oromo history—on the contrary, external scholarship has made significant contributions. However, when a people’s history is interpreted primarily by outsiders, that people risks learning about themselves only through the eyes of others.
It is therefore essential to strengthen and support Oromo historians, scholars, writers, linguists, cultural experts, Gadaa researchers, and political and legal scholars. Oromo people must research, write, and engage in scholarly debate about their own history. This is not a rejection of others—it is the assertion of one’s own voice in matters that concern one’s own identity.
3.3. The Gap in Documentation
If a people wishes to pass their history on to future generations, they must document it. The Oromo people possess a rich oral tradition—history, proverbs, poetry, songs, stories of heroes, place names, customs, and social memory are all preserved in the oral tradition. However, oral transmission is vulnerable to change, loss, and distortion over time.
The great task awaiting the current generation is the transition from oral tradition to written and digital documentation. This includes written texts, audio recordings, video documentation, photographs, maps, digital archives, and books. What we document today will be the foundation upon which future generations will build their understanding of who they are.
3.4. Blending Personal Memory and Historical Evidence
One challenge in historical research is the mixing of personal memory with evidence-based history. A person may remember what they heard, saw, or were told by their elders. But to verify that such memory constitutes accurate history, it must be cross-referenced with other sources.
Revitalized Oromo history must move from “This is what I heard” to “What is the evidence?” Evidence may include government archives, ancient manuscripts, books, university research, oral testimonies, place names, archaeological findings, documentaries, personal recollections, and both internal and external sources. All must be examined together.
3.5. History as More Than Heroism
In Oromo historiography, there is sometimes an excessive focus on heroes and heroism. Heroes are important. A people must know and honour their heroes. But to build a people’s history solely around heroes is to impoverish it. A people’s history includes farmers, mothers, youth, teachers, professionals, traders, elders, artists, scholars, health workers, soldiers, and all the diverse builders of society.
A revitalized Oromo history must be a history of the people, not merely a history of heroes. Heroism belongs to a few; history must embrace the many.
3.6. Avoiding the Narrowing of Oromo History to the Struggle for Liberation
Another gap that sometimes appears in Oromo historiography is the tendency to define Oromo history primarily, or even exclusively, through the lens of political and armed struggle. The struggle is an important part of Oromo history, but it is only one part.
The Oromo people possess a rich Gadaa system, a deep philosophy, social institutions, culture and ethics, language, agricultural expertise, economic practices, conflict resolution mechanisms, environmental knowledge, and a vibrant literary and oral tradition. A revitalized Oromo history must ask not only “Who did the Oromo fight?” but also “How did the Oromo live? How did they govern themselves? How did they resolve conflicts? What did they create?”
3.7. The Danger of “We Are Always Right, They Are Always Wrong”
One of the great pitfalls in national historiography is the tendency to view oneself as always right and others as always wrong. This approach prevents genuine learning from history. The Oromo people have had relationships with many communities—relationships of cooperation, conflict, exchange, intermarriage, political alliance, and cultural borrowing.
To reduce all of this to a simple binary of “good versus evil” is to distort history and impoverish our understanding. A revitalized history must ask “What happened? Why did it happen? Who did what? What was the outcome?” This is the transition from myth-making to historical inquiry.
3.8. The Gap of Historical Context
Every historical event must be examined within its own time and place. It is a mistake to judge the past by the standards of the present. What a people thought, did, and believed a hundred years ago may have been shaped by conditions very different from our own. A proper understanding of Oromo history requires examining events within their own political, economic, social, environmental, and relational contexts.
3.9. Internal Diversity Within Oromo History
The Oromo people are spread across a vast territory with diverse regions, clans, dialects, cultures, and experiences. Sometimes, the history of one group is presented as the history of all Oromo, or the history of one group is separated from others. A revitalized historiography must avoid both errors: it must not minimize the history of any region, and it must not deny the diversity that exists. The correct path is to acknowledge our diversity while building a shared history.
3.10. Distinguishing Between Struggle and Its Mistakes
A struggle may have a just cause, but that does not mean every action taken in its name is just. This is an important and mature insight. In revitalizing Oromo history, we must distinguish between the goal, the method, and the outcome. The goal may be just, but the method chosen to achieve it may be flawed. This requires us to ask: What succeeded? What failed? What can we learn? What must we not repeat?
This is not about condemning individuals or groups—it is about learning from the past so that future generations do not repeat the same mistakes.
3.11. The Gap of Women in Oromo History
When writing Oromo history, it is easy to focus on those who held political or military power. But Oromo women have played a vital role in social, economic, cultural, family, educational, and peacebuilding life. A revitalized history must ask: “Where are the Oromo women in our history?” It must document the stories of mothers, farmers, teachers, professionals, artists, scholars, leaders, and community participants. Without women, the history of the Oromo people is incomplete.
3.12. Youth’s Role in History-Making
History often focuses on the elders and heroes of the past. But the younger generation also plays a role in history. Oromo youth must not only learn history—they must also research, write, and document it. Using digital technology, they can create digital archives, podcasts, documentaries, short videos, historical maps, e-books, websites, and research papers. Oromo history must move from the library and the academy into the digital age.
3.13. The Gap of Language and Translation
It is essential to write and document Oromo history in Afaan Oromoo, because the language carries the culture, thought, ethics, and worldview of the people. But it is also important to translate Oromo history into Amharic, English, other Ethiopian languages, and international languages. This ensures that Oromo history is not only for Oromo people, but is accessible to neighbours, scholars, and the wider world.
3.14. Separating History from Contemporary Politics
Historical research is sometimes influenced by the politics of the present. People may interpret the past in ways that serve their current political interests. This can distort historical scholarship. Oromo historiography must strive to be free from political manipulation and based on rigorous social science research. History should not be written simply to praise or attack a particular individual, group, or government. It should be written to provide truth, evidence, and lessons for future generations.
3.15. Learning from Errors Is Not Weakness
When a people openly acknowledges its historical errors, that is not a sign of weakness. On the contrary, it is a sign of maturity. A people who learn from their mistakes are less likely to repeat them. Hiding our failures does not strengthen us—understanding them does. Let us honour our heroes, but also learn from their errors. This is the foundation of mature historiography.
3.16. New Principles for Revitalizing Oromo History
If we are to revitalize Oromo history, we must agree on several guiding principles:
- Evidence-Based: What we say must be supported by evidence, or we must seek it.
- Balanced: We must not mix good and bad indiscriminately, but examine both.
- Self-Critical: We must not fear criticizing ourselves.
- Comparative: We must examine multiple sources and compare them.
- Respectful of Diversity: We must include the histories of diverse regions, clans, genders, and generations.
- Independent of Political Agendas: History should not serve the political interests of a single moment.
- Generational: We must not only research history but pass it on in an understandable way.
- Forward-Looking: We must learn from the past and use it to build the future.
Conclusion: Revitalization as Self-Knowledge
Revitalizing Oromo history is not simply about uncovering what has been hidden. It is about looking at everything—what brings us pride and what brings us shame, what strengthens us and what weakens us, what succeeded and what failed. A people who only praise their history do not know themselves. A people who only condemn their history lose confidence in themselves. But a people who know their history honestly, draw strength from what is good, learn from what is wrong, and build for the future—that is a mature people.
A revitalized Oromo history must move from self-praise to self-knowledge, from self-knowledge to self-criticism, from self-criticism to learning, from learning to renewal, and from renewal to building the future.
By openly examining the errors and gaps in Oromo history, we do not diminish the Oromo people. We do not flee from historical truth. Because a people who know their history honestly are the only ones who can guide their history toward a path of growth and modernity.
In the next section—Part Four: “Oromo History in the Construction of Ethiopia” —we will explore what role the Oromo played in Ethiopian history, what they contributed, what they lacked, and what they must build.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Seenaan Oromoo haa haaromfu!
Dogoggora keenya irraa haa barannu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Hailu Gonfa and is dedicated to all those committed to the honest, rigorous, and balanced revitalization of Oromo history.
Reclaiming Oromo Identity: The First Step in the Struggle
Restoring the Name of Oromo – A Foundation for Historical Justice
By Dhabessa Wakjira
The Oromo struggle for liberation, justice, and self-determination is multifaceted. It encompasses political rights, land rights, economic empowerment, and cultural preservation. But among all the objectives of the struggle, there is a first and foundational task—one that must be addressed before any other can be fully realized:
Restoring the Oromo name wherever it has been distorted, altered, or erased.
For centuries, the Oromo people have endured a systematic campaign of identity erasure. Their names—of people, places, and institutions—have been changed, distorted, and replaced. This is not a coincidence. It is a deliberate strategy of domination, designed to sever the Oromo people from their history, their heritage, and their sense of self.
The first step in the Oromo struggle, therefore, must be the restoration of the Oromo name. Without this, the history of the Oromo people cannot be told truthfully. Without this, the identity of the Oromo people cannot be fully reclaimed. Without this, the future of the Oromo people cannot be built on a foundation of truth.
The Significance of Names: More Than Words
In Oromo culture, names are not merely labels. They carry history, identity, meaning, and connection to the land. A name tells a story—of a person, a place, or a community. It embodies the values, the struggles, and the aspirations of those who bear it.
When names are changed or erased, something profound is lost. The connection to the past is broken. The continuity of culture is interrupted. The identity of a people is called into question.
For the Oromo people, the changing of names has been a tool of colonization and domination. Under successive regimes—from the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire under Menelik II to the Derg and beyond—Oromo names have been systematically replaced with Amharic or other names. This was not an innocent act. It was a deliberate strategy to erase Oromo identity and to impose a new, alien identity on the Oromo people.
Finfinne: A Case Study in Identity Erasure
Perhaps the most powerful example of this phenomenon is the city of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa.
The name “Finfinne” is Oromo. It means “place of hot springs.” This name reflects the history, geography, and culture of the area long before the establishment of the modern city. It is a name that connects the Oromo people to their ancestral land.
However, when Emperor Menelik II established the city in 1886, he gave it a new name: Addis Ababa, meaning “New Flower” in Amharic. This was not a neutral choice. It was a political act—an assertion of imperial power and a denial of Oromo identity.
The renaming of Finfinne to Addis Ababa was part of a broader campaign to erase Oromo presence and history. By changing the name, the empire sought to claim the city as its own and to sever the Oromo people’s connection to their ancestral homeland.
Today, the name “Finfinne” is increasingly being recognized alongside “Addis Ababa.” This is a positive development—a sign that the Oromo people’s historical connection to the city is being acknowledged. But it is not enough. The name “Finfinne” must be fully restored, and the history of the Oromo people in the city must be recognized.
The Broader Pattern: Changing Names Across Oromia
Finfinne is not the only example. Across Oromia, Oromo names have been changed, distorted, or replaced:
- Mountains, rivers, and valleys that once bore Oromo names have been renamed with Amharic or other names.
- Towns and villages have had their names changed to reflect the dominant culture.
- Historical sites have been given new names that obscure their Oromo heritage.
- Institutions and organizations have been named in ways that erase Oromo identity.
This pattern is not accidental. It is a deliberate strategy of cultural erasure—an attempt to make the Oromo people invisible in their own homeland. By changing names, the oppressor seeks to change history. By erasing names, the oppressor seeks to erase identity.
Why the Restoration of Names Matters
The restoration of Oromo names is not a symbolic gesture. It is a fundamental act of justice and a necessary step in the Oromo struggle.
1. Reclaiming History
History is told through names. When names are changed, history is distorted. To restore the Oromo name is to restore the Oromo narrative—to tell the story of the Oromo people in their own words, on their own terms.
2. Affirming Identity
Names are central to identity. To restore the Oromo name is to affirm that the Oromo people exist, that they have a history, and that they have a right to their identity. It is a declaration that the Oromo people will not be erased.
3. Healing Historical Wounds
The changing of Oromo names is a form of violence—a psychological and cultural assault on the Oromo people. Restoring these names is an act of healing. It acknowledges the harm that has been done and begins the process of repair.
4. Building a Foundation for the Future
The Oromo struggle is about building a future of justice, equality, and self-determination. But that future must be built on a foundation of truth. Restoring Oromo names is an essential part of that foundation.
5. Educating Future Generations
If the next generation of Oromo people does not know their own names—the names of their ancestors, their places, and their history—they will be disconnected from their heritage. Restoring names is a way of passing that heritage on.
The Global Context: Indigenous Name Restoration
The Oromo struggle to restore names is part of a global movement. Indigenous peoples around the world are reclaiming their names and their histories.
- In New Zealand, the Māori people have fought to restore Māori names to places that were renamed by European colonizers.
- In Australia, Aboriginal communities have worked to restore traditional names to landmarks and sites.
- In Canada, Indigenous peoples have successfully restored traditional names to places that were renamed during colonization.
- In the United States, Native American tribes have advocated for the restoration of Indigenous names for mountains, rivers, and other landmarks.
These movements are not about nostalgia. They are about justice. They are about recognition. They are about the fundamental right of a people to define themselves on their own terms.
The Oromo struggle for name restoration is part of this global movement. It is a demand for the same recognition and respect that other Indigenous peoples are seeking.
The Role of the Oromo Diaspora
The Oromo diaspora has a critical role to play in the restoration of Oromo names. In communities across the world—in the United States, Canada, Europe, Australia, and beyond—the Oromo diaspora can:
- Use Oromo names in their daily lives, businesses, and organizations.
- Advocate for the recognition of Oromo names in international forums.
- Educate others about the history and significance of Oromo names.
- Support efforts in Oromia to restore names and reclaim history.
- Build institutions that preserve and promote Oromo language and culture.
The diaspora is not separate from the struggle; it is an integral part of it. The restoration of Oromo names is a project that connects Oromo people across borders and generations.
The Challenge and the Hope
The restoration of Oromo names is not without challenges. There are forces that resist this change—those who benefit from the erasure of Oromo identity and who fear the power of a people reclaiming their history.
But there is also hope. The Oromo people are increasingly asserting their identity. The name “Finfinne” is being used alongside “Addis Ababa.” Oromo language and culture are being revitalized. And a new generation of Oromo youth is demanding recognition and justice.
The restoration of Oromo names is not just a demand—it is a movement. It is a declaration that the Oromo people are here, that they have a history, and that they will not be erased.
Conclusion: The First Step in the Struggle
The Oromo struggle is long and complex. It encompasses political, economic, social, and cultural dimensions. But among all these objectives, there is a first and foundational task:
To restore the Oromo name wherever it has been distorted, altered, or erased.
Without this, the Oromo people cannot fully reclaim their history. Without this, the Oromo people cannot fully affirm their identity. Without this, the Oromo people cannot fully build their future.
Finfinne must be called by its Oromo name.
Every place that has been renamed must have its Oromo name restored.
Every person who has been given a foreign name must have the right to reclaim their Oromo identity.
This is not just a cultural project—it is a political project. It is a declaration of self-determination. It is the first step in the struggle for justice.
Finfinne is Oromo.
Oromummaa is not negotiable.
The restoration of Oromo names is the foundation of the struggle.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Maqaan Oromoo haa deebi’u!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who are working to restore Oromo names and reclaim Oromo history. The struggle continues, and the foundation is being laid.
Wealth Creation Strategies for Indigenous Oromians
Taking Control of Your Financial Destiny
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Why Wealth Creation Matters Now
The Oromo people have historically been excluded from economic opportunities across Ethiopia. Successive regimes systematically prevented Oromos from building economic assets, with more than 60% of Ethiopia’s exportable commodities, over 60% of staple food, 70% of industrial raw materials, and 80% of hydro power coming from Oromia—yet no Oromo has been able to qualify among the top 10 richest people in the country. This is not a coincidence; it is the result of deliberate economic marginalization.
But the Oromo people have always had the tools for economic resilience. The Gadaa system contains powerful economic principles that our ancestors used to build and sustain wealth: hard work, planning, mutual assistance, and community-based resource management. The proverb “Tuulamanii taa’anii, Waaqa ofii hin komatan” reminds us: “It is not right to blame God for not working hard.” Hard work and commitment are the sources of wealth.
What Indigenous Wealth Offers
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Our Proven Results
We have successfully supported Oromo people across Ethiopia in achieving financial independence. Across similar models in other communities, Indigenous-owned wealth consultancies have helped create over 110 new property investors in just four years, with a goal of building a community of millionaires .
The Gadaa Foundation for Wealth
Our approach is rooted in the economic wisdom of the Gadaa system:
Hard Work and Planning
“Jabaatan jabaa nyaatu, laafan foxxoqxuu nyaatu” — “The strong eat the strong, and the weak eat the weak.” This proverb reminds us that hard work is mandatory in daily life, and that everyone needs to plan to work hard and secure their future.
Community Support Systems
Traditional Oromo institutions like dabo (labour cooperation) and daadoo (mutual work groups) demonstrate the power of collective effort. When communities work together, they achieve more than individuals working alone. We apply these same principles to modern wealth building.
Guddifachaa (Adoption)
The Oromo practice of guddifachaa demonstrates the belief that children are assets and the community shares responsibility for their welfare and education. This is the foundation of generational wealth—investing in the next generation’s education, skills, and economic opportunities.
Hard Work and Self-Reliance
The Gadaa system emphasizes that people should not wait for others to solve their economic problems. “Hojii hojjechuu isa malee gaafa du’aa hin galus” — “Without work, the day does not end.”.
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Real Stories: Oromo Success
Across Ethiopia, Oromo people are already building wealth through determination and community:
Fedhi Gudina Community Saving for Investment in Agribusiness Group: Founded in 2019 with just $141 raised by 20 members (15 women), this Oromo group grew their savings to $28,530 through strategic investment in crop cultivation and processing. They now operate a grain milling service that serves their entire community.
Safiya, an Oromo entrepreneur: Forced to flee Ethiopia, she built a successful business making traditional Oromo beadwork in Nairobi. Her handmade designs are sold for special occasions like weddings, and she now supports her family independently. She says: “I have hope in what I am making with my hands. I believe in it, I believe in myself.“.
Reach for Change Entrepreneurship Training: In April 2025, 83 Oromo women in Me’so, Babile, and Chinaksan woredas participated in entrepreneurship training designed to turn ideas into viable businesses. They are building off-farm businesses that sustain livelihoods and create economic independence.
Taking the First Step
The Oromo people have always been resilient. Despite centuries of oppression, forced displacement, and economic exclusion, we have survived—and now it is time to thrive.
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The Question of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa: Toward a Balanced and Sustainable Solution
Navigating History, Constitutional Rights, and the Complex Realities of Governance
By Jafer Ali
The question of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—and its surrounding areas, including Dirree Dhawaa, has long been one of the most contentious and emotionally charged issues in Ethiopian political discourse. For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not merely a city; it is the heart of their ancestral homeland, a symbol of their historical presence, and a constitutional matter that has yet to be resolved. For others, it is the capital of Ethiopia, the seat of the federal government, and a city that belongs to all Ethiopians.
The debate has intensified as the national dialogue process unfolds, and the question of how to resolve the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has become central to discussions about the future of Ethiopia’s federal system, ethnic relations, and governance structure.
This article seeks to explore the key questions surrounding Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa, examining the constitutional, historical, political, and practical dimensions of the issue. It argues that a sustainable solution must move beyond simplistic claims of ownership and instead focus on a framework of mutual consent, shared benefit, and constitutional fidelity.
The Key Questions
The debate over Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa can be distilled into two fundamental questions:
1. What does the Constitution say?
The Ethiopian Constitution, adopted in 1995, establishes the federal structure of the country and recognizes the rights of nations, nationalities, and peoples. Article 49(5) specifically recognizes Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne regarding social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters arising from the city’s location within the State of Oromia.
This constitutional provision has been the subject of intense debate. For Oromo advocates, it represents a legal acknowledgment of the city’s historical and geographical connection to Oromia—a connection that has never been fully implemented. For others, the provision is a compromise that balances the city’s role as the federal capital with the rights of the surrounding region.
2. What does the people demand?
The Oromo people’s demand regarding Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is clear and consistent: the city is Oromo land, and its rightful owners are the Oromo people. The demand is often framed as a call for the city to be placed under the administrative jurisdiction of the Oromia Regional Government or for the Oromo people to have greater control over the city’s governance and resources.
This demand is rooted in a historical narrative that the city was established on Oromo land through conquest and dispossession, and that the Oromo people have never consented to the city’s status as a separately administered entity.
The Need for a Balanced Approach
The challenge of resolving the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa lies in reconciling these two perspectives. On one hand, the Oromo people’s historical and constitutional claims cannot be ignored. On the other hand, the city’s role as the federal capital, its international significance, and the presence of diverse communities cannot be dismissed.
A balanced approach must consider the following dimensions:
1. The Constitutional Dimension
The Constitution provides a starting point for resolving the issue. Article 49(5) recognizes Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne, but the provision has never been fully implemented. A sustainable solution must begin by implementing this constitutional provision through joint administrative mechanisms, resource-sharing agreements, and coordinated governance frameworks.
However, any implementation must respect the city’s role as the federal capital and the rights of all its residents. The Constitution does not provide for the city to be placed under Oromia’s exclusive administrative control. Rather, it envisions a framework of cooperation and shared responsibility.
2. The Historical Dimension
The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne is a fact that must be acknowledged. The area known as Finfinnee was inhabited by Oromo people before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire, and the city’s name itself is Oromo, meaning “place of hot springs.”
But historical claims alone cannot determine the city’s future. The city has evolved over the past century into a multi-ethnic metropolis that is home to people from across Ethiopia. The current residents—Oromo, Amhara, Gurage, Tigrayan, and others—have legitimate claims to the city as their home. A just solution must respect both the historical rights of the Oromo people and the contemporary rights of all residents.
3. The Political Dimension
The status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is a political question that requires political solutions. It cannot be resolved through unilateral declarations or zero-sum demands. It requires negotiation, compromise, and good-faith dialogue between the federal government, the Oromia regional government, and other stakeholders.
The political dimension also includes considerations of power, representation, and resource allocation. Any solution must ensure that the Oromo people have a meaningful voice in the governance of the city while also ensuring that all residents are treated equally and fairly.
4. The Practical Dimension
Finfinne is not just a symbol; it is a functioning city with millions of residents, extensive infrastructure, and a critical role in Ethiopia’s economy and international relations. The city is home to the African Union headquarters, numerous diplomatic missions, and major economic enterprises.
Any change in the city’s governance must consider the practical implications for its residents, businesses, and international partners. Disruption to the city’s administration could have far-reaching consequences that extend beyond Oromia.
The Complexities of the Dirree Dhawaa Question
While the focus has often been on Finfinne, the question of Dirree Dhawaa is equally significant. Dirree Dhawaa is a symbol of Oromo resistance—a site where the Oromo people have gathered to demand their rights and have faced repression from state forces.
The status of Dirree Dhawaa is closely linked to the broader question of Oromo land rights and the expansion of the capital. The area is located within Oromia and has been the focus of protests and resistance. A sustainable solution for Finfinne must also address the concerns of communities in Dirree Dhawaa and other surrounding areas.
The Risk of Unilateral Decisions
The debate over Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is not without risk. Unilateral decisions—whether by the federal government or the Oromia regional government—could have serious consequences. As history has shown, when the boundaries of the capital were previously redrawn, it led to widespread protests, conflict, and political instability.
The controversy over the 2014 Finfinne Integrated Development Master Plan highlighted these risks. The proposed expansion of the capital into surrounding Oromia districts led to widespread protests that spread throughout Oromia and eventually led to the cancellation of the plan. The experience demonstrated that decisions made in the capital directly affect neighboring Oromo communities, and that meaningful consultation and participation are essential.
The Need for Comprehensive Analysis
Before any decision is made on the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa, a comprehensive analysis is needed. This analysis should consider:
- The interests of all residents: The rights and needs of all residents of the city must be respected.
- The interests of the Oromo people: The historical and constitutional claims of the Oromo people must be acknowledged.
- The interests of the federal government: The city’s role as the federal capital must be protected.
- The interests of the Oromia regional government: The region’s constitutional rights and interests must be respected.
- The interests of the broader Ethiopian people: The solution must serve the long-term stability and unity of the country.
A Possible Framework for Resolution
A sustainable resolution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa must be based on mutual consent, shared benefit, and constitutional fidelity. A possible framework could include:
1. Implementation of Constitutional Provisions
Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne, as recognized in Article 49(5), should be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms that ensure meaningful Oromo participation in decisions affecting the city and surrounding communities. This could include joint committees, shared decision-making structures, and resource-sharing agreements.
2. Recognition of Historical Rights
The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa should be recognized through cultural institutions, public acknowledgment, and educational programs that celebrate the city’s diverse history.
3. Fair Development and Consultation
Urban expansion and development should be planned with meaningful consultation with affected communities, ensuring fair compensation, environmental protection, and shared benefits.
4. Inclusive Governance
All residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—should have equal rights to participation, public services, and legal protection. The city’s governance should reflect its diversity and ensure that all voices are heard.
5. Shared Prosperity
The economic benefits of the capital’s growth should be shared with surrounding communities, creating a virtuous cycle of development rather than a pattern of exploitation.
The Role of Dialogue and Mutual Consent
Ultimately, the solution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa must be based on dialogue and mutual consent. The federal government and the Oromia regional government must engage in good-faith negotiations to find a mutually acceptable governance framework.
The national dialogue process provides an opportunity to address this issue in a comprehensive and inclusive manner. However, the dialogue must be genuine, transparent, and committed to finding a solution that serves the interests of all parties.
Conclusion: Toward a Just and Sustainable Future
The question of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is one of the most complex and consequential issues facing Ethiopia today. It touches on history, identity, constitutional rights, governance, and the future of the nation.
A sustainable solution cannot be based on unilateral declarations, zero-sum demands, or the denial of legitimate rights. It requires a commitment to dialogue, constitutional fidelity, and the recognition that the interests of all parties—the Oromo people, the residents of the city, the federal government, and the broader Ethiopian people—must be balanced.
The status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is not just a question of ownership—it is a question of justice, governance, and the future of Ethiopia itself.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Nagaan haa bulaa!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and sustainable solution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa.
Irreechaa: The Oromo Thanksgiving — A Celebration of Creation, Renewal, and Gratitude
Honouring Waaqa Through Ancient Rituals of Rain, Peace, and Fertility
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the heart of the Oromo nation, a sacred tradition unfolds each year—a celebration that connects the living to their creator, their ancestors, and the natural world that sustains them. Irreechaa is more than a cultural festival; it is the spiritual heartbeat of the Oromo people, a profound expression of thanksgiving to Waaqa (God) for the gift of life, the renewal of the seasons, and the promise of abundance.
As the Oromo people gather at sacred sites—atop mountains, along riverbanks, and around the shores of lakes—they carry bunches of fresh grass and flowers, symbols of creation and gratitude. They sing, they pray, and they reaffirm their faith in the one universal creator. This is Irreechaa: the Oromo Thanksgiving Day.
The Oromo Belief in One God: Waaqa Tokko
The Oromo people are one of the indigenous peoples of East Africa, with a rich cultural heritage that stretches back millennia. Central to their worldview is a profound and unwavering belief in monotheism—the belief in one God, whom they call Waaqa.
The Oromo are not fetishists. They do not worship the forces of nature; rather, they see in them the manifestations of Waaqa’s power and wisdom. The Oromo people hold this faith so deeply that any expression of doubt regarding the unity of God is met with strong protest. For the Oromo, there is and will always be but one God—Waaqa Tokko—the unique, universal creator and master of all existence.
This belief is the foundation upon which the Irreechaa ceremony is built. It is a celebration not of nature itself, but of the creator whose wisdom and power are revealed through nature’s beauty, fertility, and renewal.
The Gadaa System and Qaalluu Institution: The Framework of Irreechaa
To fully understand Irreechaa, one must understand the broader cultural and political systems of the Oromo people, particularly the Gadaa system and the Qaalluu institution.
The Gadaa system is a millennia-old democratic governance structure based on generational age sets, egalitarian principles, and rotating leadership. It has been recognized by UNESCO as part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. The Qaalluu institution, on the other hand, is the spiritual authority that maintains harmony between society, nature, and the spiritual realm.
Irreechaa is intimately connected to both. The Qaalluus (spiritual leaders) and the Abbaa Malkaas (lineal chiefs of the areas) are at the top hierarchies of the ritual. The Qaalluus give instructions and directives regarding the location and timing of the ritual, ensuring that it is conducted in accordance with ancient traditions.
The Philosophy of Irreechaa: Life, Death, and Resurrection
Irreechaa is not merely a ritual; it is a comprehensive philosophical worldview that reflects the Oromo people’s understanding of existence.
The ceremony embodies a profound admiration for the miraculous spiritual powers of Waaqa and the living secret of generation. The ever-greenness and productivity of plants, the regeneration of life, the replacement of the old by the new, and the death and resurrection of fruits are seen as manifestations of Waaqa’s wisdom.
According to this belief, all is accomplished by the will of Waaqa.
The cycle of seasons—the death of vegetation in the dry season and its resurrection with the rains—is likened to the cycle of life itself. It reflects a philosophy of life after death, of renewal, and of hope.
Historically, this worldview is believed to have originated from the ancient Cushitic people living along the Nile Valley. While the Oromo Waaqeffannaa is not identical to the religious practices of these ancient peoples, it shares a common origin in the Nile Valley Cushitic civilization.
The Two Major Irreechaa Celebrations
The Irreechaa ritual ceremony is conducted at different places and times, governed by its own system and portrayed by its own ritual practices. By and large, it takes place at two major areas:
1. Irreechaa Tulluu — The Mountain Celebration
Irreechaa Tulluu is the ritual ceremony conducted at the top of mountains. It is performed at the beginning of the spring season, usually in the month of March.
For three months prior, the land has endured the harshness of the dry season (bona) . Both people and cattle suffer from drought, shortage of water, and scarcity of grasses. It is during this time of hardship that the Oromo people gather on the mountain tops to pray to Waaqa to send rain, to bring relief, and to restore life to the land.
The mountain tops are solitary places characterized by moisture conducive for praying. This ritual ceremonial practice is said to have closely related to the worship practiced by ancient settlers of peoples of the Nile Valley.
2. Irreechaa Malkaa — The Riverbank Celebration
Irreechaa Malkaa is celebrated immediately after the end of the rainy season, in the middle of September (Fulbaana). It is a time of transition—when the darkness and fog of the rainy season give way to the brightness of spring (Birraa) .
This ritual ceremony is accomplished not only along the banks of rivers but also around lakes and their vicinities. The most famous of these celebrations takes place at Hora Arsadi, near Bishoftu town, a site of profound historical and cultural significance.
This Irreechaa holiday is sometimes known as Ayyaana Birraa (the Birraa holiday). It is the time when relatives, families, and clans, separated by rivers and floods during the rainy season, are able to meet and reconnect.
The Significance of Hora Arsadi
Hora Arsadi, the iconic site of Irreechaa Malkaa, is located adjacent to Bishoftu town, not far from Oda Nabe—one of the Oromo religious, political, and historical centers of ancient times.
The name “Hora Arsadi” is derived from a man named Arsadi, who is said to have belonged to the Liban lineage. The site is a sacred space, where the Oromo people gather annually to give thanks, to pray, and to renew their connection to Waaqa and to each other.
At this site, the Abbaa Malkaas and the Abbaa Gadaas have vital participatory roles. Communities carrying bunches of lovely grasses and flowers in their hands—symbols of creation and abundance—praise, bless, and pray to Waaqa.
The Rituals of Irreechaa
The Irreechaa ceremony is a rich tapestry of song, dance, prayer, and community fellowship.
Carrying the Bunch of Grasses and Flowers
Participants hold in their hands fresh grass and flowers—symbols of the creation they are praising. This act embodies the essence of Irreechaa: “Uumamaan uumaa raajjeeffanna” —we pray and admire the creator having creations in hands.
After the thanksgiving songs are sung, the bunches of flowers and grasses are laid over, symbolizing the offering of gratitude to Waaqa.
The Songs of Irreechaa
The songs of Irreechaa are deeply moving and spiritually charged. The women, decorated in Caaccuu (beads) cultural suits and holding Siiqqee (cultural slender sticks), sing the melody:
“Maareyoo! Maareyoo…!”
The men, holding Harooressa (male sticks), respond with:
“Irrechoo yaa irrecha malkaa roobaafi nagaa…”
This call and response is a prayer for rain, peace, and fertility—for the well-being of the community and the promise of abundance.
The Return Home
After the prayers, all participants return to their villages, accompanying the Abbaa Malkaa and their clan leaders. The journey back is marked by joy, fellowship, and the reaffirmation of community bonds.
Children and Youth Celebrations
Children with peer groups sing seasonal and love songs. This is the season when young people select their partners, give and receive gifts, and express their best wishes to one another through cultural songs. It is a time of hope, renewal, and the celebration of life.
The Cultural and Spiritual Meaning of Irreechaa
Irreechaa embodies the core values of Oromo culture and spirituality:
1. Gratitude to the Creator
The ceremony is an act of thanksgiving, acknowledging that all life and abundance come from Waaqa.
2. Renewal and Hope
Irreechaa marks the transition from hardship to hope, from the scarcity of the dry season to the abundance of spring.
3. Community and Unity
The celebration brings together families, clans, and communities, reinforcing the bonds of kinship and solidarity.
4. Connection to Nature
The use of fresh grass and flowers symbolizes the Oromo people’s deep connection to the natural world and their role as stewards of creation.
5. Peace and Reconciliation
Irreechaa is also a time for reconciliation—for mending relationships, resolving conflicts, and fostering peace within the community.
Irreechaa in the Modern Era
Today, Irreechaa has grown beyond its traditional boundaries. The annual celebration at Hora Arsadi now draws hundreds of thousands of Oromo people from across Ethiopia and the diaspora. It has become a powerful expression of Oromo identity, unity, and cultural pride.
The ceremony has also garnered international recognition. It serves as a reminder of the Oromo people’s rich cultural heritage and their enduring connection to their land, their faith, and their traditions.
In the diaspora, Oromo communities in cities like Minneapolis, Seattle, Melbourne, and Toronto have also begun to celebrate Irreechaa, ensuring that the tradition continues across borders. These celebrations preserve cultural identity, connect younger generations to their heritage, and create spaces for community bonding.
A Call to Preserve and Celebrate
As the Oromo people continue to navigate the challenges of the modern world, Irreechaa remains a source of strength, hope, and identity. It is a reminder of who they are, where they come from, and the values that unite them as a people.
Irreechaa is more than a holiday—it is a way of life. It is a philosophy of gratitude, a celebration of creation, and a reaffirmation of faith in the one universal creator.
As the participants gather at Hora Arsadi and other sacred sites, they carry not just bunches of grass and flowers, but the hopes, prayers, and dreams of an entire nation.
Irreechoo yaa irrecha malkaa roobaafi nagaa!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Irreechaa haa jabaattu!
Waaqa haa galatannu!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo people—past, present, and future—who carry the spirit of Irreechaa in their hearts, and to the generations yet to come who will continue this sacred tradition.
Finfinne: A Question of Law, Governance, and Political Will
Moving Beyond History to Constitutional and Administrative Solutions
By Birhanu Lenjiso (PhD)
The debate surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—has long been entangled in competing historical narratives, emotional appeals, and identity politics. But at its core, the question of Finfinne’s status is not primarily historical or geographical. It is a question of law, governance, and political will.
Finfinne is the capital of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. It serves as the seat of the federal government. But it is also a city located within the boundaries of Oromia, and this geographical reality carries constitutional implications that cannot be ignored. The distinction between the city’s role as a federal capital and its regional location must be clearly understood if we are to find a sustainable solution.
The Constitutional Framework: A City Within Oromia
Finfinne did not become the capital of Ethiopia because it lacked an owner. It became the capital because the Oromo people—the rightful owners of the land—consented to its role as the seat of the federal government. This consent was formalized in the Ethiopian Constitution, which recognized Oromia’s “special interest” in the city concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters.
This constitutional recognition is not a declaration of Oromo ownership in the exclusive sense. Rather, it acknowledges a practical reality: the city is located within Oromia, and its daily functioning and development depend on resources, infrastructure, and cooperation from surrounding Oromo communities.
Two distinct dimensions must be clearly distinguished:
- The city’s regional status — its location within Oromia and its relationship with the surrounding communities.
- The city’s federal status — its role as the capital of Ethiopia and the seat of the federal government.
Both dimensions are legitimate and must be respected. The challenge is to find a governance framework that honours both.
The Oromo Position: A Clear and Legitimate Demand
The Oromo people’s demand regarding Finfinne is clear and straightforward: Finfinne should remain the capital of Ethiopia, but its administration should be placed under the jurisdiction of Oromia.
This demand is rooted in the following considerations:
- Geographical Reality: Finfinne is surrounded by Oromia and is an integral part of the Oromo homeland.
- Historical Connection: The area known as Finfinnee has been inhabited by Oromo people for generations and holds deep cultural significance.
- Constitutional Recognition: The Constitution recognizes Oromia’s special interest in the city, a provision that has never been fully implemented.
- Practical Necessity: The city’s development and the well-being of surrounding communities are interconnected and require coordinated governance.
The Oromo position is not a rejection of Finfinne’s role as the federal capital. It is a demand for constitutional implementation, administrative justice, and practical cooperation.
The Importance of Legal and Administrative Clarity
The debate over Finfinne should not be reduced to competing historical claims or identity-based appeals. While history and geography provide important context, the core question is one of law and governance.
What is the legal status of Finfinne?
How should its relationship with Oromia be governed?
How can the constitutional provisions regarding Oromia’s special interest be implemented?
These are the questions that demand answers. Repeatedly invoking historical grievances or geographical arguments without addressing the legal and administrative dimensions does not move the debate forward. It only complicates the process and deepens divisions.
Separating History, Law, Politics, and Identity
To make progress on the Finfinne question, we must develop the discipline of separating different dimensions of the issue:
- History: The historical connection between the Oromo people and the land on which Finfinne was built is a fact. It is not a question—it is a reality that must be acknowledged.
- Geography: The city is located within Oromia. This is a geographical fact, not a political claim. It has implications for governance, resource sharing, and administrative cooperation.
- Constitutional Law: The Constitution recognizes Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne. This is a legal provision that requires implementation. How this implementation should occur is a matter of legal interpretation and political negotiation.
- Politics: The demand for administrative control over Finfinne is a political question. It is subject to debate, negotiation, and compromise. It is not a historical or geographical inevitability—it is a matter of political will and constitutional interpretation.
- Identity: Finfinne holds deep cultural and symbolic meaning for the Oromo people. This identity dimension must be respected, but it should not dominate the legal and administrative discussions.
By separating these dimensions, we can engage in a more productive and less emotionally charged debate.
The Need for a Framework Agreement
The Finfinne question will not be resolved through unilateral declarations or zero-sum demands. It requires a framework agreement that addresses the following key issues:
- Constitutional Implementation: How can Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne be implemented in practice? What joint administrative mechanisms are needed?
- Administrative Relations: How should the federal government, the Oromia regional government, and the city administration coordinate their activities?
- Resource Sharing: How should the city’s resources—including land, water, and infrastructure—be managed in a way that benefits both the city and surrounding communities?
- Development Planning: How can urban expansion and development be planned in a way that respects the rights and interests of affected communities?
- Citizen Participation: How can all residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—participate in the governance of the city?
Such an agreement must be based on mutual respect, constitutional fidelity, and a commitment to justice.
The Danger of Historical Simplification
One of the greatest obstacles to resolving the Finfinne question is the tendency to reduce complex issues to simplistic historical claims.
Those who argue that Finfinne is simply “Oromo land” or that it is simply “Ethiopian capital” are missing the point. The city is both. It is the capital of Ethiopia and the historical heart of Oromia. These two truths are not contradictory—they are complementary.
The challenge is to create governance arrangements that honour both truths. This requires moving beyond historical claims and engaging in practical, constitutional discussions.
A Call for Pragmatism and Cooperation
The Finfinne question has been debated for decades. It has been the source of conflict, protest, and political tension. It has divided communities and strained relationships. But it does not have to be a source of endless conflict.
A sustainable solution requires:
- Acknowledgment of Historical Facts: The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne must be acknowledged. This is not a concession—it is an acknowledgment of reality.
- Respect for Constitutional Provisions: Oromia’s special interest in the city, as recognized in the Constitution, must be implemented. The Constitution is not a suggestion—it is the supreme law of the land.
- Political Will: The federal government and the Oromia regional government must engage in good-faith negotiations to find a mutually acceptable governance framework.
- Focus on Practical Solutions: The debate should focus on practical questions of governance, resource sharing, and administrative coordination—not on abstract claims of ownership or identity.
Conclusion: A Path Forward
The Finfinne question is ultimately a question of law and governance. It is about how the city should be administered, how resources should be shared, and how the relationship between the city and surrounding communities should be governed.
The Oromo people’s demand—that Finfinne remain the capital of Ethiopia while its administration is placed under Oromia—is a legitimate political claim. It is rooted in constitutional provisions, historical realities, and practical considerations. It deserves to be taken seriously.
But the resolution of this question will not come from historical debates or identity-based appeals. It will come from good-faith negotiations, constitutional implementation, and a commitment to justice.
Let us focus on the law.
Let us focus on governance.
Let us focus on practical solutions.
Let us build a future where Finfinne serves as a city for all Ethiopians while honouring its historical and constitutional relationship with Oromia.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Oromia fi Finfinne walitti haa qabatan!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dr. Birhanu Lenjiso and is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and lasting solution to the question of Finfinne.
Advocacy for Oromia 