Category Archives: gender
Goobee and Shinooyyee: Expressions of Celebration, Identity, and Cultural Beauty of the Oromo People
A Vibrant Revival of Ancient Traditions
By Daandii Ragabaa
Culture is the mirror of a community’s identity, the bridge connecting generations, and the living witness to history. The Oromo people possess a wealth of indigenous values and traditional systems passed down through generations. Among these, the Goobee and Shinooyyee traditional games hold a unique place and message within the Gada system, celebrating the end of the rainy season and the arrival of spring.
As the Oromo calendar transitions from the rainy season—a time of reflection—to the spring season, a symbol of hope and renewal, various thanksgiving ceremonies and traditional games are performed. One such celebration is the Goobee and Shinooyyee festival, a vibrant cultural practice observed by young men (Qero) and women (Qaree) as they dress in traditional attire and joyfully play together.
Goobee: A Festival of Light and Freedom for Young Men
Goobee is a festival for young men welcoming the light of spring with joy and hope. It is a time for them to declare their freedom and independence. The festival marks a significant milestone in the lives of young Oromo men, allowing them to express their identity and embrace their role in the community.
The rituals of Goobee are deeply symbolic. Young men gather in groups, dressed in their finest traditional attire, and participate in games and dances that celebrate the arrival of the new season. The festival is a declaration of readiness—a statement that they are prepared to take on the responsibilities of adulthood and contribute to the well-being of their community.
Shinooyyee: A Festival of Freedom and Identity for Young Women
Shinooyyee is a festival of freedom and identity for young Oromo girls. It marks the transition of young women from childhood to a stage of greater social recognition, providing a unique opportunity for them to express themselves freely.
During Shinooyyee, girls gather with friends to style their hair and dress in their finest ornaments, chanting and dancing with unparalleled freedom. They collect fragrant grass and give it to their neighbours as a symbol of abundance and blessing, receiving food and butter in return. The festival serves as a critical space for social bonding, strengthening relationships among girls and providing them with a sense of community and mutual support.
The significance of Shinooyyee extends beyond individual celebration. It is a collective affirmation of the value and dignity of young women, reinforcing their place within the broader Oromo society. The festival instils pride, confidence, and a deep sense of belonging.
The Prelude to Irreechaa
These festivals are the prelude to Irreechaa, the grand Oromo thanksgiving celebration. The celebration begins in late August and continues for weeks as youth in villages and towns unite in joy and unity. Goobee and Shinooyyee are not merely games—they are profound cultural events that reflect the beauty of nature, the honour of youth, and the resilience of a people.
The Gadaa system, of which these festivals are a core component, has selected eight high-level mountains where offering thanks to God is performed. The festivals embody the principles of peace, unity, and harmonious coexistence that are central to the Gadaa system.
A Symbol of Cultural Revival
Goobee and Shinooyyee are powerful symbols of Oromo identity and cultural revival. In recent years, the festivals have been revived and celebrated with remarkable enthusiasm in Finfinnee and throughout Oromia. They are organised with the support of cultural institutions and government bodies, underscoring the commitment to preserving and promoting the culture of the Oromo people.
As part of the Gadaa system, a UNESCO-recognised intangible cultural heritage, these festivals are significant in maintaining social cohesion and transmitting cultural values. They ensure that the wisdom of the ancestors continues to guide future generations.
Tourism and Economic Potential
Beyond cultural preservation, Goobee and Shinooyyee hold significant potential for the tourism sector. By promoting these vibrant traditions, Oromia can attract visitors seeking authentic cultural experiences. The festivals showcase the region’s beauty and the rich heritage of the Oromo people, contributing to sustainable development and economic growth.
The traditional clothing, music, dances, and rituals associated with Goobee and Shinooyyee offer a compelling attraction for tourists interested in cultural tourism. The economic benefits of such tourism can support local communities and incentivise further cultural preservation efforts.
A Symbol of Freedom and Self-Determination
The revival of these festivals represents the restoration of a lost cultural heritage. For years, these practices were suppressed under past regimes, but now they serve as a symbol of freedom and self-determination for the Oromo people. They are celebrated alongside other Oromo festivals, such as Irreechaa, which have become powerful symbols of peace, unity, and national cohesion.
Celebrating Goobee and Shinooyyee is itself an act of resistance—a declaration that the Oromo people will not be erased, that their culture will not be forgotten, and that their traditions will continue to thrive.
Conclusion: An Act of Future-Building
Preserving these cultural treasures is not just a matter of nostalgia; it is an act of future-building. By safeguarding and promoting Goobee and Shinooyyee, the community ensures that its children inherit a rich cultural legacy that strengthens the fabric of society and fosters a spirit of unity.
It is a collective responsibility to cherish, pass on, and promote these living resources as expressions of Oromo identity, values, and cultural beauty.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Goobee fi Shinooyyee haa jabaattu!
The Case for Shinooyee and Goobee: A Preventive Force for Peace and Unity
How Oromo Cultural Festivals Can Mitigate Conflict and Build Social Cohesion
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In a world where youth are increasingly drawn to divisive ideologies, political extremism, and social unrest, the Oromo people possess a powerful alternative: their own rich cultural traditions. The festivals of Shinooyee and Goobee—celebrations of the Oromo new year and the transition from winter to spring—are not merely cultural events. They are mechanisms for peacebuilding, social cohesion, and the redirection of youth energy toward constructive ends.
This article argues that Shinooyee and Goobee have significant preventive benefits. When young people invest their time, knowledge, skills, and resources in promoting Oromo culture, they not only ensure the growth of their traditions but also contribute to a reduction in conflict and violence. By focusing on cultural development, youth can build peace rather than division.
Argument 1: Cultural Engagement as a Preventative Measure
Proposition: Youth participation in Shinooyee and Goobee celebrations reduces the likelihood of conflict and violence.
Supporting Points:
1. Redirecting Youth Energy Toward Constructive Ends
Young people possess immense energy, creativity, and passion. When these qualities are channelled into political extremism or ethnic rivalry, the result is often violence and instability. However, when youth are engaged in cultural activities—learning traditional songs, preparing for festivals, and preserving Oromo heritage—that same energy is redirected toward positive community building.
Shinooyee and Goobeyyee provide structured, meaningful activities that require collaboration, discipline, and commitment. Young people who are actively preparing for these festivals have less time and inclination for destructive behaviour. The festivals create “prosocial bonds that reduce isolation and renew civic agency” .
2. Fostering Intergenerational Connection
Shinooyee and Goobee bring together elders and youth, creating opportunities for the transmission of cultural knowledge, values, and wisdom. This intergenerational connection is essential for building understanding and respect across age groups.
When youth learn from elders—about history, culture, and the principles of the Gadaa system—they gain perspective on the struggles and triumphs of their people. This perspective reduces the likelihood of impulsive or radical behaviour, as youth see themselves as part of a larger historical narrative.
3. Promoting Peace and Reconciliation Values
Both Shinooyee and Goobee are rooted in the values of peace, reconciliation, and unity. The Gadaa system, of which these festivals are a part, “symbolises peace, unity, and harmonious coexistence among people”.
Before participating in these celebrations, individuals are expected to resolve conflicts and seek forgiveness. This practice teaches youth that peace is not abstract—it requires active effort and accountability. By internalising these values, young people become peacebuilders rather than conflict participants.
Argument 2: Economic and Social Benefits of Cultural Investment
Proposition: Investing youth resources in Shinooyee and Goobee generates positive economic and social returns.
Supporting Points:
1. Building Local Economies
Shinooyee and Goobee are economic drivers. The demand for traditional clothing, food, and crafts creates employment opportunities for artisans, tailors, and small businesses. By investing in these festivals, youth contribute to the economic vitality of their communities.
The Irreechaa Expo, for example, has become a platform for over 250 trade associations, providing economic opportunities and promoting cultural tourism. Similar economic benefits can be realised through the investment of youth resources in Shinooyee and Goobee.
2. Strengthening Social Networks
The festivals foster social networks that serve as safety nets in times of crisis. When youth participate in Shinooyee and Goobee, they build relationships with peers and elders across communities. These relationships can be drawn upon during times of hardship, reducing reliance on divisive or violent alternatives.
As one scholar observed, Irreechaa “brings people closer to each other and strengthens social bonds”. The same applies to Shinooyee and Goobee.
3. Preserving Cultural Heritage
By investing their resources in cultural promotion, youth ensure that Oromo traditions are not lost to modernity. This preservation is not merely nostalgic—it is a form of resistance against cultural erasure and a foundation for collective identity.
When youth understand their culture, they are less likely to adopt extremist ideologies that reject or denigrate their heritage. Instead, they become ambassadors of their culture, promoting understanding and respect across communities.
Argument 3: The Preventive Impact on Conflict
Proposition: Widespread investment in Shinooyee and Goobee can prevent the escalation of conflict.
Supporting Points:
1. Building Bridges Across Communities
Shinooyee and Goobee are not exclusive festivals. Members of various ethnic groups—Kembata, Kebena, Burji, Dawro, and Sidama—have described these celebrations as platforms for cultural exchange and multinational unity. When youth from diverse backgrounds participate together, they build relationships that transcend ethnic divisions.
2. Creating Alternative Narratives
Conflict often arises from narratives of grievance, victimhood, and enmity. Cultural festivals offer alternative narratives of resilience, gratitude, and common humanity. By promoting these narratives, youth challenge the divisive rhetoric that fuels conflict.
3. Demonstrating the Benefits of Peace
Shinooyee and Goobee are celebrations of hope and renewal. They demonstrate that peace is not only possible but desirable—that communities can thrive when they come together in celebration rather than conflict. By participating in these festivals, youth experience the tangible benefits of peace.
Rebuttal: Addressing Potential Counterarguments
Counterargument: “Culture is not a substitute for political change. Focusing on festivals distracts from the real issues facing the Oromo people.”
Rebuttal: Cultural engagement is not a substitute for political action—it is a complement to it. When youth are disconnected from their culture, they are more vulnerable to radicalisation and division. Cultural festivals like Shinooyee and Goobee provide the foundation of identity and community that makes political action more effective and principled.
Counterargument: “Investment in culture is a luxury we cannot afford when we face urgent political and economic challenges.”
Rebuttal: Culture is not a luxury—it is a necessity. The loss of culture is itself a form of oppression, and its preservation is a form of resistance. Moreover, cultural festivals generate economic benefits that address urgent needs. The Irreechaa Expo, for example, has become a platform for economic growth and community development .
Counterargument: “Celebrating culture does nothing to stop violence.”
Rebuttal: Cultural celebration does not stop violence on its own—but it creates the conditions in which violence is less likely. Communities that are culturally connected, socially cohesive, and economically vibrant are more resilient to conflict. Shinooyee and Goobee contribute to these conditions.
Conclusion: A Path to Peace Through Culture
Shinooyee and Goobee are not merely festivals—they are investments in peace. When young people invest their time, knowledge, skills, and resources in promoting Oromo culture, they are not only preserving their heritage—they are building a future of peace and stability.
By engaging in these traditions, youth become peacebuilders, cultural ambassadors, and community leaders. They create alternatives to violence and division, demonstrating that the path to a better future lies not in conflict but in cooperation, not in extremism but in cultural pride.
As the Oromo proverb says: “A person without culture is like a tree without roots.” By investing in Shinooyee and Goobee, youth are planting the roots of peace for generations to come.
This feature article is dedicated to Oromo youth everywhere who are working to preserve and promote their culture as a foundation for peace and unity.
The Price of Silence: A Reflection on Inaction and the Tragedy of Our People
We Knew This Was Coming — Yet We Chose to Stay Silent
By Koste Abdiisaa
If we had shown even 1% of the outrage we have expressed over the past two days three, four, or five years ago—when Fano killed hundreds of innocent Oromos in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and elsewhere—perhaps these killings would not have happened.
We knew this was coming. The signs were everywhere. The warnings were clear. Yet we chose to remain silent. We chose to look away. We chose to believe that the storm would pass us by.
But storms do not pass by those who refuse to prepare. They break over them.
The Warning Signs We Ignored
For years, the enemies of the Oromo people have been methodically preparing for this moment. While we argued among ourselves, they were opening training camps in our backyard. While we engaged in name-calling and petty divisions, they were building security structures and training hundreds of people to carry out their plans.
We saw it happening. We heard the reports. We knew that innocent farmers—our farmers—were being killed in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and countless other places. And what did we do?
We expressed outrage on social media. We posted our anger, shared our grief, and then went back to business as usual.
Our collective inaction allowed this to continue. Our silence gave them permission to proceed. Our failure to act was an invitation for more violence.
The Consequences of Inaction
This is not about hindsight. This is about foresight—and our failure to use it. We cannot pretend that these killings were unexpected. We knew what was coming. We had every warning. But we failed to act.
And now, the consequences are here.
The killing of our innocent farmers is not just a tragedy—it is a judgment on our collective failure to protect our own. It is the result of years of political naivety, misplaced priorities, and a refusal to confront the reality of the threat we faced.
We were good at crying after the fact. We were good at expressing outrage on social media after tragedies happened. But we were very poor at recognizing threats early on, listening to those who recognized them, and preparing ourselves to face them.
The Deeper Outrage
Like many of you, I am outraged by the killing of our innocent farmers. But I am even more outraged by our inaction—our lack of political awareness, our failure to recognize and respond to such cruelty for so long.
What is even more troubling is that some of our so-called political entities—those who claim to speak for us—continue to seek alignment with those responsible. They act as if there is still some humanity left in them to appeal to. They still hope for dialogue with those who have shown, time and again, that they have no interest in peace, only in domination.
This is not leadership. This is delusion.
And we, as a people, have allowed it. We have allowed ourselves to be led by those who refuse to see the enemy for what they are. We have allowed ourselves to be distracted by petty divisions while our people are being slaughtered.
The Beginning, Not the End
Let us not pretend that this is the end. This is the beginning. The attacks will continue. The killings will escalate. And if we do not act now—with unity, determination, and clarity—the tragedies we see today will seem small compared to what is coming.
I fear that we may still fail to act in a timely manner. I fear that we will continue to cry and express outrage for a week, and then return to normal life. I fear that we will continue to do what we seem to be good at: mourning after the fact, but never preparing for what lies ahead.
A Call to Look Within
If this senseless killing of our people does not make us angry enough to question our collective inaction, then perhaps we need to look within ourselves and ask: What kind of society have we become?
Have we become a people who only react after the damage is done? Have we become a people who prioritize social media outrage over real action? Have we become a people who are more concerned with who is right than with what is right?
We must ask ourselves these questions. And we must answer them honestly.
The Path Forward
We cannot change the past. The blood that has been spilled cannot be unspilled. But we can change the future. We can act now—today—to ensure that these tragedies do not continue.
This requires several things:
- Unity: We must put aside our petty divisions and unite as a people. Our enemies are united; we must be even more united.
- Awareness: We must wake up to the reality of the threat we face. We must recognize the signs and act before it is too late.
- Action: We must support those who are willing to sacrifice and risk their lives to defend our people. We must build the structures and institutions necessary to protect ourselves.
- Accountability: We must hold our political entities accountable. We must demand that they prioritize the defense of our people over their own political ambitions.
- Resilience: We must be prepared for the long fight ahead. This is not a battle that will be won in a day. It requires patience, courage, and an unwavering commitment to our people.
Conclusion: Enough Is Enough
The killing of our innocent farmers is a crime against humanity. But our collective inaction is a crime against ourselves.
We cannot afford to continue down this path. We cannot afford to remain silent while our people are being slaughtered. We cannot afford to wait until the next tragedy to express our outrage.
Enough is enough.
Let us honor the memory of those who have been killed by resolving to act—not just with words, but with deeds. Let us build a future where our people are safe, our land is protected, and our dignity is restored.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Nagaan haa jabaatu!
This reflection is dedicated to the innocent Oromo farmers who have lost their lives, and to all those who are determined to build a future of peace, justice, and security for our people.
Honouring the Daughters of Oromia: A Celebration of Strength, Beauty, and Resilience
Recognizing the Pillars of Our Community — Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the heart of the Oromo nation, there exists a force that is as powerful as it is beautiful—the daughters of Oromia. They are the carriers of culture, the guardians of tradition, and the voices of resilience that echo across generations. Today, we pause to honour three remarkable women who embody the spirit of Oromo womanhood: Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo. ❤️
The Daughters of Oromia: A Legacy of Strength
Oromo women have always been the backbone of their communities. From the ancient traditions of the Gadaa system to the modern struggles for justice and recognition, they have stood firm, unyielding, and courageous. They have raised children, preserved culture, and fought for the dignity of their people.
The phrase “Shamarran Oromiyaa” —the daughters of Oromia—carries within it the weight of history and the promise of the future. It is a title of pride, honour, and responsibility. It speaks of women who refuse to be silenced, who refuse to be erased, and who refuse to accept anything less than justice for their people.
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa: A Beacon of Courage
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa is a name that resonates with strength and determination. As a daughter of Oromia, she has exemplified the qualities of leadership, resilience, and unwavering commitment to the Oromo cause. Her story is one of courage in the face of adversity—a testament to the power of a woman who refuses to bow to oppression.
Her contributions to the Oromo community, whether through activism, cultural preservation, or community organizing, have left an indelible mark. She stands as a role model for young Oromo women, showing them that their voices matter and that their dreams are valid.
Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo: A Voice for Justice
Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo is a name that has become synonymous with the fight for Oromo rights and dignity. Her unwavering commitment to justice and her fearless advocacy have inspired countless others to join the struggle. She has spoken truth to power, refusing to be intimidated by those who seek to silence the Oromo voice.
Her work has touched the lives of many, from the villages of Oromia to the diaspora communities around the world. She has reminded us that the struggle for justice is not just a political fight—it is a deeply personal one, rooted in the love for one’s people and one’s land.
Jaal Mergitu Argo: A Pillar of Resilience
Jaal Mergitu Argo represents the resilience that defines Oromo women. In the face of challenges that would break others, she has remained steadfast, drawing strength from her culture, her community, and her faith. Her journey is a reminder that resilience is not just about enduring hardship—it is about rising above it and building a better future.
Her contributions to the Oromo community, whether through education, advocacy, or cultural preservation, have been invaluable. She has shown that Oromo women are not just participants in the struggle—they are leaders, innovators, and the architects of a brighter future.
The Power of Oromo Womanhood
The stories of Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo are not just their own—they are the stories of countless Oromo women who have contributed to the resilience and strength of the Oromo nation. They remind us that Oromo women are not just victims of oppression—they are agents of change, builders of community, and the heart of the struggle.
In Oromo culture, women have always held a special place of honour. The Siiqqee institution, for example, has been a powerful symbol of women’s agency and a mechanism for ensuring gender balance and social justice. This tradition is not just a relic of the past—it is a living practice that continues to inspire Oromo women today.
A Call to Celebrate and Honour
As we honour these three remarkable women, let us also honour all the daughters of Oromia—past, present, and future. Let us celebrate their strength, their beauty, and their resilience. Let us recognize their contributions to the Oromo nation and their role in shaping a future of justice, dignity, and self-determination.
To the daughters of Oromia: You are the heartbeat of the nation. You are the carriers of culture, the guardians of tradition, and the voices of hope. Your strength inspires us, your courage emboldens us, and your love sustains us.
Conclusion: A Legacy That Endures
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo represent the best of what it means to be a daughter of Oromia. Their contributions to the Oromo cause, their commitment to justice, and their unwavering resilience are a testament to the power of Oromo womanhood.
Shamarran Oromiyaa — The daughters of Oromia — will always be the strength of the nation.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo — you are honoured!
This feature article is dedicated to all the daughters of Oromia who have contributed to the struggle for justice, dignity, and self-determination. Your legacy will endure for generations to come.
The Lion Who Fell Fighting: Remembering Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu (1943–1992)
By Daandii Ragabaa (Adapted into a feature story based on various sources)
His name means “Lion” in Oromo. And like a lion, Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu lived with courage, fought with conviction, and died with his boots on—somewhere in the forests of western Oromia, in 1992. Three decades later, his grave remains unknown. But his story, carried by oral tradition and fragmentary records, refuses to be buried.
A Humble Beginning in Wallagga
Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu was born in 1943 in Billo, a town in the Bonayya district of East Wallagga, within the Waamaa region. According to those who knew him, he grew up in a typical Oromo farming community, at a time when the imperial government of Haile Selassie exercised firm control over the land and its people.
As a young man, he left his birthplace and moved to Finfinnee (Addis Ababa), where he lived for about 15 years as an adolescent. There, he entered school. But his education was interrupted by a different calling.
The Soldier with the Striking Physique
Contemporary accounts describe Jaal Lammeessaa as tall and physically impressive. It was this very stature that drew the attention of military recruiters. Under the imperial regime, he was selected to join a special unit known as “Kubur-Zabanya” and “Faxino-Darash” (likely special police or commando forces). Within the latter, he became known as “Faxino-Daraash Shalaqaa” and served under the command of General Tadesse Birru.
He proved to be an exceptional soldier. His superiors reportedly praised his dedication, and he rose to become a respected non-commissioned officer.
Joining the Machaa Tulema Association
The Machaa Tulema Association was founded as a development and civic organization, but it quickly became a political vehicle for Oromo nationalism. General Tadesse Birru was one of its key leaders. When the association began recruiting members, Jaal Lammeessaa was among those selected.
Initially, the organization’s goal was to work within the system—to address Oromo grievances through legal means. But as General Tadesse and others concluded that the imperial regime had no intention of recognizing Oromo rights, they shifted toward a more radical path. Jaal Lammeessaa became a trusted operative within the association’s secret military wing.
The Failed Plot Against Emperor Haile Selassie
On October 23 (Ethiopian calendar), the Emperor’s birthday, a plot was hatched to assassinate Haile Selassie during the annual celebrations at the site known as “Addabaaba’ii Minlik” (Menelik Square). General Tadesse Birru assigned four commandos to carry out the attack, selecting them for their courage and loyalty.
The four were:
· Lammeessaa Boruu (from the Faxino-Darash unit)
· Camadaa Sobbooqaa
· H/Mariyam Diimaa (from Kubur-Zabanya)
· Fixumaa Hiikisaa
They prepared extensively. But the plot was betrayed. Informants within the government learned of the plan just before it could be executed. The commandos were arrested.
When Jaal Lammeessaa was searched, a bomb intended for the Emperor was found on him. He was tortured severely. According to surviving members of the Machaa Tulema Association, his ribs were broken, and he suffered long-term disability from the interrogation. Despite the brutality, he refused to betray the organization’s deeper secrets—though under extreme duress, some information was extracted.
First Imprisonment and Release
Following the failed plot, General Tadesse and several others were sentenced to death. Jaal Lammeessaa received a five-year prison sentence. After serving his term, he was released. Upon release, he immediately rejoined his former commander, General Tadesse Birru, who had been transferred to Galamso in eastern Oromia. There, they continued to discuss the struggle for Oromo self-determination.
The Cinema Bombing and Second Arrest
As the Machaa Tulema Association continued its activities, the regime grew more determined to crush it. On December 10, 1959 (Ethiopian calendar), a bomb exploded inside a cinema in Addis Ababa where the film Zorba the Greek was being shown. Thirty-six people were wounded.
The government immediately blamed the Machaa Tulema Association. Propaganda claimed that a member named Maammoo Mazaamir had planted the bomb. The incident was used as a pretext for a massive crackdown. Jaal Lammeessaa was arrested again—this time as part of a sweeping roundup of Oromo nationalists.
He was among nine senior Machaa Tulema figures sentenced to long prison terms, while General Tadesse Birru and Maammoo Mazaamir received death sentences (later commuted or carried out, depending on the account).
Life Under the Derg and the Fourth Arrest
Jaal Lammeessaa spent more than 12 years in prison under the Derg regime that overthrew Haile Selassie in 1974. He was held in police stations and military camps, subjected to repeated interrogations. Yet even in detention, he remained committed to the Oromo cause.
After the Derg fell in 1991, Jaal Lammeessaa was released. He joined the Oromo Liberation Front (ABO – a reference to the OLF) and became a member of its central committee, working in the economic department. He lived in Wajjira Gullaallee, continuing his activism.
The Final Battle and Disappearance
In 1992, following a split within the transitional government of Ethiopia (the “Ce’umsaa” or transitional period), Jaal Lammeessaa and other Oromo fighters moved toward western Oromia. They joined ongoing armed confrontations against government forces (referred to as “Wayyaanee” – a term for the Ethiopian military or allied militias).
According to the source, Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu fell in battle near the Jimma Horroo area in Wallagga region. He was killed in armed combat. His body was never recovered, and to this day, the exact location and circumstances of his death remain unknown.
Legacy: The Unknown Grave, the Known Sacrifice
Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu was 49 years old when he died. He left behind three children: Mosisa Lamessa Boru, Lense Lemessa Boru and Tsegaye Lemessa Bouru. He is remembered as a devoted fighter who gave his entire adult life to the Oromo national struggle. From the imperial era through the Derg and into the transitional government, he never wavered.
The biography ends with a poetic refrain:
“The fighter may fall. He may pass away. But Jaal Lammeessaa’s blood was not shed in vain. He has grown for us the plant of freedom.”
His grave may be lost to history. But for those who keep his memory, Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu remains one of the lions of Oromo resistance—a man who turned his back on personal safety and government favor, and chose instead the uncertain path of the forest and the battlefield.
—
*This feature story is based exclusively on various sources of the Oromo-language biography written by Daandii Ragabaa. It is presented as a journalistic adaptation of that source and does not constitute an endorsement of armed struggle or any political organization. The factual claims rest with the original author.
Wealth Creation Strategies for Indigenous Oromians
Taking Control of Your Financial Destiny
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But the Oromo people have always had the tools for economic resilience. The Gadaa system contains powerful economic principles that our ancestors used to build and sustain wealth: hard work, planning, mutual assistance, and community-based resource management. The proverb “Tuulamanii taa’anii, Waaqa ofii hin komatan” reminds us: “It is not right to blame God for not working hard.” Hard work and commitment are the sources of wealth.
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The Gadaa Foundation for Wealth
Our approach is rooted in the economic wisdom of the Gadaa system:
Hard Work and Planning
“Jabaatan jabaa nyaatu, laafan foxxoqxuu nyaatu” — “The strong eat the strong, and the weak eat the weak.” This proverb reminds us that hard work is mandatory in daily life, and that everyone needs to plan to work hard and secure their future.
Community Support Systems
Traditional Oromo institutions like dabo (labour cooperation) and daadoo (mutual work groups) demonstrate the power of collective effort. When communities work together, they achieve more than individuals working alone. We apply these same principles to modern wealth building.
Guddifachaa (Adoption)
The Oromo practice of guddifachaa demonstrates the belief that children are assets and the community shares responsibility for their welfare and education. This is the foundation of generational wealth—investing in the next generation’s education, skills, and economic opportunities.
Hard Work and Self-Reliance
The Gadaa system emphasizes that people should not wait for others to solve their economic problems. “Hojii hojjechuu isa malee gaafa du’aa hin galus” — “Without work, the day does not end.”.
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Safiya, an Oromo entrepreneur: Forced to flee Ethiopia, she built a successful business making traditional Oromo beadwork in Nairobi. Her handmade designs are sold for special occasions like weddings, and she now supports her family independently. She says: “I have hope in what I am making with my hands. I believe in it, I believe in myself.“.
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Taking the First Step
The Oromo people have always been resilient. Despite centuries of oppression, forced displacement, and economic exclusion, we have survived—and now it is time to thrive.
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Finfinne and the Question of Historical Recognition: A Response to Moges Zewudu Teshome
Acknowledging History, Guaranteeing Citizenship, and Building a Foundation for Coexistence
By Iyasu Enoro
The debate surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—has long been characterized by competing narratives, political posturing, and deep-seated fears. In a recent contribution to this discourse, Moges Zewudu Teshome raised important concerns about the implications of recognizing Oromia’s connection to the capital. He argues that the central issue is not administration but the fear that Finfinne could be placed under the exclusive control of one ethnic group. He further suggests that linking Finfinne to Oromia would expose millions of residents to exclusion and discrimination.
While these concerns deserve serious discussion and should not be dismissed lightly, they do not adequately address the historical question at the centre of the debate. This response seeks to engage with Moges Zewudu Teshome’s arguments constructively while offering a broader perspective on the historical, constitutional, and practical dimensions of the Finfinne question.
The Core Issue: Historical Recognition, Not Ethnic Ownership
The first and most fundamental issue is that the discussion about Finfinne is fundamentally a question of historical recognition, not ethnic ownership. Oromo claims regarding Finfinne do not arise from the belief that only Oromo people should live in the city. Rather, they stem from the historical fact that the area known as Finfinne existed before the establishment of the city and was inhabited by Oromo communities.
Historical accounts recognize that the region was known as Finfinne—a name meaning “place of hot springs”—and that Oromo clans lived there before Menelik II established the city in 1886. This is not a matter of political convenience; it is a matter of documented historical fact.
Therefore, acknowledging Finfinne’s Oromo heritage is not equivalent to demanding the expulsion, marginalization, or disenfranchisement of non-Oromo residents. The recognition of indigenous history should not be confused with ethnic exclusivity. Just as the recognition of Māori heritage in New Zealand does not require the exclusion of non-Māori New Zealanders, the recognition of Oromo heritage in Finfinne does not require the exclusion of non-Oromo residents.
The question is not whether Finfinne belongs exclusively to any one group. The question is whether the city’s history and heritage will be acknowledged, respected, and integrated into its governance framework.
The International Precedent: Indigenous Recognition as a Foundation for Coexistence
The argument that any stronger relationship between Finfinne and Oromia inevitably leads to oppression requires examination. Around the world, indigenous peoples seek recognition of their connection to ancestral territories without necessarily seeking exclusive political control over those territories.
- In Australia, the High Court’s landmark Mabo decision rejected the doctrine of terra nullius and recognized Native Title rights. Indigenous Australians gained legal recognition of their ancestral connection to land without affecting the equal civil and political rights of other Australians.
- In New Zealand, the Treaty of Waitangi provides a foundation for protecting Māori rights, culture, and claims to ancestral lands while ensuring equal citizenship for all New Zealanders.
- In Canada, First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples possess constitutionally recognized indigenous rights. Land claims agreements and self-government arrangements acknowledge historical connections to traditional territories while cities and communities remain open to residents of all backgrounds.
- In the United States, Native American tribes retain certain rights related to self-government, culture, and ancestral territories. These rights coexist with the citizenship rights of all residents.
These examples demonstrate a common international principle: recognizing indigenous peoples’ historical and ancestral connections to land does not require denying democratic, civil, or human rights to other residents. Rather, both sets of rights can coexist.
The question then becomes: Why is acknowledging the Oromo historical connection to Finfinne often interpreted as a threat, while acknowledging the historical connection of other peoples to their ancestral lands is viewed as legitimate?
The Historical Grievances: More Than Administrative Boundaries
The response to Oromo claims regarding Finfinne often avoids the historical grievances associated with the city’s formation. For many Oromos, the debate is not simply about administrative boundaries but about the legacy of nineteenth-century state expansion, land dispossession, and cultural marginalization.
The establishment of Finfinne under Menelik II was accompanied by the displacement of Oromo communities from their ancestral lands, the confiscation of Oromo property, and the systematic erasure of Oromo identity. This history is not a distant memory; it is a living reality that has shaped the relationship between the Oromo people and the Ethiopian state for over a century.
Ignoring these concerns and portraying the discussion solely as a future governance issue risks repeating a pattern in which indigenous historical claims are dismissed rather than engaged. A genuine dialogue about Finfinne must acknowledge this history and address the grievances it has created.
Governance Failures Do Not Invalidate Historical Claims
Citing failures of governance or ethnic violence elsewhere in Oromia does not invalidate the historical relationship between Finfinne and Oromia. Historical facts do not become less valid because contemporary political institutions are imperfect.
If there are governance failures, those failures should be addressed directly through constitutional reform, rule of law, and democratic accountability. They should not be used to deny the historical identity of a place. To argue that recognizing Oromo heritage in Finfinne is dangerous because of governance failures in other parts of Oromia is to confuse the issue. The problem of poor governance exists regardless of Finfinne’s status, and it must be addressed on its own terms.
The Constitutional Dimension: A Special Interest Already Recognized
The Ethiopian constitution itself recognizes a special interest of Oromia in Finfinne because of the city’s location within Oromia and its relationship to the surrounding region. Article 49(5) of the Constitution affirms Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters arising from the city’s location within the State of Oromia.
The existence of this constitutional provision demonstrates that the relationship between Finfinne and Oromia is not an invented political claim, but a matter already recognized within Ethiopia’s legal framework. The Constitution does not grant Oromia exclusive ownership or control over the capital. Rather, it acknowledges a practical and historical reality: the city is located within Oromia, and its functioning depends on resources, infrastructure, and cooperation from surrounding Oromo communities.
The question is not whether the Constitution recognizes a relationship between Finfinne and Oromia. The question is how that relationship should be implemented in practice.
A False Choice: Oromia Versus Ethiopia
The fear that recognizing Finfinne’s history automatically means surrendering the city to ethnic domination creates a false choice. The debate should not be framed as “Oromia versus Ethiopia.” Rather, it should be framed as how Ethiopia can acknowledge historical realities while guaranteeing equal citizenship, democratic governance, and dignity for all who call Finfinne home.
The real challenge facing Ethiopia is not choosing between Oromo rights and Ethiopian citizenship. It is finding a political framework that can accommodate both. Recognition of Finfinne’s Oromo heritage and protection of the rights of all Finfinne residents are not mutually exclusive goals. In fact, a durable solution will likely require both.
A sustainable future for Finfinne requires acknowledging several truths simultaneously:
- Finfinne is Ethiopia’s capital and belongs to all its residents. The city’s diverse population—Oromo, Amhara, Gurage, Tigrayan, Somali, and others—all have a stake in its future.
- Finfinnee has deep historical and cultural ties to the Oromo people. This heritage must be acknowledged and respected, not denied or erased.
- Oromo culture continues to enrich the city’s identity and development. The city is stronger for its diversity, and the contributions of all communities should be celebrated.
- Finfinne’s expansion directly affects neighboring Oromo communities. Their voices must be heard in decisions that affect their lives.
- Oromia possesses constitutionally recognized interests in matters concerning the city. These interests must be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms and cooperative governance.
- Development should benefit affected communities rather than marginalize them. Fair compensation, consultation, and participation are essential.
The Path Forward: A Framework for Coexistence
The path forward is not ownership, exclusion, or historical denial. It is partnership built on constitutional respect, cultural recognition, economic fairness, and genuine cooperation.
Such a framework would include:
- Implementation of Constitutional Provisions: Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne, as recognized in Article 49(5), should be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms that ensure meaningful Oromo participation in decisions affecting the city and surrounding communities.
- Cultural Recognition: The Oromo heritage of Finfinnee should be acknowledged through cultural institutions, public recognition, and educational programs that celebrate the city’s diverse history.
- Fair Development: Urban expansion should be planned with meaningful consultation with affected communities, ensuring fair compensation, environmental protection, and shared benefits.
- Inclusive Governance: All residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—should have equal rights to participation, public services, and legal protection.
- Shared Prosperity: The economic benefits of the capital’s growth should be shared with surrounding communities, creating a virtuous cycle of development rather than a pattern of exploitation.
Conclusion: Honoring History, Building the Future
The Finfinne question will not be resolved through confrontation or denial. It will be resolved through honest acknowledgment of history, respect for constitutional principles, and a shared commitment to building a future where all Ethiopians—Oromo and non-Oromo alike—can live with dignity, security, and hope.
Finfinne is for all Ethiopians.
Finfinnee is Oromo heritage.
The future is shared.
The recognition of Finfinne’s Oromo heritage and the protection of the rights of all Finfinne residents are not mutually exclusive goals. They are complementary pillars of a just and sustainable future.
Acknowledging history does not mean surrendering the city to ethnic domination. It means building a foundation of trust, understanding, and coexistence that can sustain Ethiopia for generations to come.
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Oromia fi Finfinne walitti haa qabatan!
Nagaan haa bulaa!
This feature article is a response to Moges Zewudu Teshome and is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and sustainable solution to the question of Finfinne.
The Question of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa: Toward a Balanced and Sustainable Solution
Navigating History, Constitutional Rights, and the Complex Realities of Governance
By Jafer Ali
The question of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—and its surrounding areas, including Dirree Dhawaa, has long been one of the most contentious and emotionally charged issues in Ethiopian political discourse. For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not merely a city; it is the heart of their ancestral homeland, a symbol of their historical presence, and a constitutional matter that has yet to be resolved. For others, it is the capital of Ethiopia, the seat of the federal government, and a city that belongs to all Ethiopians.
The debate has intensified as the national dialogue process unfolds, and the question of how to resolve the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has become central to discussions about the future of Ethiopia’s federal system, ethnic relations, and governance structure.
This article seeks to explore the key questions surrounding Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa, examining the constitutional, historical, political, and practical dimensions of the issue. It argues that a sustainable solution must move beyond simplistic claims of ownership and instead focus on a framework of mutual consent, shared benefit, and constitutional fidelity.
The Key Questions
The debate over Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa can be distilled into two fundamental questions:
1. What does the Constitution say?
The Ethiopian Constitution, adopted in 1995, establishes the federal structure of the country and recognizes the rights of nations, nationalities, and peoples. Article 49(5) specifically recognizes Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne regarding social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters arising from the city’s location within the State of Oromia.
This constitutional provision has been the subject of intense debate. For Oromo advocates, it represents a legal acknowledgment of the city’s historical and geographical connection to Oromia—a connection that has never been fully implemented. For others, the provision is a compromise that balances the city’s role as the federal capital with the rights of the surrounding region.
2. What does the people demand?
The Oromo people’s demand regarding Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is clear and consistent: the city is Oromo land, and its rightful owners are the Oromo people. The demand is often framed as a call for the city to be placed under the administrative jurisdiction of the Oromia Regional Government or for the Oromo people to have greater control over the city’s governance and resources.
This demand is rooted in a historical narrative that the city was established on Oromo land through conquest and dispossession, and that the Oromo people have never consented to the city’s status as a separately administered entity.
The Need for a Balanced Approach
The challenge of resolving the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa lies in reconciling these two perspectives. On one hand, the Oromo people’s historical and constitutional claims cannot be ignored. On the other hand, the city’s role as the federal capital, its international significance, and the presence of diverse communities cannot be dismissed.
A balanced approach must consider the following dimensions:
1. The Constitutional Dimension
The Constitution provides a starting point for resolving the issue. Article 49(5) recognizes Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne, but the provision has never been fully implemented. A sustainable solution must begin by implementing this constitutional provision through joint administrative mechanisms, resource-sharing agreements, and coordinated governance frameworks.
However, any implementation must respect the city’s role as the federal capital and the rights of all its residents. The Constitution does not provide for the city to be placed under Oromia’s exclusive administrative control. Rather, it envisions a framework of cooperation and shared responsibility.
2. The Historical Dimension
The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne is a fact that must be acknowledged. The area known as Finfinnee was inhabited by Oromo people before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire, and the city’s name itself is Oromo, meaning “place of hot springs.”
But historical claims alone cannot determine the city’s future. The city has evolved over the past century into a multi-ethnic metropolis that is home to people from across Ethiopia. The current residents—Oromo, Amhara, Gurage, Tigrayan, and others—have legitimate claims to the city as their home. A just solution must respect both the historical rights of the Oromo people and the contemporary rights of all residents.
3. The Political Dimension
The status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is a political question that requires political solutions. It cannot be resolved through unilateral declarations or zero-sum demands. It requires negotiation, compromise, and good-faith dialogue between the federal government, the Oromia regional government, and other stakeholders.
The political dimension also includes considerations of power, representation, and resource allocation. Any solution must ensure that the Oromo people have a meaningful voice in the governance of the city while also ensuring that all residents are treated equally and fairly.
4. The Practical Dimension
Finfinne is not just a symbol; it is a functioning city with millions of residents, extensive infrastructure, and a critical role in Ethiopia’s economy and international relations. The city is home to the African Union headquarters, numerous diplomatic missions, and major economic enterprises.
Any change in the city’s governance must consider the practical implications for its residents, businesses, and international partners. Disruption to the city’s administration could have far-reaching consequences that extend beyond Oromia.
The Complexities of the Dirree Dhawaa Question
While the focus has often been on Finfinne, the question of Dirree Dhawaa is equally significant. Dirree Dhawaa is a symbol of Oromo resistance—a site where the Oromo people have gathered to demand their rights and have faced repression from state forces.
The status of Dirree Dhawaa is closely linked to the broader question of Oromo land rights and the expansion of the capital. The area is located within Oromia and has been the focus of protests and resistance. A sustainable solution for Finfinne must also address the concerns of communities in Dirree Dhawaa and other surrounding areas.
The Risk of Unilateral Decisions
The debate over Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is not without risk. Unilateral decisions—whether by the federal government or the Oromia regional government—could have serious consequences. As history has shown, when the boundaries of the capital were previously redrawn, it led to widespread protests, conflict, and political instability.
The controversy over the 2014 Finfinne Integrated Development Master Plan highlighted these risks. The proposed expansion of the capital into surrounding Oromia districts led to widespread protests that spread throughout Oromia and eventually led to the cancellation of the plan. The experience demonstrated that decisions made in the capital directly affect neighboring Oromo communities, and that meaningful consultation and participation are essential.
The Need for Comprehensive Analysis
Before any decision is made on the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa, a comprehensive analysis is needed. This analysis should consider:
- The interests of all residents: The rights and needs of all residents of the city must be respected.
- The interests of the Oromo people: The historical and constitutional claims of the Oromo people must be acknowledged.
- The interests of the federal government: The city’s role as the federal capital must be protected.
- The interests of the Oromia regional government: The region’s constitutional rights and interests must be respected.
- The interests of the broader Ethiopian people: The solution must serve the long-term stability and unity of the country.
A Possible Framework for Resolution
A sustainable resolution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa must be based on mutual consent, shared benefit, and constitutional fidelity. A possible framework could include:
1. Implementation of Constitutional Provisions
Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne, as recognized in Article 49(5), should be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms that ensure meaningful Oromo participation in decisions affecting the city and surrounding communities. This could include joint committees, shared decision-making structures, and resource-sharing agreements.
2. Recognition of Historical Rights
The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa should be recognized through cultural institutions, public acknowledgment, and educational programs that celebrate the city’s diverse history.
3. Fair Development and Consultation
Urban expansion and development should be planned with meaningful consultation with affected communities, ensuring fair compensation, environmental protection, and shared benefits.
4. Inclusive Governance
All residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—should have equal rights to participation, public services, and legal protection. The city’s governance should reflect its diversity and ensure that all voices are heard.
5. Shared Prosperity
The economic benefits of the capital’s growth should be shared with surrounding communities, creating a virtuous cycle of development rather than a pattern of exploitation.
The Role of Dialogue and Mutual Consent
Ultimately, the solution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa must be based on dialogue and mutual consent. The federal government and the Oromia regional government must engage in good-faith negotiations to find a mutually acceptable governance framework.
The national dialogue process provides an opportunity to address this issue in a comprehensive and inclusive manner. However, the dialogue must be genuine, transparent, and committed to finding a solution that serves the interests of all parties.
Conclusion: Toward a Just and Sustainable Future
The question of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is one of the most complex and consequential issues facing Ethiopia today. It touches on history, identity, constitutional rights, governance, and the future of the nation.
A sustainable solution cannot be based on unilateral declarations, zero-sum demands, or the denial of legitimate rights. It requires a commitment to dialogue, constitutional fidelity, and the recognition that the interests of all parties—the Oromo people, the residents of the city, the federal government, and the broader Ethiopian people—must be balanced.
The status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is not just a question of ownership—it is a question of justice, governance, and the future of Ethiopia itself.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Nagaan haa bulaa!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and sustainable solution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa.
Finfinne: A Question of Law, Governance, and Political Will
Moving Beyond History to Constitutional and Administrative Solutions
By Birhanu Lenjiso (PhD)
The debate surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—has long been entangled in competing historical narratives, emotional appeals, and identity politics. But at its core, the question of Finfinne’s status is not primarily historical or geographical. It is a question of law, governance, and political will.
Finfinne is the capital of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. It serves as the seat of the federal government. But it is also a city located within the boundaries of Oromia, and this geographical reality carries constitutional implications that cannot be ignored. The distinction between the city’s role as a federal capital and its regional location must be clearly understood if we are to find a sustainable solution.
The Constitutional Framework: A City Within Oromia
Finfinne did not become the capital of Ethiopia because it lacked an owner. It became the capital because the Oromo people—the rightful owners of the land—consented to its role as the seat of the federal government. This consent was formalized in the Ethiopian Constitution, which recognized Oromia’s “special interest” in the city concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters.
This constitutional recognition is not a declaration of Oromo ownership in the exclusive sense. Rather, it acknowledges a practical reality: the city is located within Oromia, and its daily functioning and development depend on resources, infrastructure, and cooperation from surrounding Oromo communities.
Two distinct dimensions must be clearly distinguished:
- The city’s regional status — its location within Oromia and its relationship with the surrounding communities.
- The city’s federal status — its role as the capital of Ethiopia and the seat of the federal government.
Both dimensions are legitimate and must be respected. The challenge is to find a governance framework that honours both.
The Oromo Position: A Clear and Legitimate Demand
The Oromo people’s demand regarding Finfinne is clear and straightforward: Finfinne should remain the capital of Ethiopia, but its administration should be placed under the jurisdiction of Oromia.
This demand is rooted in the following considerations:
- Geographical Reality: Finfinne is surrounded by Oromia and is an integral part of the Oromo homeland.
- Historical Connection: The area known as Finfinnee has been inhabited by Oromo people for generations and holds deep cultural significance.
- Constitutional Recognition: The Constitution recognizes Oromia’s special interest in the city, a provision that has never been fully implemented.
- Practical Necessity: The city’s development and the well-being of surrounding communities are interconnected and require coordinated governance.
The Oromo position is not a rejection of Finfinne’s role as the federal capital. It is a demand for constitutional implementation, administrative justice, and practical cooperation.
The Importance of Legal and Administrative Clarity
The debate over Finfinne should not be reduced to competing historical claims or identity-based appeals. While history and geography provide important context, the core question is one of law and governance.
What is the legal status of Finfinne?
How should its relationship with Oromia be governed?
How can the constitutional provisions regarding Oromia’s special interest be implemented?
These are the questions that demand answers. Repeatedly invoking historical grievances or geographical arguments without addressing the legal and administrative dimensions does not move the debate forward. It only complicates the process and deepens divisions.
Separating History, Law, Politics, and Identity
To make progress on the Finfinne question, we must develop the discipline of separating different dimensions of the issue:
- History: The historical connection between the Oromo people and the land on which Finfinne was built is a fact. It is not a question—it is a reality that must be acknowledged.
- Geography: The city is located within Oromia. This is a geographical fact, not a political claim. It has implications for governance, resource sharing, and administrative cooperation.
- Constitutional Law: The Constitution recognizes Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne. This is a legal provision that requires implementation. How this implementation should occur is a matter of legal interpretation and political negotiation.
- Politics: The demand for administrative control over Finfinne is a political question. It is subject to debate, negotiation, and compromise. It is not a historical or geographical inevitability—it is a matter of political will and constitutional interpretation.
- Identity: Finfinne holds deep cultural and symbolic meaning for the Oromo people. This identity dimension must be respected, but it should not dominate the legal and administrative discussions.
By separating these dimensions, we can engage in a more productive and less emotionally charged debate.
The Need for a Framework Agreement
The Finfinne question will not be resolved through unilateral declarations or zero-sum demands. It requires a framework agreement that addresses the following key issues:
- Constitutional Implementation: How can Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne be implemented in practice? What joint administrative mechanisms are needed?
- Administrative Relations: How should the federal government, the Oromia regional government, and the city administration coordinate their activities?
- Resource Sharing: How should the city’s resources—including land, water, and infrastructure—be managed in a way that benefits both the city and surrounding communities?
- Development Planning: How can urban expansion and development be planned in a way that respects the rights and interests of affected communities?
- Citizen Participation: How can all residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—participate in the governance of the city?
Such an agreement must be based on mutual respect, constitutional fidelity, and a commitment to justice.
The Danger of Historical Simplification
One of the greatest obstacles to resolving the Finfinne question is the tendency to reduce complex issues to simplistic historical claims.
Those who argue that Finfinne is simply “Oromo land” or that it is simply “Ethiopian capital” are missing the point. The city is both. It is the capital of Ethiopia and the historical heart of Oromia. These two truths are not contradictory—they are complementary.
The challenge is to create governance arrangements that honour both truths. This requires moving beyond historical claims and engaging in practical, constitutional discussions.
A Call for Pragmatism and Cooperation
The Finfinne question has been debated for decades. It has been the source of conflict, protest, and political tension. It has divided communities and strained relationships. But it does not have to be a source of endless conflict.
A sustainable solution requires:
- Acknowledgment of Historical Facts: The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne must be acknowledged. This is not a concession—it is an acknowledgment of reality.
- Respect for Constitutional Provisions: Oromia’s special interest in the city, as recognized in the Constitution, must be implemented. The Constitution is not a suggestion—it is the supreme law of the land.
- Political Will: The federal government and the Oromia regional government must engage in good-faith negotiations to find a mutually acceptable governance framework.
- Focus on Practical Solutions: The debate should focus on practical questions of governance, resource sharing, and administrative coordination—not on abstract claims of ownership or identity.
Conclusion: A Path Forward
The Finfinne question is ultimately a question of law and governance. It is about how the city should be administered, how resources should be shared, and how the relationship between the city and surrounding communities should be governed.
The Oromo people’s demand—that Finfinne remain the capital of Ethiopia while its administration is placed under Oromia—is a legitimate political claim. It is rooted in constitutional provisions, historical realities, and practical considerations. It deserves to be taken seriously.
But the resolution of this question will not come from historical debates or identity-based appeals. It will come from good-faith negotiations, constitutional implementation, and a commitment to justice.
Let us focus on the law.
Let us focus on governance.
Let us focus on practical solutions.
Let us build a future where Finfinne serves as a city for all Ethiopians while honouring its historical and constitutional relationship with Oromia.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Oromia fi Finfinne walitti haa qabatan!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dr. Birhanu Lenjiso and is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and lasting solution to the question of Finfinne.
A Historical Reflection on the Betrayal of Abiishee Garbaa: Lessons for the Oromo Struggle Today
How Deception, Diplomacy, and Divide-and-Rule Tactics Defeated a Leader—and What the Oromo Liberation Army Must Learn
By Dinknesh Dheeressaa
As I observe the events unfolding in our midst today, I am reminded of a painful chapter in Oromo history—the story of Abiishee Garbaa, a leader whose fate was sealed not by the strength of his enemies on the battlefield, but by their cunning, deception, and manipulation of Oromo unity.
This is not merely a tale of the past. It is a mirror held up to the present. The same tactics that brought down Abiishee Garbaa are being employed today against the Oromo people and their liberation struggle. The question we must ask ourselves is: Have we learned the lessons of history?
The Historical Context: Abiishee Garbaa and the Gojjam Invasion
According to the authoritative book “Seenaa Abiishee Garbaa fi Gootota Oromoo Biroo” by Ginbaar Nagaraa Kumsaa (2013), the story of Abiishee Garbaa is one of betrayal, deception, and the tragic fragmentation of Oromo unity .
In the years 1854/55, following the death of Garbaa Huruubaa—the ruler of Horro and Abiishee’s father—the region fell into political turmoil. No new leader had been appointed to rule Horro, and this power vacuum was exploited by the Gojjam forces. They crossed the Mormor River through Amuru and launched a devastating campaign against the Horro people .
Abiishee, compelled to defend his people and claim his father’s legacy, mobilized his forces. He gathered the Qondaaltota (warriors) of Horro and successfully repelled the Gojjam invaders. Despite multiple attempts, the Gojjam forces could not defeat Abiishee in direct military confrontation .
But they did not need to.
The Tactics of Deception: Divide, Bribe, and Betray
Unable to defeat Abiishee through conventional warfare, the Gojjam forces turned to a different strategy: division and deception.
They exploited internal rifts within the Horro leadership. One of Abiishee’s own commanders, Soorii Galaa, who had opposed Abiishee’s leadership, defected to the enemy. Soorii Galaa fled to Gojjam, where he was received and employed. He then conspired to betray his people, using his insider knowledge to undermine Oromo resistance .
This pattern is all too familiar. As the Oromo proverb says: “Soogiddaan soogidda cabsu” —”Salt breaks salt.” The enemy does not always need to destroy you from the outside. Often, they find someone from within to do the work for them.
The Gojjam forces used a combination of modern weaponry, espionage, bribery, and deception. They pitted Oromo leaders against each other, spreading rumours, creating alliances based on false promises, and exploiting personal ambitions and grievances to shatter the unity of the Oromo people .
The Role of Qadiidaa Wannabee: False Diplomacy and Betrayal
The most infamous act of deception was the role of Qadiidaa Wannabee. Unable to defeat Abiishee through force, the Gojjam forces enlisted Qadiidaa to lure Abiishee into a trap through the promise of peace. Qadiidaa went to Abiishee, swore oaths of friendship, and assured him that the Gojjam forces were sincere in their desire for reconciliation .
Abiishee, believing in the promise of peace, agreed to meet the Gojjam forces at a location they had prepared. He set out without his weapons—unarmed, trusting in the word of Qadiidaa.
But it was a trap.
As Abiishee entered the camp of the Gojjam forces, the Amhara forces, who had been lying in wait, surrounded him. Soorii Galaa—the defector—served as the translator. Abiishee was disarmed and taken captive .
The Humiliation and Tragic End
Abiishee was not given a warrior’s death. Instead, he was subjected to unspeakable humiliation. He was bound with heavy wooden yokes—the same yokes used to bind oxen. He was paraded and forced to walk to Gojjam. Stripped of his dignity, his clothing, and his freedom, he was led like an animal before his enemies.
According to the account, when Abiishee realized the depth of the deception and the humiliation he had been forced to endure, his grief and rage were so overwhelming that he chewed off his own fingers in despair .
This tragic ending is a searing reminder: when unity is broken, when trust is misplaced, when the enemy’s diplomacy is a mask for violence, the price is catastrophic.
The Relevance of History: The Oromo Liberation Army Today
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is not just a historical curiosity. It is a lesson for the Oromo Liberation Army (WBO) today. As the armed wing of the Oromo struggle, the WBO faces challenges that echo the past:
1. The Danger of Deception and False Diplomacy
Today, the Ethiopian government and its allies are skilled in the same tactics that defeated Abiishee. They offer peace, dialogue, and reconciliation—but often, these are merely tools for disarmament and control. The legacy of Qadiidaa Wannabee lives on. Abiishee’s mistake was trusting the word of an enemy who offered peace while preparing to destroy him.
The WBO must remain vigilant. Not every hand extended in peace is sincere. Some are reaching for a weapon.
2. The Need for Unity
Abiishee’s downfall was accelerated by division within his own leadership. The defection of Soorii Galaa and the internal conflicts among the Horro commanders fractured their resistance. The enemy exploited these divisions masterfully.
The WBO must guard against internal fragmentation. The Oromo struggle is a collective effort, and unity is its greatest strength. As the Oromo saying goes: “Tokkummaan jabina” —”Unity is strength.”
3. The Power of Knowledge and Preparation
Abiishee’s defeat was also a failure of intelligence and preparation. He underestimated his enemies, overestimated their sincerity, and failed to anticipate the trap they had set.
The WBO must prioritize intelligence, strategy, and preparation. The enemy is often more cunning than they appear. Knowledge of history, awareness of tactics, and readiness for deception are essential weapons in the struggle.
The Broader Lesson: History Must Not Be Forgotten
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is part of the larger history of Oromo resistance—a history that has been systematically suppressed and erased. As one historian notes, studies focusing on the history of Oromo heroes like Abiishee Garbaa are relatively scarce, and the historical narratives have often been shaped by external perspectives .
Recovering and teaching Oromo history is therefore a political act. It is an act of resistance against the erasure of Oromo identity and memory. It is a way of ensuring that the mistakes of the past are not repeated.
The book “Seenaa Abiishee Garbaa fi Gootota Oromoo Biroo” is one such effort to reclaim that history. By telling the stories of Oromo heroes, it provides the younger generation with the knowledge they need to continue the struggle with wisdom and determination.
A Call to Action: Learn from the Past, Build for the Future
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is a cautionary tale. It reminds us that the struggle for Oromo liberation is not only a battle against external enemies but also against internal divisions and naivety.
Today, the Oromo Liberation Army and the broader Oromo movement face challenges that require wisdom, unity, and vigilance. The Ethiopian government continues to use the same tactics of divide-and-rule that were employed against Abiishee. False diplomacy, offers of peace, and political manipulation are still weapons in their arsenal.
The lesson is clear: the enemy does not always come with guns. Sometimes they come with promises.
The WBO and all Oromo people must learn from the mistakes of the past. They must:
- Study history to understand the tactics of their enemies.
- Remain united and guard against internal division.
- Be vigilant in the face of false diplomacy.
- Prepare strategically for both political and military challenges.
Conclusion: Honouring the Memory of Abiishee Garbaa
Abiishee Garbaa was a leader who fought bravely to defend his people and his land. He was defeated not by a stronger enemy on the battlefield, but by betrayal, division, and deception. His story is a tragedy—but it is also a lesson.
As Dinknesh Dheeressaa reminds us: “The wounds of history are not just memories; they are warnings. They tell us what we must not do again.”
The Oromo struggle has been marked by many such tragedies. But each tragedy has also produced heroes, martyrs, and lessons. If we honour the memory of Abiishee Garbaa, we must do so by learning from his story—by ensuring that the same mistakes are not repeated.
Let us learn from the past so that the future may be free.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Seenaa haa barannu!
WBO haa jabaattu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dinknesh Dheeressaa and is dedicated to all those who continue to struggle for Oromo liberation and who seek wisdom from the lessons of history.
Advocacy for Oromia 