Category Archives: Afaan
Finfinnee in the Heart of Oromia*: The Founding of Addis Ababa as a Colonial Project
How Menelik II’s garrison towns and the establishment of Ethiopia’s capital city reshaped Oromia, displacing the Oromo people and cementing a system of political and economic control that endures today
FINFINNEE, OROMIA — The bustling streets of Addis Ababa, known to the Oromo as Finfinnee, tell a story of power, conquest, and displacement that remains largely hidden beneath the city’s modern veneer. This is not merely the capital of Ethiopia; it is the heart of a colonial project that began in the late 19th century and continues to shape the lives of millions.
The founding of Finfinnee was not an act of urban planning in the conventional sense. It was the culmination of a deliberate strategy of conquest and control, a military project disguised as a city, designed to secure the domination of the Ethiopian Empire over the Oromo people, the largest ethnic group in the Horn of Africa. As one historical account describes, the city was originally a katama – a military encampment or royal camp, with its neighborhoods laid out “mirroring an army on the march” . This military logic was not accidental; it was the foundation upon which the entire colonial structure was built.
The Strategy of the Katama
The establishment of garrison towns, or katamas, was a central feature of Emperor Menelik II’s colonial expansion. Convinced that more could be gained from the permanent exploitation of the Oromo, Menelik began to occupy conquered districts with permanent garrisons of his troops, providing for their administration under a hierarchy of his own officials. As one historical account notes, the creation of these towns was based on a desire to exercise “more effective control over the Oromo” and to escape interference from rival powers . These were strategically and politically secured regions, designed to serve as nerve centres for the Ethiopian colonial system .
From the mid-19th century, Menelik developed garrison towns such as Ankobar, Dabra Berhan, and Angolala. The last of these was burned by the Oromo in 1868, but was recovered by Menelik. He also developed Leche, Feqre Gimb, Enaware, Tamo, and Warra Illu, where he installed 40,000 soldiers in 1870. The Wallo Oromo attacked and destroyed Warra Illu that same year, but it was rebuilt. This pattern of Oromo resistance and Ethiopian colonial reassertion continued as northern Oromia gradually fell into Ethiopian hands .
Following the submission of northern Oromia, Menelik turned his attention to the Tulama Oromo, who were the residents of Finfinnee and its surroundings. The desire to exercise more effective control led him, in the latter part of 1878, to move to the mountain of Wacaca, where he dug the foundation for a new town, which he named Entoto (later called Old Entoto). In 1882, he transferred his settlement to a place called Dildila, later named New Entoto. These settlements were created by evacuating or enslaving the Oromo living there. After strengthening his army and accumulating massive firearms, Menelik built Addis Ababa on the place known by the Oromo name Finfinnee, between 1886 and 1887 .
The Founding of Finfinnee
The site of Finfinnee was originally chosen by Empress Taytu Betul in 1886, who was attracted by the hot springs in the area . The local Oromo tribes had their lands confiscated, and many were displaced . In its first years, the city was more like a military encampment than a town, with the emperor’s palace surrounded by the dwellings of his troops and retainers . As historian Getahun Benti argues, “From its earliest days, Addis Ababa was the staging station for the economic exploitation and political control of the conquered provinces of which Oromia was the largest” .
The major portion of the Oromo land on which the capital city was founded was divided among thirty-one Ethiopian officials . Army commanders were given large plots of land on which they established their respective camps for their relatives, followers, and war captives. While most Oromos were evicted and forced to migrate to far places, others were permanently marginalised and turned into servants and labourers . Through the proclamation of October 27, 1907, Oromo land became a commodity to be sold and bought, giving Ethiopian and European landlords a great deal more security of tenure .
Making Addis Ababa the centre of commerce, bureaucracy, and employment, the Ethiopian government attracted people from different parts of the world and Abyssinia proper to this city, while the Oromo people were marginalised, segregated, and dehumanised in rural and urban areas alike. The people in the city mainly obtained their food and income from the surrounding Oromos; military commanders, soldiers, and followers depended on the tribute and tax mainly collected from the Oromo people .
Consolidating the Colonial System
The garrison towns gradually evolved into the major geopolitical centres for practising political domination, wealth and capital accumulation, and religious and cultural dissemination . From these garrison centres, Ethiopian soldiers and colonial administrators were dispatched to impose colonial rule on Oromos through subjugation, enslavement, and expropriation of the basic means of production such as land, cattle, and other valuable resources .
Several non-garrison towns emerged in eastern and western Oromia with the development of trade and communication networks. As rail service was introduced, the towns of Aqaqi, Bishoftu, Mojo, Adama, Walanchiti, Metahara, Awash, Mieso, Afdem, Gota, Munesa, and Dire Dhawa flourished. While Oromos were evicted from their urban lands and forced to migrate to rural areas, Abyssinians were encouraged to migrate to cities and towns in Oromia .
The colonisation of Oromia, the development of transportation and communication systems, and the establishment of Addis Ababa and garrison towns facilitated the development of the Ethiopian institutional milieu and created “the integrating nucleus of the colonial economic system” in Oromia, with the collusion of the capitalist world economy. Commodities and food products produced by Oromo labour flowed to and were concentrated in Addis Ababa and other urban centres for local consumption and international markets .
A Legacy of Dispossession
The consequences of this colonial urbanisation are profound. The Ethiopian colonial structure has limited the access of Oromo urban residents, who are a minority in their own cities and towns, to institutions and opportunities such as employment, education, health, mass media, and other public services. The Oromo have been prevented from developing autonomous institutions, organisations, culture, and language, and have been subordinated to the institutions and organisations of the Habasha colonial settlers in their own cities, towns, and homeland .
The Ethiopian state elites and urban communities in Oromia remain determined to maintain the existing political and economic order, investing meagre available resources in building unproductive institutions, such as the army, security infrastructure, and colonial bureaucracy. The Abiy monologue, which he calls a national dialogue, is seen by many as an integral part of the Ethiopian colonial project .
Today, millions of Oromos are exposed to fatal diseases, famine, and massive poverty in Oromia cities and urban centres. Since state-terrorism, poverty, famine, and ethnonational challenges are increasing, and since the major world powers have a role in shaping these problems, they have a moral and political responsibility to become capable of mediating these processes and developing procedures and criteria by which these conflicts must be solved fairly and democratically before it is too late .
Finfinnee’s founding is etched in Oromo collective memory as a site of violent conquest. The legacy of Finfinnee is therefore inseparable from trauma, subjugation, and displacement.
*From Asafa Jalata “Oromian Urban Centers: Consequences of Spatial Concentration of Pinational Ethiopia,” Journal of Oromos Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2, January 2011, pp. 39-74.
A Grateful Farewell: Vivienne Nguyen AM Concludes Seven-Year Leadership of the Victorian Multicultural Commission
After guiding Victoria’s multicultural communities through pandemic, flood recovery, and social transformation, the VMC Chairperson’s legacy is one of resilience, inclusion, and hope.
MELBOURNE, VICTORIA — Wednesday 15 July 2026 marks the end of an era for Victoria’s multicultural landscape. Vivienne Nguyen AM, Chairperson of the Victorian Multicultural Commission (VMC), has concluded her seven-year tenure, closing a chapter defined by crisis, celebration, and profound community connection .
Since her appointment in 2019, Nguyen has served as a steadfast advocate for Victoria’s culturally, linguistically, and religiously diverse communities. Her leadership spanned some of the state’s most challenging periods, including the COVID-19 pandemic, flood recovery efforts, and the far-reaching impacts of international events on multicultural and multifaith communities . Under her guidance, the VMC ensured that diverse voices remained central to the state’s response and recovery.
A Legacy of Advocacy and Inclusion
“Being in this role has been an honour and a privilege,” Nguyen reflected. “We have shown that we can live and thrive, and we can overcome adversity no matter the shape and size. Diversity is indeed our strength and our asset.”
Nguyen’s journey to this role began long before her appointment. She arrived in Australia as a 12-year-old refugee from Vietnam, a young girl who would grow into one of Victoria’s most passionate advocates for community engagement and cultural diversity . Over more than 25 years, she has been a leader across corporate, community, and government settings, holding executive roles at AMP Asset Management and ANZ Banking Group, where she led their global diversity strategy .
In 2021, she was appointed a Member of the Order of Australia (AM) in recognition of her significant service to multicultural Victoria . Her contributions have also been acknowledged through the Australian Centenary Medal and induction into the Victorian Honour Roll for advocating for women’s leadership and supporting young Vietnamese people .
“Vivienne Nguyen is a true champion of multiculturalism who goes above and beyond,” said Mr Juma Piri Piri, Chairperson of the Refugee Communities Association of Australia, at the time of her AM recognition .
Strengthening the Foundations of Multicultural Victoria
Under Nguyen’s leadership, the VMC convened the Multifaith Advisory Group, contributed to Victoria’s Anti-Racism Taskforce, and delivered flagship initiatives including Cultural Diversity Week . She played a critical role in the Victorian Government’s pandemic response, partnering with community leaders and peak bodies to deliver unique resources for diverse communities .
Minister for Multicultural and Multifaith Victoria Ingrid Stitt expressed gratitude for Nguyen’s contributions. “I want to thank Vivienne for her valuable contributions to the Victorian Multicultural Commission and to Victoria’s multicultural communities since 2019,” Minister Stitt said.
A Transition to a New Chapter
Nguyen’s departure comes as the Victorian Government prepares for the proposed establishment of Multicultural Victoria, a new statutory body that will bring together the functions of the VMC and Multicultural Affairs, subject to the passage of legislation . This body will have a Multicultural Coordinator General and two Deputies, leading community engagement, advocacy, and accountability functions .
Applications for leadership positions within Multicultural Victoria—including the Coordinator General, two Deputy Coordinators General, and members of the Multicultural Community Advisory Group—are expected to open shortly . Community members are encouraged to keep an eye out for these opportunities and share them widely through their networks.
Ms Louise Perry has been appointed as interim Chairperson to support this transitional period, starting Thursday 16 July. Her term will continue until Multicultural Victoria is formally established .
A Victorian woman of Burmese heritage, Perry brings extensive experience in public policy and community engagement. She has served as Deputy Secretary for Fairer Victoria within the Department of Families, Fairness and Housing, where she led landmark anti-racism, youth, and gender equality strategies .
“The establishment of Multicultural Victoria presents a unique opportunity for multicultural and multifaith affairs in our state,” Ms Perry said. “I look forward to working with communities, VMC staff and government as we prepare for legislative changes” .
A Final Farewell
As Nguyen steps down, her legacy continues through the relationships she has built, the communities she has championed, and the foundation she has helped create for the next chapter of multicultural affairs in Victoria.
“Thank you for allowing me the privilege of serving alongside you,” Nguyen said in her farewell message .
While her role as Chairperson has come to an end, her commitment to Victoria’s multicultural communities remains steadfast. The VMC extends its deepest gratitude to Nguyen for her outstanding leadership and unwavering dedication over the past seven years.
“Diversity is indeed our strength and our asset.”
— Vivienne Nguyen AM, Chairperson, Victorian Multicultural Commission
The Gumaa Reconciliation Process
Gumaa is a sophisticated indigenous institution for resolving blood feuds, aiming to restore social harmony and reintegrate an offender back into the community. The process follows several key stages:
1. Collective Responsibility: The killer’s entire lineage is held corporately liable for the act. The group, not just the individual, is responsible for compensation and initiating the purification ritual. The goal is to restore social ties, not just punish an individual.
2. Negotiation & Compensation: Elders from both sides negotiate a “blood price” (gumaa), traditionally paid in cattle. The amount is determined by the nature of the offense (intentional vs. unintentional) and the severity of the injury, but does not vary based on the age or sex of the victim.
3. The Purification Ritual: This highly symbolic ceremony serves to cleanse the offender and the community.
· Preparation: The offender arrives with face covered, wearing the clothes from the day of the murder, symbolizing their unclean state.
· The Sacrifice: A lamb is sacrificed. The parties stand facing each other, signifying readiness to forgive and be forgiven.
· Symbolic Acts: Elders guide the parties to place their hands inside the sacrificed animal’s stomach to shake hands, symbolizing the “washing away” of the sin. The offender’s face is then uncovered, old clothes are removed, and new ones are put on, marking full reintegration.
4. Covenant & Reintegration: The process often concludes with a waadaa (covenant). The ritual concludes with a shared meal, publicly signifying the end of the feud and the offender’s full return to the community.
—
The Irreecha Thanksgiving Festival
Irreecha is a vibrant bi-annual festival of thanksgiving, renewal, and unity, deeply rooted in the Oromo worldview.
· Timing and Types: It is celebrated twice a year:
· Irreecha Malkaa: Celebrated in September/October at lakesides or rivers to thank Waaqa for the end of the rainy season and the coming harvest.
· Irreecha Tulluu: Celebrated in Spring (around March) on hilltops to pray for rain and blessings for the upcoming planting season.
· Key Rituals and Symbols:
· Fresh Grass and Flowers: Participants carry freshly cut green grass and flowers to the sacred site, symbolizing fertility, life, and renewal.
· Water: Rituals are performed near bodies of water considered holy and pure. The grass is dipped in the water, and participants may sprinkle themselves with it as a blessing.
· Prayers and Songs: The festival features communal prayers, songs, and dances led by Qaalluu elders or Abba Gadaa leaders. It is a time to thank Waaqa for blessings and ask for peace (nagaa) and prosperity for the year ahead.
· Prohibitions: Participants are forbidden from attending with resentment or hatred in their hearts.
· Social and Cultural Significance: Beyond its religious roots, Irreecha is a powerful symbol of Oromo identity, unity, and cultural pride. It fosters social bonds and reinforces collective identity. While rooted in Waaqeffannaa, it is now celebrated by many Oromo people regardless of their religion.
The Role of Waaqeffannaa in Peacemaking
Waaqeffannaa, the indigenous monotheistic religion of the Oromo people, plays a profound and multifaceted role in peacemaking that is deeply embedded in its theology, rituals, and social institutions. Its approach to peace is not merely the absence of conflict but a state of holistic harmony with Waaqa (God), fellow humans, and the natural environment.
Theological Foundation: Peace as a Divine Mandate
Peace (nagaa) is a core spiritual value in Waaqeffannaa. Waaqa is believed to be peace itself, and human beings are expected to be peacemakers who do not disturb this divine order. This is embedded in daily life, from the common greeting “Nagaa dha?” (Are you at peace?) to prayers like “Nagaan nu oolchi” (Lead us in peace).
Key Peacemaking Principles: Gumaa and Waadaa
Two central traditional mechanisms for conflict resolution are Gumaa and Waadaa:
· Gumaa: A ritual process of reconciliation, particularly for serious offenses like bloodshed, intended to restore broken relationships and bring peace.
· Waadaa: A covenant or oath that establishes a binding agreement between parties to maintain peace.
Rituals, Festivals, and Community Practices
Peacemaking is reinforced through collective rituals:
· Irreecha: The annual thanksgiving festival where thousands gather to thank Waaqa and publicly preach peace and unity. A central chant is “Nagaa, nagaa!” (Peace, peace!), affirming the community’s collective desire for balance.
· Dhibaayyuu: A thanksgiving ritual that plays a pivotal role in inter-community peacebuilding and sustaining social solidarity.
Institutional Mechanisms: The Gadaa System and Qaalluu Leaders
Waaqeffannaa is closely linked to the Gadaa system, a traditional Oromo governance structure that serves as a viable conflict resolution and peace-building mechanism. Within this system, Qaalluu leaders, as custodians of the faith, often act as mediators, using traditional reconciliation methods to resolve disputes.
Contemporary Relevance and Challenges
While its values align with modern peacebuilding, Waaqeffannaa faces challenges in modern Ethiopia, including historical marginalization and limited freedoms for its adherents. Despite this, its principles offer a powerful, locally-grounded framework for building lasting peace from the community level upward.
In essence, Waaqeffannaa provides a comprehensive blueprint for peace, integrating spiritual belief with practical action to foster reconciliation and social harmony.
The Irreechaa Protocol: From Ancient Healing to Modern Stroke Recovery
What if the path to physical recovery after a stroke lies not in isolation but in community, not in medicine alone but in the sacred rituals that have healed generations?
When we think of stroke rehabilitation, we typically imagine hospital beds, physical therapists, and repetitive exercises. The journey is often described as isolating—a solitary struggle against the body’s betrayal. But what if the most effective recovery intervention has been practiced for centuries, not in clinics, but at the water’s edge, surrounded by thousands of voices raised in song?
The Oromo people’s Irreechaa festival—a thanksgiving celebration held at sacred water bodies like Hora Arsadii and Hora Finfinnee—offers a blueprint for stroke recovery that transcends conventional rehabilitation. It is not merely a cultural festival; it is a sophisticated, community-driven healing protocol that addresses the physical, psychological, and spiritual dimensions of recovery.
The Foundation: Why Ritual Matters in Recovery
Stroke, as a form of brain tissue damage caused by a sudden disruption of blood supply, often results in muscle weakness or paralysis on one side of the body, known as hemiparesis or hemiplegia . Beyond the physical challenges, stroke profoundly affects patients’ psychological and spiritual well-being.
Conventional rehabilitation focuses on regaining motor function through physical therapy, strength training, and range-of-motion exercises. Yet research increasingly recognises that recovery is not purely mechanical. The emotional isolation, loss of identity, and spiritual questioning that accompany stroke require interventions that address the whole person.
This is where Irreechaa enters the picture. For the Oromo people, who have endured generations of political marginalisation and cultural suppression, Irreechaa has functioned as what scholars describe as “cultural therapy”—a cyclical, collective practice that restores dignity, cohesion, and hope . Its choreography—pilgrimage to sacred water, symbolic washing, public prayer, group singing and dancing—provides a template that can be adapted for physical rehabilitation.
The Three Therapeutic Pillars of Irreechaa for Stroke Recovery
1. Recognition: Reclaiming Identity and Agency
One of the most devastating effects of stroke is the loss of identity. A person who once moved freely, worked, and cared for family suddenly becomes dependent on others. This loss mirrors the experience of colonised peoples—the internalised devaluation that comes from being told, directly or indirectly, that you are less than what you were .
Irreechaa counters this through public, mass affirmation . When thousands gather in traditional white attire, singing and performing traditional dances, they are not just celebrating; they are visibly, collectively reclaiming dignity . For a stroke survivor, participation—even passive observation—reaffirms that they remain part of the community. Their identity is not erased by their condition.
The festival’s impact on psychological well-being is significant. Scholars document that the joyful atmosphere counters trauma, while participants see their culture celebrated, combating marginalisation and fostering confidence . For stroke survivors, this sense of belonging and self-worth is a powerful motivator for recovery.
2. Regulation: Movement, Music, and Healing the Body
The physical elements of Irreechaa serve a regulatory function that aligns precisely with evidence-based rehabilitation. Structured songs, rhythmic movement, and shared timing “calm bodies and synchronise emotion” . This mirrors approaches like EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing), where bilateral stimulation helps process traumatic material.
Traditional Oromo songs, known as geerarsa, have a particularly powerful healing function. One form of folksong is designed to “divert the thought of the distressed individual by persuading him through the intricate terminologies” . Even individuals with physical and cognitive impairments can be drawn into the healing experience through these songs.
Scientifically, the combination of water and sound creates immersive environments. Chanting reduces stress hormones and triggers dopamine, promoting transcendence . Movement—however limited—stimulates blood flow and helps maintain flexibility. When tens of thousands move and sing together, the result is a form of community-wide emotional and physical regulation that no individual therapist could replicate.
Research on spiritual practices in stroke rehabilitation supports this approach. One study found that dhikr therapy—practiced by flexing and moving the knuckles of the hand—can reduce stiffness in the joints of stroke patients, supporting muscle flexibility and strength . Irreechaa offers this same principle on a massive scale: repetitive, meaningful movement embedded in a spiritual and social context.
3. Reconnection: Healing the Social Wound
Historical trauma isolates; ritual reconnects . Anthropologists describe how public rituals generate “communitas”—an intense sense of togetherness that suspends everyday hierarchies . At Irreechaa, this communitas creates “prosocial bonds that reduce isolation and renew civic agency” .
For a stroke survivor, social isolation is a major barrier to recovery. Depression, anxiety, and loneliness compound physical limitations. The festival’s intergenerational participation—elders demonstrating rituals, children and youth participating actively—creates a continuity of social bonds that bridges generations . The stroke survivor is not left behind; they remain part of the living chain.
Irreechaa’s role in fostering inclusivity and national healing has been widely recognised, described as “a catalyst for inclusivity in Ethiopia” that “promotes a sense of togetherness” . For the individual survivor, the lesson is clear: recovery is not a solitary journey but a communal one.
The Water Blessing: Symbolic and Practical Healing
The most iconic Irreechaa ritual involves participants entering sacred water and symbolically washing away hardship . This act operates on multiple levels:
- Symbolically, it represents cleansing from past trauma and preparation for renewal.
- Psychologically, it provides a physical mechanism for emotional release.
- Communally, it creates a shared experience that binds participants together.
For a stroke survivor, water also offers practical therapeutic benefits. Hydrotherapy is a recognised rehabilitation technique that reduces joint stress, improves circulation, and provides gentle resistance for muscle strengthening. The sacred waters of Irreechaa offer this benefit within a context of profound meaning.
For diaspora Oromo communities, adaptations of these water rituals in park settings or hilltops serve similar functions . When a traditional water body is unavailable, communities transform other spaces into sacred gathering points. This adaptability suggests that the Irreechaa protocol can be adapted to any setting—including rehabilitation centres, community halls, or home environments.
A Blueprint for Stroke Recovery Intervention
What can the Irreechaa protocol teach rehabilitation professionals, caregivers, and stroke survivors?
1. Recovery Requires Community
The individualised model of rehabilitation misses a crucial element: the healing power of belonging. Interventions that create spaces for group participation, shared music, and collective movement may enhance outcomes.
2. Symbolism Matters
Water, music, movement, and traditional attire are not superficial decorations; they are therapeutic vehicles that engage the whole person—body, mind, and spirit.
3. Repetition Builds Strength
The cyclical, annual nature of Irreechaa mirrors the repetitive practice essential to stroke rehabilitation. Regularity, predictability, and ritualised practice build resilience.
4. Cultural Grounding Is Therapeutic
Cultural practices are not barriers to evidence-based approaches; they are themselves evidence-based approaches refined over generations . Adapting indigenous healing traditions to modern rehabilitation can improve engagement and outcomes.
5. Hope Is a Medicine
Irreechaa’s central message—that renewal is possible—is exactly what a stroke survivor needs to hear. Hope, meaning, and purpose are not sentimental extras; they are essential drivers of recovery.
Conclusion: The Quiet Work of Repair
Irreechaa demonstrates that healing is not only possible but has been practised for centuries. Its protocol—recognition, regulation, and reconnection through public ritual—provides a template that could be adapted for stroke recovery across cultures and contexts.
As scholars of historical trauma note, healing requires “shared remembrance, mourning, and culturally grounded practices that rebuild meaning and agency” . For stroke survivors, the same principle applies. Recovery is not just about regaining muscle strength; it is about rebuilding meaning, reconnecting with community, and reclaiming identity.
Irreechaa’s power is double-edged: the very practices that heal—public recognition, shared emotion, embodied solidarity—can also unsettle established systems of control . But for the stroke survivor seeking to recover, this is not a threat. It is an invitation to reclaim what was lost.
The path forward is not to shrink the wisdom of the ancestors but to secure it. Treat it as a healing asset, adapt its principles to modern practice, and let ritual do its quiet work of repair.
“Irreechaa’s power is double-edged: the very practices that heal—public recognition, shared emotion, embodied solidarity—also unsettle projects that rely on minimising Oromo visibility. The path forward is not to shrink Irreechaa but to secure it: treat it as a national asset, protect rights equally, and let ritual do its quiet work of repair” .
Irreechaa as a Model for Community Mental Health Interventions
Irreechaa as Ritual Repair: How an Ancient Thanksgiving Festival Became a Blueprint for Collective Mental Health Intervention
Far more than a seasonal celebration, the Oromo festival’s water blessings, songs, and communal rituals function as a sophisticated, community-driven therapy for generations of historical trauma
In an era where mental health professionals increasingly recognise the limitations of individual therapeutic models for addressing collective trauma, an ancient festival offers an unexpected but profoundly effective blueprint. For the Oromo people, the Irreechaa celebration—held at sacred water bodies like Hora Arsadii (Bishoftu) and Hora Finfinnee—operates as what scholars describe as “cultural therapy”: a cyclical, collective practice that restores dignity, cohesion, and hope after generations of political marginalisation .
For a people whose late-19th-century imperial incorporation, linguistic suppression, and systematic cultural erasure represent textbook “cumulative, collective wounding,” Irreechaa has become far more than a seasonal celebration . It is a sophisticated, community-based mental health intervention that has sustained Oromo resilience for centuries. By examining the Irreechaa protocol—its structure, its symbols, and its therapeutic mechanisms—we may find a model for collective healing that transcends cultural boundaries.
The Foundation of Collective Trauma
The Oromo experience of historical trauma is severe and systematic. Late-19th-century imperial expansion violently incorporated Oromo homelands into the Ethiopian Empire, followed by over a century of political and cultural subordination . Oromo institutions, including aspects of the Gadaa governance system, were constrained or suppressed, and the public status of Afaan Oromoo was systematically diminished.
This represents what scholars term “cumulative, collective wounding”—mass harms that echo across generations through families and institutions . The result is not merely individual psychological distress but a community-wide experience of internalised devaluation, social fragmentation, and disconnection.
Conventional mental health approaches—individual therapy, medication, and cognitive interventions—can address symptoms but often fail to heal the underlying collective wounds. Irreechaa offers an alternative: a community-based intervention designed to restore what was broken collectively.
The Therapeutic Structure of Irreechaa
Irreechaa’s choreography follows a remarkably consistent pattern: pilgrimage to sacred water, symbolic washing, public prayer, group singing and dancing, and the leadership of elders . This structure aligns precisely with what anthropologists identify as the key elements of “ritual repair” .
Recognition: Countering Internalised Devaluation
One of the most insidious effects of historical oppression is internalised inferiority—members of marginalised groups absorb the dominant society’s negative messages about their identity. Irreechaa counters this through public, mass affirmation . When millions gather in traditional white attire, singing and performing traditional dances, they are not just celebrating; they are visibly, collectively reclaiming dignity .
The festival’s impact on psychological well-being is significant. Scholars document that the joyful atmosphere counters trauma from oppression, displacement, or recent conflicts, while youth see their culture celebrated, combating marginalisation and fostering confidence . The sense of pride and self-worth cultivated at Irreechaa is particularly important for younger generations, who carry the Oromo legacy forward .
Regulation: Choreographing Healing through Music and Movement
The physical elements of Irreechaa serve a regulatory function that echoes evidence-based trauma interventions. Structured songs, rhythmic movement, and shared timing “calm bodies and synchronise emotion” . This mirrors approaches like EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing), where bilateral stimulation helps process traumatic material.
Traditional Oromo songs, known as geerarsa, have a particularly powerful healing function. One form of folksong is designed to “divert the thought of the distressed individual by persuading him through the intricate terminologies” and has “strong power of meeting the requirements or to draw attention of the listener” . Even individuals with mental illness can be drawn into the healing experience through these songs .
Scientifically, the combination of water and sound creates immersive ritual environments. Chanting reduces stress hormones and triggers dopamine, promoting transcendence . When tens of thousands move, sing, and splash in sacred waters together, the result is a form of community-wide emotional regulation that no individual therapist could replicate.
Reconnection: Rebuilding Social Bonds
Historical trauma isolates; ritual reconnects. Anthropologists have long described how public rituals generate what they call “communitas”—an intense sense of togetherness that suspends everyday hierarchies . At Irreechaa, this communitas creates “prosocial bonds that reduce isolation and renew civic agency” .
The festival’s intergenerational participation reinforces this reconnection. Elders demonstrate rituals like eebba (blessings) and traditional dances, while children and youth participate actively, creating a continuity of social bonds that bridges generations . This is not simply a pleasant experience; it is a vital antidote to the social fragmentation that oppression produces.
Irreechaa’s role in fostering inclusivity and national healing has been widely recognised, with the festival described as “a catalyst for inclusivity in Ethiopia” that “promotes a sense of togetherness and fosters a spirit of inclusivity, reminding us that despite our differences, we are all part of the same human family” .
The Water Blessing: Symbolic Washing Away
The most iconic Irreechaa ritual involves participants entering sacred water and symbolically washing away hardship, or performing libation rituals using water and fresh grass (Birraa) . This act operates on multiple levels:
- Symbolically, it represents cleansing from past trauma and preparation for renewal .
- Psychologically, it provides a physical mechanism for emotional release.
- Communally, it creates a shared experience that binds participants together.
For diaspora Oromo communities, adaptations of these water rituals in park settings or hilltops serve similar functions, connecting a community separated by geography to the healing practices of their ancestors . The Melbourne community, for example, transformed Dandenong Hill into a sacred gathering point when a traditional water body was unavailable . Planting trees alongside these symbolic rituals extends the theme of renewal to ecological consciousness .
The Shadow: When Healing Attracts Threat
The very power that makes Irreechaa therapeutic also makes it threatening to forces seeking to maintain dominance . The 2016 Bishoftu tragedy—where security forces’ crowd control triggered a stampede that killed scores—etched a deep collective trauma into Oromo memory . This event reinforced fears that peaceful cultural gatherings can be violently disrupted.
Subsequent Irreechaa celebrations have often featured heavy policing, preemptive arrests, and restrictions that rights groups criticise as disproportionate . The “securitisation” of Irreechaa reflects a fundamental reality: visible, unified collective identity threatens projects that rely on minimising that group’s visibility and power .
The festival’s security challenges are well-documented. As one analysis notes, “this pattern sustains a feedback loop: securitisation communicates distrust of Oromo mass assembly; participants experience retraumatisation; organisers double down on the festival’s identity-affirming message, which authorities then read as political mobilisation” .
A Blueprint for Collective Intervention
What can the Irreechaa protocol teach mental health practitioners, community organisers, and policymakers?
1. Collective Healing Requires Collective Ritual
Individual therapy cannot fully address historical trauma because the wound is communal. Interventions must create spaces where communities can heal together .
2. Symbolism Matters
Water, music, movement, and traditional attire are not superficial decorations; they are therapeutic vehicles that engage the whole person .
3. Intergenerational Participation Is Essential
Children and elders healing together creates continuity that individual approaches cannot achieve .
4. Regularity Builds Resilience
Irreechaa’s cyclical nature—held annually, marking seasonal change—provides ongoing, predictable support that communities can rely on .
5. Cultural Grounding Is Strength
Cultural practices adapted to trauma healing are not barriers to evidence-based approaches; they are themselves evidence-based approaches refined over generations .
Conclusion: Ritual as Quiet Repair
Irreechaa demonstrates that collective healing is not only possible but has been practised for centuries. Its protocol—recognition, regulation, and reconnection through public ritual—provides a template that could be adapted across cultures and contexts .
As scholars of historical trauma note, healing requires “shared remembrance, mourning, and culturally grounded practices that rebuild meaning and agency” . The Irreechaa protocol provides exactly that: a culturally grounded practice that rebuilds meaning and agency for millions.
The path forward, as one analysis concludes, is “not to shrink Irreechaa but to secure it: treat it as a national asset, protect rights equally, and let ritual do its quiet work of repair” . For mental health professionals, the lesson is clear: the best interventions may not be found in clinical manuals but in the living traditions of communities that have survived and thrived despite centuries of attempted erasure.
Irreechaa’s power is double-edged: the very practices that heal—public recognition, shared emotion, embodied solidarity—also unsettle projects that rely on minimising Oromo visibility. The path forward is not to shrink Irreechaa but to secure it.
The Irreechaa Protocol: How an Ancient Festival Provides a Blueprint for Collective Mental Health Intervention
What if healing from trauma is not meant to be a solitary journey but a communal ritual—one that has been practised for centuries?
In an era where mental health professionals increasingly recognise the limitations of individual therapeutic models for addressing collective trauma, a centuries-old festival offers an unexpected but profoundly effective blueprint. The Oromo people’s Irreechaa—an annual thanksgiving celebration held at sacred water bodies like Hora Arsadii (Bishoftu) and Hora Finfinnee—functions as what scholars describe as “cultural therapy”: a cyclical, collective practice that restores dignity, cohesion, and hope after generations of political marginalisation .
For a people who have endured conquest, linguistic suppression, and systematic cultural erasure, Irreechaa is far more than a seasonal celebration. It is a sophisticated, community-based mental health intervention that has sustained Oromo resilience for centuries. By examining the Irreechaa protocol—its structure, its symbols, and its therapeutic mechanisms—we may find a model for collective healing that transcends cultural boundaries.
The Foundation of Collective Trauma
The Oromo experience of historical trauma is textbook in its severity. Late-19th-century imperial expansion violently incorporated Oromo homelands into the Ethiopian Empire, followed by over a century of political and cultural subordination . Oromo institutions, including aspects of the Gadaa governance system, were constrained or suppressed, and the public status of Afaan Oromoo was systematically diminished .
This represents what scholars term “cumulative, collective wounding”—mass harms that echo across generations through families and institutions . The result is not merely individual psychological distress but a community-wide experience of internalised devaluation, social fragmentation, and disconnection.
Conventional mental health approaches—individual therapy, medication, and cognitive interventions—can address symptoms but often fail to heal the underlying collective wounds. The Irreechaa protocol offers an alternative: a community-based intervention designed to restore what was broken collectively.
The Therapeutic Structure of Irreechaa
Irreechaa’s choreography follows a remarkably consistent pattern: pilgrimage to sacred water, symbolic washing, public prayer, group singing and dancing, and the leadership of elders . This structure is not accidental; it aligns precisely with what anthropologists identify as the key elements of “ritual repair.”
Recognition: Countering Internalised Devaluation
One of the most insidious effects of historical oppression is internalised inferiority—members of marginalised groups absorb the dominant society’s negative messages about their identity. Irreechaa counters this through public, mass affirmation . When millions gather in traditional white attire, singing Dhaanto, and performing the Shaggooyee dance, they are not just celebrating; they are visibly, collectively reclaiming dignity .
For Oromo youth—particularly those in the diaspora—this public celebration of their culture combats marginalisation and fosters confidence . It tells them that their identity is not something to hide but something to celebrate with pride.
Regulation: Choreographing Healing
The physical elements of Irreechaa serve a regulatory function that echoes evidence-based trauma interventions. Structured songs, rhythmic movement, and shared timing “calm bodies and synchronise emotion” . This mirrors approaches like EMDR (Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing), where bilateral stimulation helps process traumatic material.
Psychologically, this is “psycho-bio-social regulation” . The body and mind work together to process emotional material, with collective synchrony amplifying the therapeutic effect. When tens of thousands move and sing together, the result is a form of community-wide emotional regulation that no individual therapist could replicate.
Reconnection: Rebuilding Social Bonds
Historical trauma isolates; ritual reconnects. Anthropologists have long described how public rituals generate what they call “communitas”—an intense sense of togetherness that suspends everyday hierarchies . At Irreechaa, this communitas creates “prosocial bonds that reduce isolation and renew civic agency” .
The festival’s multi-generational participation reinforces this reconnection . Elders demonstrate rituals like the Eebba (blessings) and traditional dances , while children and youth participate actively, creating a continuity of social bonds that bridges generations. This is not simply a pleasant experience; it is a vital antidote to the social fragmentation that oppression produces.
The Water Blessing: Symbolic Washing Away
The most iconic Irreechaa ritual involves participants entering sacred water and symbolically washing away hardship . This act operates on multiple levels simultaneously:
Symbolically, it represents cleansing from past trauma and preparation for renewal. Psychologically, it provides a physical mechanism for emotional release. Communally, it creates a shared experience that binds participants together.
For diaspora Oromo, adaptations of this water ritual in park settings serve similar functions, connecting a community separated by geography to the healing practices of their ancestors . Planting trees alongside these symbolic water rituals extends the theme of renewal to ecological consciousness .
The Shadow: When Healing Attracts Threat
The very power that makes Irreechaa therapeutic also makes it threatening to forces seeking to maintain dominance. The 2016 Bishoftu tragedy—where security forces’ crowd control triggered a stampede that killed scores—etched a deep collective trauma into Oromo memory . This event reinforced fears that peaceful cultural gatherings can be violently disrupted.
Subsequent Irreechaa celebrations have often featured heavy policing, preemptive arrests, and restrictions that rights groups criticise as disproportionate . The “securitisation” of Irreechaa reflects a fundamental reality: visible, unified collective identity threatens projects that rely on minimising that group’s visibility and power .
Yet the festival continues to grow. In 2025, tens of thousands gathered in Addis Ababa and Bishoftu, with Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed addressing the crowd . The celebration has become a complex space where cultural resurgence, political symbolism, and community grievance intersect .
A Blueprint for Collective Intervention
What can the Irreechaa protocol teach mental health practitioners, community organisers, and policymakers?
1. Collective Healing Requires Collective Ritual
Individual therapy cannot fully address historical trauma because the wound is communal. Interventions must create spaces where communities can heal together.
2. Symbolism Matters
Water, music, movement, and traditional attire are not superficial decorations; they are therapeutic vehicles that engage the whole person.
3. Intergenerational Participation Is Essential
Children and elders healing together creates continuity that individual approaches cannot achieve.
4. Regularity Builds Resilience
Irreechaa’s cyclical nature—held annually, marking seasonal change—provides ongoing, predictable support.
5. Cultural Grounding Is Strength
Cultural practices adapted to trauma healing are not barriers to evidence-based approaches; they are themselves evidence-based approaches refined over generations.
Conclusion
Irreechaa demonstrates that collective healing is not only possible but has been practised for centuries. Its protocol—recognition, regulation, and reconnection through public ritual—provides a template that could be adapted across cultures and contexts.
As scholars of historical trauma note, healing requires “shared remembrance, mourning, and culturally grounded practices that rebuild meaning and agency” . The Irreechaa protocol provides exactly that: a culturally grounded practice that rebuilds meaning and agency for millions.
For mental health professionals, the lesson is clear: the best interventions may not be found in clinical manuals but in the living traditions of communities that have survived and thrived despite centuries of attempted erasure. The Irreechaa protocol is not just a festival; it is a toolkit for collective mental health, refined over generations and proven effective by the very survival of the Oromo people.
“Irreechaa’s power is double-edged: the very practices that heal—public recognition, shared emotion, embodied solidarity—also unsettle projects that rely on minimising Oromo visibility. The path forward is not to shrink Irreechaa but to secure it: treat it as a national asset, protect rights equally, and let ritual do its quiet work of repair” .
The 8th Conference of Judicial Officers of the South-West Shewa Zone
Strengthening the Judiciary through Service, Integrity and Professional Excellence
Waliso, Oromia — The 8th Conference of Judicial Officers of the South-West Shewa Zone was officially held in the town of Waliso, under the theme: “We Will Work with a High Spirit of Service to Provide the Public with Pure, Efficient and Acceptable Judicial Services!”
The conference, which brought together judges and legal professionals from across the zone, served as an important platform to evaluate court performance, discuss challenges, and chart a path toward improved service delivery. It concluded with a recognition ceremony honouring judicial officers who had recorded outstanding achievements .
Focus on Quality and Efficiency
During the conference, a key presentation was delivered under the title “Causes for the Cancellation and Improvement of Cases: The Reality of the Courts of the South-West Shewa Zone and the Direction of Solutions” . This session sparked in-depth discussions among the participants, highlighting the commitment of the judiciary to learning from past shortcomings and enhancing the quality of its rulings .
The theme of the conference reflects a broader reform effort to ensure that the judiciary is not only independent but also responsive to the needs of the public. As noted in previous judicial gatherings in Oromia, the primary goal is to improve access to justice and strengthen public trust in the legal system .
Participants and Attendance
The event was attended by a wide range of judicial and administrative officials, including:
- Judges of the Zonal Courts ;
- Representatives from the Oromia Supreme Court ;
- Judicial officers from neighbouring zones and city courts;
- Heads of sector offices from the zone and the town of Walisoo;
- Court administrators and other legal professionals .
The broad representation underscores the coordinated efforts across different levels of the judiciary to align practices and share experiences. Previous zonal conferences, such as those in Jimma and other parts of Oromia, have similarly focused on utilising technology and improving the quality of judicial services .
Recognition of Excellence
One of the highlights of the conference was the presentation of certificates of recognition to judges and court officials who had demonstrated exemplary performance. This practice is common in Oromia’s judicial sector reforms and aims to motivate legal professionals to uphold the highest standards of integrity and service.
The recognition was part of a broader effort to strengthen the rule of law and ensure that the judiciary remains a pillar of justice in the region. Recent reports, however, have also highlighted the difficulties facing the judiciary, including incidents of judges being unlawfully arrested and intimidated, underscoring the importance of such gatherings to reaffirm judicial independence.
Conclusion
The successful conclusion of the 8th Conference of the Judicial Officers of the South-West Sheba Zone reflects a renewed commitment to a judiciary that is accessible, transparent and accountable. In the face of security and administrative challenges, the spirit of service and integrity shown by judicial officers is a beacon of hope for a just and fair legal system .
The Two Humiliations of TPLF: A Reflection on Power, Pride, and the Oromo Awakening
In the shifting sands of Ethiopian politics, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front has suffered wounds that time has not healed—and the Oromo people remain the central characters in this unfolding drama
In the annals of Ethiopian political history, few organizations have risen as high or fallen as dramatically as the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). For nearly three decades, it dominated the political landscape of the Ethiopian Empire, ruling with an iron fist while projecting an image of revolutionary legitimacy. Yet today, the TPLF finds itself nursing wounds that history will not allow it to forget—wounds inflicted not by foreign enemies but by the very people it sought to subjugate.
The reflection of Abba Ebba offers a searing analysis of what he calls the “two humiliations” of the TPLF—humiliations that, in his view, are inextricably linked to the Oromo people and their awakening. These are not merely military defeats but moral and political reckonings that the TPLF has been unable to accept or process.
The First Humiliation: The Fall of Mekelle
“For 27 years, like the saying ‘the hare’s skin cannot cover the elephant,’ the TPLF tried to stretch its hide over an empire too vast for its frame. In the final hour, it was the sons and daughters of Oromo—the Qeerroo and Qarree—who stood before tanks with empty hands and brought down the regime. They made the TPLF retreat to Mekelle, dragging its ill-gotten wealth behind it. This is the first humiliation that remains unhealed to this day.”
The 2018 Oromo protests were not merely a political uprising—they were a seismic shift in the Ethiopian political landscape. The Oromo youth, known as the Qeerroo and Qarree, rose in a wave of popular resistance that the TPLF could not contain. The protests were decentralized, leaderless, and yet remarkably unified in their demands for justice, equality, and an end to the TPLF’s domination .
The TPLF, which had ruled Ethiopia for 27 years, was forced to abandon power and retreat to its northern stronghold of Mekelle. This was not a defeat by a rival military force but a collapse in the face of unarmed civilian resistance. The humiliation was profound and, according to Abba Ebba, has never been truly accepted by the TPLF leadership.
“The TPLF was defeated by the popular wave that ignited from one end of Oromia to the other—a wave that was part of the Oromo liberation struggle. This is an undeniable truth. The Oromo is an elephant; when it tramples, it crushes. The TPLF was forced to swallow this reality, whether it liked it or not.”
The Second Humiliation: The Retreat to Mekelle
The second humiliation followed the first. After initially retreating to Mekelle, the TPLF sought to reassert its influence on the national stage. It formed alliances with various forces—including some within the Amhara political spectrum—and attempted to challenge the Prosperity Party government.
However, this effort ended in another defeat. The TPLF was forced to retreat once again to Mekelle, leaving behind its ambitions and its allies, having consumed itself in the fires it had ignited. This second retreat, Abba Ebba argues, is the other humiliation that remains raw and unprocessed .
“When the TPLF was about to return to Addis Ababa, it found itself burned by the fire it had started. It was forced to retreat to Mekelle—another humiliation that has not faded.”
The Unlearned Lesson
Despite these humiliations, the TPLF has not learned its lesson. Instead, it continues to prepare for a new war, this time under the cover of the Prosperity Party government’s own challenges. After four years of uninterrupted military preparation, the TPLF is once again positioning itself for conflict .
Abba Ebba warns that this preparation is driven by a desire for revenge—a desire to settle scores with the Oromo people who, in the TPLF’s view, are responsible for its humiliations. “Under the cover of the Prosperity Party government, the TPLF is seeking to take revenge on our people for its past humiliations.”
The Unnecessary Price
Abba Ebba poses a pointed question: why must the Oromo people pay the price for the TPLF’s ambitions? Why must Oromia become a battlefield for conflicts that are not of its making?
“The TPLF did not need to travel 600 kilometres into the heart of the country, into the breadbasket of Ethiopia—Oromia. It could have declared Eritrea-style independence when the Derg fell, and it could do so today. All it needs is to settle its accounts and secure the consent of its people.”
The TPLF’s refusal to accept defeat has left the Oromo people caught between multiple threats. On one hand, there is the TPLF’s continued military preparations and its desire for revenge. On the other, there are forces like Fano and other armed groups that have also targeted Oromo communities.
The Oromo Elite’s Responsibility
Abba Ebba also points a finger at the Oromo elite, accusing them of failing to fulfill their responsibilities. The Oromo people, who have paid the heaviest price in the struggle against the Ethiopian Empire, now face a dual threat: the TPLF’s revanchism and the Oromo elite’s failure to protect the gains of the struggle.
“The Oromo elite has failed to protect the historic victory achieved by the Oromo popular struggle. It has also failed to protect the constitutional right to self-determination—the right to democracy, justice, and self-rule—from being undermined.”
This failure, Abba Ebba argues, has allowed the Oromo people to be marginalized and treated with suspicion by their neighbours. The Oromo elite’s failure to step up has left the people vulnerable to manipulation and exclusion.
A Call to Vigilance
Abba Ebba concludes with a call to the Oromo people:
“Our people must prepare themselves for the danger of the approaching war and actively monitor the situation. The war that is being prepared—whether by TPLF or by the Fano forces—poses a threat to the next generation of Oromo. Decisive action must be taken to find a lasting solution.”
He insists that Oromia must not become a doormat for the ambitions of others. “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
A Historical Warning
The reflection of Abba Ebba is not merely a commentary on contemporary politics—it is a historical warning. It reminds the Oromo people that the TPLF, despite its humiliations, has not abandoned its ambitions. The two humiliations remain unhealed, and the TPLF continues to seek revenge.
But the reflection also carries a message of hope and resolve. The Oromo people, having risen once, can rise again. The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
Conclusion
The two humiliations of the TPLF are more than military or political defeats—they are symbolic wounds that the organization has not been able to accept. The TPLF’s refusal to learn from its past has left the Oromo people facing a renewed threat. But the Oromo people, having already demonstrated their power, are not powerless.
As Abba Ebba declares: “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
The Debate Over Finfinne: Citizenship, Nationality, and the Right to Self-Determination
In Ethiopia’s complex federal system, the status of the capital city has become a flashpoint for competing visions of identity, rights, and constitutional interpretation
FINFINNE, ETHIOPIA — A provocative statement by Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa has reignited debate over the status of Finfinne (Addis Ababa) and the rights of its residents, challenging what he describes as “baseless” calls for the city’s self-determination while affirming the constitutional framework that places it within Oromia.
“Finfinne is one of the cities of Oromia” , Dr. Tsegaye asserts, grounding his argument in Ethiopia’s federal constitution and the regional constitution of Oromia . The statement has drawn both support and criticism in a country where the status of the capital city remains a sensitive political issue.
A City of Many Peoples
Finfinne, with its population estimated at between 3 and 4 million, is a microcosm of Ethiopia’s remarkable diversity. People from all regions of the country have made the city their home, bringing with them their languages, cultures, and traditions .
“Their coming is a blessing. Their presence is beautiful. It is beauty itself,” Dr. Tsegaye writes, acknowledging the contributions of migrants who have enriched the capital’s social and cultural fabric.
These residents, he emphasizes, are full rights-bearing citizens of both the country and the region. Their rights are guaranteed under Ethiopia’s constitution (Chapter 3), the Oromia constitution, and other relevant laws. State and regional governments are constitutionally obligated to protect and fulfill these rights .
Residents, Not a Nation
Despite the rich diversity of its population, Dr. Tsegaye draws a sharp legal distinction: “The residents of Finfinne are residents, citizens—not a nation.”
While each individual citizen retains their ethnic identity—with many having ties to their regions of origin—the residents of Finfinne collectively do not constitute a “nation” as defined under Ethiopia’s constitutional framework .
The Ethiopian constitution grants the right to self-determination to “nations, nationalities, and peoples,” defined in Article 39(5) as groups with shared culture, language, identity, and a sense of common history . Residents of Finfinne, however diverse, do not meet these criteria as a collective group.
Individual Rights vs. Collective Rights
Dr. Tsegaye draws a crucial distinction between two types of rights:
Individual rights that accrue to all citizens—including the right to education in one’s language, cultural expression, religious freedom, and preservation of identity—are fully guaranteed to residents of Finfinne .
Collective rights—specifically, the right of a group to self-determination—are reserved for groups that constitute “nations” under Ethiopian law. Such groups must meet the constitutional criteria defined in Article 39(5) .
According to Dr. Tsegaye, residents of Finfinne do not meet this constitutional threshold. They are not a “nation” but rather a diverse collection of individuals from various nations. Therefore, any movement seeking self-determination for the city of Finfinne as a collective entity is constitutionally baseless .
As he states, “If they were to be properly settled according to this criterion, they would be Oromo, and their region would be Oromia.”
The Call for Self-Determination
The debate over Finfinne’s status is not merely academic. In recent years, some voices have called for the city to exercise self-determination, either as an independent federal city or through other arrangements.
Dr. Tsegaye characterizes these calls as “baseless and anti-Oromo” . The phrase “anti-Oromo” likely reflects the perspective that these efforts threaten Oromo rights and the territorial integrity of Oromia.
However, the debate cuts multiple ways. Those advocating for Finfinne’s self-determination argue that the city’s residents have distinct interests that may not be fully represented by either the federal or regional government.
The Constitutional Framework
The Ethiopian constitution is one of the few in Africa that explicitly recognizes the right of nations, nationalities, and peoples to self-determination, including the right to secession .
The constitution also establishes Finfinne (Addis Ababa) as a special city, with its status and boundaries determined by the federal government. This has been a source of tension between the federal government and Oromia, with some Oromo nationalists arguing that the city rightfully belongs to Oromia.
Dr. Tsegaye’s argument is grounded in the constitutional text as he interprets it, but the constitution’s provisions on Finfinne’s status have been subject to multiple interpretations.
A Citizen, Not a Nation
The heart of Dr. Tsegaye’s argument is that Ethiopian citizenship must be distinguished from nationality. All Ethiopians are citizens, but they belong to nations, nationalities, or peoples as defined in the constitution. Residents of Finfinne are citizens first, and their ethnic identity is separate from their status as residents of the capital .
In a country where ethnic federalism is both a constitutional principle and a political reality, the distinction matters. It shapes access to resources, political representation, and even legal status.
His final counsel to residents of Finfinne is clear: “Leave this ‘Addis Ababa should determine its own destiny’ noise, and protect your citizenship rights. It is counsel” .
Conclusion
Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa’s intervention enters a contentious and evolving debate with significant political and legal implications. His emphasis on the constitutional text, the distinction between individual and collective rights, and the specific status of Finfinne as a city within Oromia reflects one interpretation of Ethiopia’s complex federal framework.
Yet the status of Finfinne remains one of the most sensitive and unresolved issues in Ethiopian politics. The debate over whether the city is the capital of Ethiopia, the seat of the Oromo people, or something else entirely continues to shape political discourse.
“The residents of Finfinne are residents, citizens—not a nation.”
Advocacy for Oromia 