Category Archives: mental health
Irreechaa 2026: Africa’s Largest Gathering of Gratitude and Resilience
Millions Prepare to Celebrate Oromo Thanksgiving in Finfinne and Bishoftu
By Maatii Sabaa
As the golden light of spring breaks over the Oromo landscape, a profound spiritual awakening stirs across Oromia and the global diaspora. Irreechaa—the Oromo Thanksgiving—is set to transform Finfinne and Bishoftu into a vibrant sea of white, green, and cultural pride from October 3 to October 4, 2026 . This is not merely a festival. It is Africa’s largest outdoor gathering, where millions will come together to express gratitude to Waaqa (God) and celebrate a cultural heritage that has endured for millennia .
The Heartbeat of a People: What Is Irreechaa?
Irreechaa, known in some traditions as Irreessa or Dhibaayyuu, is an annual thanksgiving holiday that marks the end of the rainy winter season and the joyous arrival of Birraa (spring) . It is a time when the Oromo people gather at sacred lakes, rivers, and springs to thank Waaqa for the blessings, mercies, and bountiful harvests received over the previous twelve months .
The festival’s roots run deep—over 6,000 years into the ancient Oromo and Cushitic civilization, long before the rise of modern empires or religions . It is intimately connected to the Gadaa system, the traditional Oromo governance structure recognised by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity . As the elders teach, Irreechaa is simply “giving thanks to the one God”—the pinnacle of Oromo religious and cultural expression .
Two Sacred Sites, One Unifying Spirit
This year’s celebration will unfold over two days across two of the Oromo people’s most sacred sites, following a time-honoured itinerary announced by the Council of Oromo Gadaa Elders .
Hora Finfinne: Reclaiming the Heart of the Capital
On October 3, the celebration will commence at Hora Finfinne, in the heart of the capital city . This location carries profound historical weight. For decades, under oppressive regimes, public celebrations of Irreechaa were banned, and the Oromo people were denied the right to give thanks at their own sacred sites . The site now known as Finfinne was originally named after the very same Hora Finfinne—a sacred geography that the construction of a colonial capital attempted to overwrite . Celebrating Irreechaa here is not just a cultural act; it is a powerful reclamation of space, identity, and dignity.
Hora Arsadi: The World’s Stage
On October 4, the festival moves to its grandest location: Hora Arsadi in the city of Bishoftu, approximately 45 kilometres south of Finfinne . This is the site of the main event—a gathering so vast that it is recognised as one of the largest annual human gatherings on the African continent . Here, in a landscape of breathtaking natural beauty and sacred waters, the celebration reaches its crescendo.
In recent years, the scale of the gathering has been so immense that international media, including the BBC, Al Jazeera, and CNN, have broadcast images of the spectacle: hundreds of thousands, sometimes millions, of people dressed in a vibrant sea of traditional colours, moving with purpose and joy towards the water .
The Rituals of Renewal
The Irreechaa ceremony is a tapestry of ritual and symbolism. At the lake, participants carry freshly cut green grass and flowers—symbols of fertility, life, and renewal . They immerse these offerings in the water, sprinkle themselves, and raise their hands in prayer. The grass, dipped and sprinkled, is a symbolic gesture of cleansing, purification, and the washing away of hardship. Traditional songs, known as sirba, echo across the valley, their melodies passed down from elders to the youth, ensuring the continuity of a living heritage .
Women are decorated in their finest traditional attire, while youth, particularly young men known as Kormoomsaa, move through the crowd, sprinkling people with fresh water as a gesture of cleansing and blessing . The event is a total immersion in culture and community. After the prayers, families and friends share meals of traditional dishes and freshly brewed coffee, reinforcing the profound social bonds that the festival strengthens .
More Than a Festival: A Symbol of Unity and Resilience
Irreechaa is often described as the “most celebrated cultural festival in Africa” . However, its significance extends far beyond its sheer scale. The festival’s core principles are peace, unity, love, and reconciliation. As the history of the festival teaches, holding onto resentment or grievance is not permitted at Irreechaa. A person cannot attend unless they have resolved their disputes with others . This requirement is a profound social intervention, reinforcing the idea that one cannot give thanks while holding a grudge.
The revival and growth of Irreechaa, particularly the celebrations in Finfinne, represent a powerful statement of cultural resilience. It is a declaration to the world that the Oromo culture, with its deep-rooted values of democracy, community, and spirituality, is not a relic of the past but a vibrant force for the present and future .
A Call to the World
The message from the Oromo community is clear: “You can be from any corner of the globe, individuals can come and showcase their unique cultural heritage in Finfinne during our celebration, at the heart of Africa’s vibrant cityscape.” As the Oromo people gather to give thanks, they extend an invitation to the world to witness the unity and resilience of a nation that has overcome immense challenges and continues to celebrate life, faith, and hope with unparalleled passion.
Goobee and Shinooyyee: A Dual Model of Prevention and Intervention for Social Problems
How Ancient Oromo Festivals Build Peace, Unity, and Social Cohesion
By Dhabessa Gemelal
In an era of deepening social divisions, political polarisation, and youth disengagement, the Oromo people possess a powerful and ancient resource: their own cultural traditions. The festivals of Goobee and Shinooyyee—celebrations marking the transition from the rainy season to spring—are not merely expressions of cultural identity. They are sophisticated mechanisms for social cohesion, conflict prevention, and youth engagement that offer a model for addressing some of the most pressing social challenges of our time.
Understanding Goobee and Shinooyyee
Goobee: A Festival of Light and Freedom for Young Men
Goobee is a festival where young men welcome the light of Spring with joy, hope, and good wishes. It represents “the bliss of spring, the joy of the dawn of the earth”—a light that sprouts for youth with green hope and courage . It is a time when young men declare their freedom and independence, marking their transition toward adulthood.
Shinooyyee: A Festival of Freedom and Identity for Young Women
Shinooyyee is a unique festival celebrated by young unmarried girls . During this festival, girls “plait their hair in fantastic styles and dress up and decorate with ornaments of their choice. They chant, sing, and dance with friends and peers for up to 3 weeks” . They collect fragrant grass and give it to neighbours as a symbol of abundance and blessing, receiving food and butter in return. It provides “young girls with absolute freedom to enjoy outside of their family’s home” .
Both festivals are celebrated in the weeks leading up to Irreechaa, the grand Oromo thanksgiving festival, and are part of the wider Gadaa system recognised by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity .
Prevention: Addressing Root Causes of Social Problems
1. Preventing Conflict Through Reconciliation
The Gadaa system, of which Goobee and Shinooyyee are a part, is built on a fundamental principle: “as much as possible, conflict should be prevented from occurring” . Should conflict occur, “everything should be done to prevent it from escalating and all institutions should work together to manage the conflict” .
This preventive philosophy is embedded in the festivals. Irreechaa, the culminating festival, requires participants to resolve conflicts before attending. As one Abba Gadaa explained, “if anyone who attends the festival has a conflict even with a close person, he should first reconcile with himself or with the other persons” . This principle of pre-festival reconciliation prevents conflicts from festering and escalating.
2. Preventing Youth Disengagement Through Meaningful Participation
Shinooyyee and Goobee provide structured, meaningful activities that engage youth during a critical transition period. The festivals offer young people “absolute freedom” to express themselves, build social bonds, and develop confidence . This engagement prevents the alienation and disconnection that often lead to social problems.
Social Anthropologist Daniel Deressa noted that the festivals “promote love and unity to uphold peaceful coexistence in the society” . By providing positive outlets for youth energy and creativity, Goobee and Shinooyyee prevent the frustration and disengagement that can fuel social unrest.
3. Preventing Cultural Erosion Through Intergenerational Transmission
Goobee and Shinooyyee serve as mechanisms for transmitting cultural knowledge, values, and ethics from elders to youth. The festivals ensure that young people learn “the culture and morals of the people and teaching them the truth” . This intergenerational transmission prevents the loss of cultural identity that can leave communities vulnerable to social breakdown.
Intervention: Addressing Existing Social Problems
1. Healing Divisions Through Reconciliation
For those already in conflict, Goobee and Shinooyyee provide a structured pathway to reconciliation. The festivals are described as “a time for reconciliation,” where “hatred and revenge are removed and solidarity is strengthened” . The requirement of pre-festival reconciliation serves as a direct intervention for existing conflicts.
The festivals create an environment where “peace is preached and love is praised; disagreement, grievance and discontent are condemned” . This public affirmation of peace values directly counters the narratives that fuel conflict.
2. Building Social Bonds Across Communities
Goobee and Shinooyyee bring together young people from different communities, strengthening “their love and unity” . The festivals are not exclusive—they are inclusive gatherings that promote understanding and solidarity across diverse groups.
Irreechaa, the culminating festival, has become “an important ritual festival that attracts visitors” and “has been becoming a cultural nationalism not only for the people of Oromo but also the nations and nationalities of the country” . This inclusivity makes the festivals a direct intervention against ethnic division.
3. Strengthening Community Resilience
The festivals contribute to community resilience by reinforcing social bonds and shared values. As scholars have noted, “Irreechaa brings people closer to each other and strengthen social bonds” . This strengthening of social cohesion makes communities more resilient to the stresses that can lead to social problems.
The Dual Model in Action
Goobee and Shinooyyee operate through a dual model of prevention and intervention:
Prevention:
- Engaging youth through meaningful participation
- Transmitting cultural values and ethics
- Resolving conflicts before they escalate
- Building social cohesion through inclusive participation
Intervention:
- Healing existing conflicts through reconciliation rituals
- Strengthening social bonds across communities
- Reinforcing shared values of peace and unity
Conclusion: A Model for Our Times
In a world facing deepening social divisions, youth alienation, and conflict, Goobee and Shinooyyee offer a powerful model. They demonstrate that cultural traditions are not merely nostalgic artifacts—they are living resources for building peace, strengthening communities, and engaging youth.
By preserving and promoting these festivals, the Oromo people are not only celebrating their heritage—they are investing in a more peaceful, cohesive, and resilient society. As one young participant noted, Goobee and Shinooyyee are “a festival of success, history, restoration of lost culture and expression of the Oromo people” .
In a fractured world, this ancient tradition offers a blueprint for healing.
This feature article is dedicated to the youth of Oromia who carry these traditions forward, and to all communities seeking models of peace and unity.
More Than an Ancient Civilization: The Kingdom of Kush—A Powerful Empire of Land and Sea
A people whose legacy challenges the very foundations of African history
When we speak of the great civilisations of antiquity, our minds often turn to Egypt, Greece, or Rome. But long before the Persian Empire rose to dominance, there existed in the heart of Africa a kingdom of extraordinary power, wealth, and sophistication—the Kingdom of Kush.
The Kingdom of Kush, with its three major cities of Meroe, Kerma, and Napata, emerged in the Nubian Desert south of Egypt along the Upper Nile River Valley from the 2nd millennium B.C. to the fourth century A.D. . For over a thousand years, Kush was a major power in the Nile valley, controlling an empire that at its height stretched from Central Sudan to the Mediterranean .
The achievements of this ancient civilisation challenge long-held beliefs that Egypt was the sole centre of advancement in the region. As renowned archaeologist Charles Bonnet’s excavations have revealed, Kush was not a mere vassal state of Egypt but a powerful and independent kingdom with its own distinctively indigenous culture . This sophisticated political state organised trade to the Mediterranean basin and built up a military strong enough to resist Egyptian forces .
The Black Pharaohs: A Legacy of Power
The Kushite rulers of Egypt’s 25th Dynasty, often referred to as the “Black Pharaohs,” represent a pivotal moment in the history of the Nile Valley. Emerging from the Kingdom of Kush at Napata in Nubia, these rulers not only unified Egypt after centuries of fragmentation but also reinvigorated pharaonic traditions .
The first major figure of this dynasty, King Piye, launched a campaign into Egypt during a period of political fragmentation known as the Third Intermediate Period. His Victory Stela records the subjugation of Delta rulers and proclaims his role as restorer of order . By 730 BCE, Piye had conquered Lower Egypt, establishing Kushite authority over both Upper and Lower Egypt .
The dynasty reached its zenith under Taharqa (690–664 BCE), whose reign is remembered for monumental building projects and ambitious foreign policy. Taharqa sponsored extensive temple construction at Karnak, Kawa, and Jebel Barkal, reinforcing his devotion to Amun and his claim to pharaonic legitimacy . He intervened in the Levant, supporting coalitions against Assyrian expansion, and is mentioned in both Biblical and Assyrian sources .
One of the most remarkable features of Meroitic civilisation was its powerful queens. The title “Candace,” meaning “sister,” was given to Kushite queens . Queens such as Amanirenas—who signed a peace treaty with the emperor Augustus—and Amanishakheto, whose treasure was looted in 1834, demonstrate the prominent role of women in Kushite society .
Kush: More Than a Footnote
The Kingdom of Kush was more than a civilisation; it was a power that commanded both land and sea. Kushite armies were formidable, and their military prowess allowed them to conquer and control Egypt itself . Kush also boasted a powerful navy, controlling trade routes along the Nile and beyond .
The economy of the ancient Kushites relied on trade in exotic African goods with Egypt and beyond. As middlemen, Kushite traders passed along ivory, ebony, incense, and other exotic goods from the South to the Egyptians, who then traded with other Mediterranean peoples . The city of Kerma, with its strategic location on the Nile River, controlled this crucial trade route .
Kush produced more gold than anywhere in the world at that time . Archaeologists have uncovered massive gold-processing operations at sites like Hosh el-Guruf, revealing the scale of Kush’s wealth . Minerals and high-quality stone were also mined for trade, and the Kushites introduced and developed iron metallurgy to the region .
A Sophisticated Society
The art and architecture of the Kushites reveal a sophisticated society of innovative craftsmen who constantly assimilated new artistic techniques from other lands . Notable architecture includes stone temple complexes such as the Lion Temple at Naqa and the steep-sided, solid pyramids found at Meroe and Jebel Barkal .
In fact, Sudan has more pyramids than all of Egypt—a testament to the grandeur of the Kushite civilisation . These tall, slender, graceful monuments bear witness to the lasting splendour of Kush .
Kushite art includes narrative tomb wall paintings and unique, eggshell-thin pottery with geometric patterns traded all over the Mediterranean . Stoic granite and bronze statues of gods and kings convey the religious beliefs of this ancient people .
The Question of Cush
The name “Kush” has been connected since at least the time of Josephus with the biblical character Cush, son of Ham (Genesis 10:6). Ham had four sons: Cush, Put, Canaan, and Mizraim (Egypt) . According to the Bible, Nimrod, a son of Cush, was the founder and king of Babylon, Erech, Akkad, and Calneh .
The Cushitic-speaking peoples, who are the ethnolinguistic groups speaking Cushitic languages natively, are today found primarily in the Horn of Africa, with minorities in Egypt, Sudan, Kenya, and Tanzania . Proto-Cushitic was spoken on the Ethiopian Highlands by 5000–4000 BC .
A Civilisation Worthy of Recognition
The Kingdom of Kush is not merely a footnote in the history of Africa—it is a testament to the power, ingenuity, and resilience of the peoples of the Nile Valley. As the American Journal of Archaeology notes in its review of The Nubian Pharaohs of Egypt, the term “Black Pharaohs” has sometimes been used to market exhibits, but the historical significance of Kush extends far beyond its interaction with Egypt . Sudanese colleagues and community members rightly resent the idea that the kings of ancient Sudan are only important because they ruled over Egypt . The Kingdom of Kush deserves to be remembered on its own terms.
A Reflection on Courage, Unity, and the Power of Truth
Honouring the Voices That Speak for the People’s Will
By Meseret Daba Kene
There are moments in the life of a nation when silence is not an option. There are times when the weight of history, the suffering of generations, and the hope of the future demand that we speak—clearly, boldly, and without fear. And when someone rises to that occasion, we must recognize them, honour them, and stand with them.
A Voice That Cannot Be Silenced
In the ongoing struggle for justice and self-determination, some voices stand out not because they are loud, but because they are true. I am thinking of figures like Aadde Sa’aadaa Abdurahamaan and others in the Caffee Oromiyaa who have spoken with courage and conviction about the question of Finfinne and the will of the Oromo people.
They have stood at the forefront, speaking truth to power, expressing the dreams and aspirations of a people who have been marginalized, dispossessed, and silenced for generations. They have not wavered. They have not been intimidated. They have spoken with the clarity of those who know that the truth is on their side.
And for that, we are grateful.
“Yoo dubbadhu jettan kaa,” —when they chose to speak, they spoke not for themselves, but for the millions who have no voice, for the ancestors who sacrificed, and for the generations yet to come.
The Will of the People
What has been expressed by these brave individuals is not a personal opinion—it is the will of the people. It is the collective desire of a nation that has been denied its rightful place in history. It is the demand for justice, dignity, and recognition.
When they spoke about Finfinne, they spoke about the heart of Oromia—a city that was built on Oromo land, a city that holds the blood and bones of Oromo martyrs, a city that must be recognized as an integral part of Oromo identity.
They expressed the will of the people with such conviction that it left us in awe—not of their words, but of their courage. And we must not let that courage go unrecognized. We must not let that truth be silenced.
The Foundation of Unity
The unity of the Oromo people is not something to be taken for granted. It is built on the foundation of truth, justice, and mutual respect. When we stand together, we are unstoppable. When we speak with one voice, we cannot be ignored.
This is why the work of those who speak for the people is so important. They remind us that we are not alone. They remind us that we have a collective destiny. They remind us that our strength lies in our unity.
“Waan hundi gaarummaaf ta’e!” —everything that happens is for the greater good. Even the challenges we face, the struggles we endure, and the sacrifices we make are all part of a larger purpose: the liberation and prosperity of our people.
A Future of Peace and Prosperity
There is no doubt in my mind that the future of our people is bright. The road may be long and difficult, but the destination is certain. Peace, security, and prosperity will come to our people—not as a gift from others, but as a result of our own efforts, our own unity, and our own determination.
“Nagaan, tasgabbii fi badhaadhinni biyyaafi saba keenyaaf ni ta’a!” —peace, security, and prosperity will be ours.
This is not a naive hope. It is a conviction born of history, experience, and faith. It is a belief that justice will prevail, that truth will triumph, and that the will of the people cannot be defeated.
The Power of Gratitude
In the midst of struggle, it is easy to focus on the difficulties—the losses, the pain, the setbacks. But we must also remember to be grateful. Grateful for those who have stood up for us. Grateful for those who continue to fight. Grateful for the unity that sustains us.
“Hundi keessanu galatoomaa” —thank you all.
Thank you to the leaders who have spoken truth to power. Thank you to the activists who have kept the flame of resistance alive. Thank you to the ordinary citizens who have refused to give up hope. Thank you to the ancestors who paved the way.
A Final Reflection
The struggle for justice is not a sprint—it is a marathon. There will be setbacks. There will be disappointments. There will be moments of doubt. But we must never lose sight of the goal: a free, just, and prosperous Oromia.
Those who have spoken out, who have risked their freedom and their lives for the cause of our people, are our heroes. They are the pillars upon which our future will be built. They are the architects of our liberation.
Let us not forget them. Let us not forget their sacrifice. And let us not forget the truth they have spoken.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Nagaan fi tasgabbii haa jabaattu!
Hundi keessanu galatoomaa!
This reflection is dedicated to Aadde Sa’aadaa Abdurahamaan and all those who have dared to speak the truth on behalf of the Oromo people. Your courage inspires us, and your sacrifice will never be forgotten.
The Price of Silence: A Reflection on Inaction and the Tragedy of Our People
We Knew This Was Coming — Yet We Chose to Stay Silent
By Koste Abdiisaa
If we had shown even 1% of the outrage we have expressed over the past two days three, four, or five years ago—when Fano killed hundreds of innocent Oromos in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and elsewhere—perhaps these killings would not have happened.
We knew this was coming. The signs were everywhere. The warnings were clear. Yet we chose to remain silent. We chose to look away. We chose to believe that the storm would pass us by.
But storms do not pass by those who refuse to prepare. They break over them.
The Warning Signs We Ignored
For years, the enemies of the Oromo people have been methodically preparing for this moment. While we argued among ourselves, they were opening training camps in our backyard. While we engaged in name-calling and petty divisions, they were building security structures and training hundreds of people to carry out their plans.
We saw it happening. We heard the reports. We knew that innocent farmers—our farmers—were being killed in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and countless other places. And what did we do?
We expressed outrage on social media. We posted our anger, shared our grief, and then went back to business as usual.
Our collective inaction allowed this to continue. Our silence gave them permission to proceed. Our failure to act was an invitation for more violence.
The Consequences of Inaction
This is not about hindsight. This is about foresight—and our failure to use it. We cannot pretend that these killings were unexpected. We knew what was coming. We had every warning. But we failed to act.
And now, the consequences are here.
The killing of our innocent farmers is not just a tragedy—it is a judgment on our collective failure to protect our own. It is the result of years of political naivety, misplaced priorities, and a refusal to confront the reality of the threat we faced.
We were good at crying after the fact. We were good at expressing outrage on social media after tragedies happened. But we were very poor at recognizing threats early on, listening to those who recognized them, and preparing ourselves to face them.
The Deeper Outrage
Like many of you, I am outraged by the killing of our innocent farmers. But I am even more outraged by our inaction—our lack of political awareness, our failure to recognize and respond to such cruelty for so long.
What is even more troubling is that some of our so-called political entities—those who claim to speak for us—continue to seek alignment with those responsible. They act as if there is still some humanity left in them to appeal to. They still hope for dialogue with those who have shown, time and again, that they have no interest in peace, only in domination.
This is not leadership. This is delusion.
And we, as a people, have allowed it. We have allowed ourselves to be led by those who refuse to see the enemy for what they are. We have allowed ourselves to be distracted by petty divisions while our people are being slaughtered.
The Beginning, Not the End
Let us not pretend that this is the end. This is the beginning. The attacks will continue. The killings will escalate. And if we do not act now—with unity, determination, and clarity—the tragedies we see today will seem small compared to what is coming.
I fear that we may still fail to act in a timely manner. I fear that we will continue to cry and express outrage for a week, and then return to normal life. I fear that we will continue to do what we seem to be good at: mourning after the fact, but never preparing for what lies ahead.
A Call to Look Within
If this senseless killing of our people does not make us angry enough to question our collective inaction, then perhaps we need to look within ourselves and ask: What kind of society have we become?
Have we become a people who only react after the damage is done? Have we become a people who prioritize social media outrage over real action? Have we become a people who are more concerned with who is right than with what is right?
We must ask ourselves these questions. And we must answer them honestly.
The Path Forward
We cannot change the past. The blood that has been spilled cannot be unspilled. But we can change the future. We can act now—today—to ensure that these tragedies do not continue.
This requires several things:
- Unity: We must put aside our petty divisions and unite as a people. Our enemies are united; we must be even more united.
- Awareness: We must wake up to the reality of the threat we face. We must recognize the signs and act before it is too late.
- Action: We must support those who are willing to sacrifice and risk their lives to defend our people. We must build the structures and institutions necessary to protect ourselves.
- Accountability: We must hold our political entities accountable. We must demand that they prioritize the defense of our people over their own political ambitions.
- Resilience: We must be prepared for the long fight ahead. This is not a battle that will be won in a day. It requires patience, courage, and an unwavering commitment to our people.
Conclusion: Enough Is Enough
The killing of our innocent farmers is a crime against humanity. But our collective inaction is a crime against ourselves.
We cannot afford to continue down this path. We cannot afford to remain silent while our people are being slaughtered. We cannot afford to wait until the next tragedy to express our outrage.
Enough is enough.
Let us honor the memory of those who have been killed by resolving to act—not just with words, but with deeds. Let us build a future where our people are safe, our land is protected, and our dignity is restored.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Nagaan haa jabaatu!
This reflection is dedicated to the innocent Oromo farmers who have lost their lives, and to all those who are determined to build a future of peace, justice, and security for our people.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali Celebrates the Energy and Potential of Young Ethiopians
By Abdi Milkessa
(Finfinne, 12 August 2026) -Ethiopia’s youth are not just the leaders of tomorrow—they are the architects of today. With the country’s demographic composition showing that young people make up the largest segment of the population, this is not merely a statistic—it is a tremendous opportunity to secure prosperity and lasting development for the nation.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali has called on the youth to be the engine of change, the driving force behind transformation, and the solid pillars of Ethiopia’s sovereignty.
The Youth: A Force for Positive Change
In a recent message, the Prime Minister emphasized that Ethiopian youth are guided by noble goals and a clear vision for the future. They are the primary motor of transformation in our society—the unshakable pillars upon which the nation’s sovereignty rests.
Today’s youth are writing a new chapter in the history of Ethiopia. They have turned away from harmful legacies of the past—unproductive traditions, unnecessary rivalries, and destructive conflicts. Instead, they are focusing on development, progress, and the fight against poverty.
A Government Committed to Youth Empowerment
The “Prosperity Party” government is working with dedication and commitment to strengthen the comprehensive participation of youth in all spheres of life. The role of youth in leadership and decision-making is being reinforced, recognizing that the future of Ethiopia depends on the active engagement of its young people.
Key priorities include ensuring equal opportunities for all young people, strengthening youth leadership roles in governance and society, promoting comprehensive participation in economic, social, and political life, and building a nation where young people can thrive and contribute fully.
A Call to Action: Building Our National Vision Together
The Prime Minister has called upon all youth to engage actively in the development of our nation, to work with love and dedication for the prosperity of Ethiopia, to reject division and conflict while embracing unity and progress, and to embrace innovation and creativity to build a brighter future.
Conclusion: The Youth Are Our Hope
Ethiopia’s youth are the heartbeat of the nation, the hope of the future, and the strength of the present. Their energy, creativity, and commitment will shape the destiny of our people for generations to come.
Ethiopia Prevails!
Youth is Power!
Change is Now!
This feature article is dedicated to all the youth of Ethiopia—the architects of a brighter future!
The Spark That Lit a Fire: The Macha-Tulama Association and the Birth of Modern Oromo Consciousness
By Our Senior Correspondent
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In the early 1960s, Ethiopia was a nation of silence. Political parties were banned. Open dissent was crushed. The empire of Haile Selassie I, with its ancient Amharic-speaking elite, governed through a system of centralized control that left little room for the voices of its largest ethnic group—the Oromo.
Yet, in the cramped offices of Addis Ababa, three small self-help groups began to meet. The Jibat and Macha, the Metta Robii, and the Tulama Shawa associations had been formed to provide modest social relief to Oromo communities. But in 1963, these three organizations merged into something far more significant. They became the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association—Waldaa Wal-gargaarsa Maccaa fi Tuulamaa—and in doing so, they ignited a fire that would reshape Oromo history forever.
A Name That United a People
The association took its name from two of the major Borana Oromo clans: Machaa and Tulema. But its vision was far broader than any single clan. It was designed to embrace all Oromos, irrespective of religion or region, and even welcomed non-Oromo nationalities who accepted its objectives. Its founders were a remarkable group: Hail Mariam Gamada, a lawyer; Alemu Qixxeesa, a retired colonel; Mamo Mezemer; and others who had been educated in the imperial system but had “subsequently rediscovered their culture”.
The most prominent leader was Tadesse Birru, a former general in the Ethiopian police force and territorial army. A Shewa Oromo who had been fully integrated into Amhara culture, his Oromo origins were not apparent to many until he began to champion the cause of his people. His conversion was a powerful symbol: a man who had risen to the highest ranks of the imperial establishment, turning his back on privilege to fight for his own people.
Two Levels of Purpose
The association operated on two distinct levels. The first was practical and visible: it built schools, health clinics, roads, and water supplies across Oromia. It constructed churches and mosques for believers who had none. It provided financial and legal assistance for the disabled and unemployed.
But the second objective was political—and far more dangerous. In an era when political parties were forbidden, the Macha-Tulama Association became a vehicle for Oromo nationalism. It was the first movement to articulate Oromo grievances in a public, organized manner. It championed “the social, educational, cultural and political rights of the Oromo people”. It politicized the masses and, through its dynamic Youth Wing, produced revolutionary literature that circulated underground. Its very existence marked “the public rise of Oromo nationalism”.
The Threat to Empire
The association’s rapid growth was breathtaking. At its height, it claimed as many as 200,000 members. It expanded “very rapidly all over Oromiyaa as a Pan-Oromo movement”. It was most successful in the south, particularly in Arsi, where Oromos had been relegated to the status of tenants on their own land after being conquered by Menelik’s forces.
For the imperial government, this was an existential threat. The Ethiopian state accused the association of committing “acts of terror” in an effort to suppress the developing Oromo National Movement. The repression was swift and brutal.
The Crackdown
In 1966, the Macha-Tulama Association was banned. Its leaders were arrested, imprisoned, and some were executed. Tadesse Birru, Mamo Mezemir, Alemu Kitessa, and others were imprisoned and killed for their humanitarian and political activities. The association was banned during the imperial regime, again under the Derg, and once more in 2011 under the EPRDF regime. It was accused of “threatening Ethiopia’s unity—an unfounded claim,” according to its current president.
Yet the organization refused to die. It survived underground, and its members continued to organize. The suppression of the Macha-Tulama Association became “an immediate reason for the birth of” a more militant organization. In 1974, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was formed, largely from the underground cells of the Macha-Tulama Association.
A Legacy That Endures
Today, the Macha-Tulama Association—now officially known as the Mecha and Tulema Self-Help Association—continues its work. It regained its legal status in 2019. It celebrated its 60th anniversary in 2024, a testament to its resilience.
Its current president, Diribi Damuse, has outlined the association’s ongoing humanitarian efforts: supporting internally displaced people from Western Oromia, assisting those affected by drought in Borena and Guji, and providing aid to university students and Abba Gada leaders. The association, he emphasized, “has united members from diverse backgrounds, including military, students, intellectuals, and grassroots, including non-Oromo members from Wolayita, Sidama, and other ethnic groups”.
The Unfinished Struggle
The Macha-Tulama Association’s place in Oromo history is secure. It was the first organized, mass-based expression of Oromo identity in the modern era. It bridged the gap between the rural peasantry and the urban intelligentsia. It laid the groundwork for every Oromo political movement that followed.
But its story is also a warning. The association was banned not because it committed violence, but because it united a people. Its leaders were killed not for crimes, but for the crime of demanding dignity. The imperial state, and every regime that followed, understood that a united Oromo people was a threat to centralized power.
As the association continues its work—building schools, feeding the hungry, preserving culture—it carries with it the memory of those who gave their lives. Mamo Mezemir, Tadesse Birru, Alemu Kitessa, and so many others are not just names in a history book. They are the foundation upon which modern Oromo consciousness was built.
The Macha-Tulama Association was the spark. The fire it lit continues to burn.
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Sources: UNHCR Refugee Review Tribunal; Canada Immigration and Refugee Board; Addis Standard; Wikipedia; AfricaBib; Taylor & Francis; Advocacy for Oromia.
The Hour of Need: Forging a Resilient Future for Oromia and Its People
By Maatii Sabaa
The air in Oromia is heavy with a sense of urgency. Across the region and its surrounding areas, a silent tremor of concern is reverberating through the hearts of its people. We are witnessing a pivotal moment in our history, a time fraught with challenges that test the very fabric of our society. The question is no longer if we will act, but when—and how boldly.
As we look at the current state of affairs, it is impossible to ignore the profound anxieties that grip our communities. The safety net that once held our families together is fraying under the weight of economic strain, environmental upheaval, and political instability. We are, to put it plainly, standing on the precipice of a great ordeal. The need for a unified, robust, and relentless response—a determined stand against the tide of adversity—has never been more critical.
This is not merely a time for sorrow; it is a time for strategy. The path forward is not found in despair, but in the deliberate construction of a new paradigm. We must build a fortress of resilience, brick by brick, institution by institution. It is through the creation of resilient systems—in agriculture, education, and governance—that we can effectively combat the crises that threaten to overwhelm us. We need a “fala/ gaachanaa” (shield) that is not just reactive but proactive, designed to protect the most vulnerable and secure the borders of our collective future.
Yet, the ultimate shield for Oromia is not made of steel or stone; it is made of the mind and spirit of its youth. The young men and women of this generation are the architects of tomorrow. To leave them untrained, unmotivated, or disconnected is to invite disaster. Our imperative is clear: we must educate, energize, and organize the Oromo youth.
This is more than a call to action; it is a call to transformation. We must transform our schools into crucibles of critical thinking, our communities into hubs of entrepreneurial energy, and our political spaces into arenas of constructive dialogue. By doing so, we ensure that our youth do not become victims of circumstance, but rather, become the standard-bearers of a proud heritage. They must become the vanguard that carries the torch of Oromia forward, ready to stand as “gaachana” (champions) for their land and their people.
It is a saddening truth that the heritage of the Oromo people—a legacy of resilience, democracy, and cultural richness—is at risk of being eroded. We are custodians of a “Dhaloota qaroo” (a heritage of value), a distinct identity that has survived for millennia. To protect this inheritance is to diversify it; to bring in new voices, new ideas, and new energy. We must ensure that the narrative of our people is written not by our oppressors, but by our own hands, in our own words.
The time for deliberation is over. The foundations of a new era must be laid today. It is not enough to hope for a brighter tomorrow; we must labor for it. Starting today, we must commit to the arduous but noble task of rebuilding. Starting today, we must bridge the divides that separate us. Starting today, we must empower the next generation to take the helm.
The challenges are great, but the spirit of Oromia is greater. Let us meet this moment with the courage it demands. The hour of need is upon us, but it is also an hour of opportunity. Let us rise, unite, and forge a destiny worthy of the sacrifices of our ancestors and the dreams of our children.
The time to start is now.
Legal Foundations of Finfinne’s Special Status: A Review of Federal and Regional Laws
Examining the Constitutional and Statutory Provisions Recognizing Oromia’s Special Interest in the Capital
By Dhabessa Wakjira
(Melbourne-11 August 2026) The question of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is not merely a matter of political debate or historical narrative. It is also a matter of law. Over the past four decades, a series of federal and regional legal instruments have recognized and codified the unique relationship between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital.
From the transitional period following the fall of the Derg to the present day, Ethiopian law has acknowledged that Finfinne, by virtue of its location within the State of Oromia, gives rise to a “special interest” for Oromia—an interest that encompasses social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters . This legal framework, while contested in its implementation, provides a constitutional foundation for the Oromo people’s claim to their historical capital.
Federal Legal Instruments: The Constitutional and Statutory Framework
A. Proclamation No. 7/1984: Establishing National Regional Self-Governments
The legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne predates the 1995 Constitution. In the transitional period following the fall of the Derg regime, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia enacted Proclamation No. 7/1984 to establish National Regional Self-Governments.
Article 3(1) of this proclamation identified the Oromo people as one of the nations, nationalities, and peoples entitled to establish a regional self-government, designated as “Region 4.” Critically, Article 3(4) of the proclamation stated that the “special national interests and political rights of Oromo” over Harari (Region 13) and Addis Ababa (Region 14) would be protected .
This provision represented the first formal legal acknowledgment of Oromia’s special claim over the capital following the collapse of the unitary state. It recognized that the city’s location within Oromia created a unique relationship that could not be ignored, even as the city was designated as a separate administrative entity.
B. The FDRE Constitution, Article 49(5): The Constitutional Recognition
The most significant legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is enshrined in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution, adopted in 1995.
Article 49(5) states:
“The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa, regarding the provision of social services or the utilization of natural resources and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Ababa within the State of Oromia, shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.”
This provision was the product of extensive debate during the Constitutional Assembly. The legislative history reveals that the Oromo representatives argued for the inclusion of this clause on several grounds:
- Geographical reality: Finfinne is located within the State of Oromia.
- Historical connection: The city was established on Oromo land and is the heart of Oromia.
- Practical necessity: The city’s expansion affects surrounding Oromo farming communities.
- Constitutional identity: The city serves as Oromia’s capital and is deeply connected to Oromo identity .
The clause was approved with 507 votes in favour and only 6 against, demonstrating broad consensus on the principle of Oromia’s special interest.
C. Addis Ababa City Administration Charter Proclamation No. 87/1989
The first charter for the Addis Ababa City Administration, Proclamation No. 87/1989, provided detailed provisions on the relationship between the city and Oromia.
Article 33 of this proclamation established four key elements of Oromia’s special interest:
- Boundary Determination: The city’s boundary shall be delimited jointly by the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government.
- Seat of Government: The Oromia Regional Government has the right to establish its seat in Addis Ababa.
- Access to Services: Social services provided by the City Administration to Addis Ababa residents shall also be accessible to residents of neighbouring Oromia communities, who shall be entitled to benefit from those services on an equal footing.
- Consultation on Development: The City Administration shall undertake development activities affecting Oromia only in consultation and agreement with the Oromia Regional Government.
This charter represented a significant legal acknowledgment of the practical interdependence between the city and its surrounding region .
D. Amended City Charter Proclamation No. 311/1995 and No. 361/1995
Subsequent amendments to the City Charter, including Proclamation No. 311/1995 and Proclamation No. 361/1995, modified the framework for the relationship between the city and Oromia.
Article 62 of these proclamations, concerning the relationship between the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government, provided that:
- The City Administration shall maintain a relationship based on fruitful cooperation with Oromia.
- In accordance with Article 49(5) of the Constitution, Oromia’s interest shall be respected. The particulars shall be determined by agreement between the City Administration and the Regional Government or by a law enacted by the House of Peoples’ Representatives.
Article 5 of these proclamations, concerning the city’s boundaries, departed from the earlier charter. It provided that the boundary shall be delimited by agreement between the City Administration and Oromia or pursuant to the decision of the Federal Government—a provision that allowed for federal determination of boundaries without necessarily requiring the consent of the Oromia Regional Government .
This shift represented a legal narrowing of Oromia’s special interest compared to the 1989 charter, a development that has been a source of ongoing tension.
Regional Legal Instruments: The Oromia Constitutional Framework
A. The Oromia Transitional Constitution (1984)
The first constitution of the Oromia National Regional State, enacted in 1984 through Proclamation No. 2/1985, established the fundamental identity of the region.
This historic document, adopted by the newly established Oromia Council following popular elections, declared:
- Article 55: The name of the region shall be Oromia.
- Article 57: The working language of the region shall be Afaan Oromoo, written in the Latin script.
- Article 58: The capital city of the region shall be Finfinne.
This constitution represented the first formal assertion of Oromo self-governance and affirmed Finfinne as the heart of Oromia.
B. The Oromia Constitution (1987)
The second Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 1/1987, reaffirmed the region’s identity and capital following the transition to a civilian government.
Article 6 of this constitution confirmed that Finfinne is the capital city of the Oromia Regional State, maintaining the continuity of the region’s constitutional identity.
C. The Amended Oromia Constitution (1994) and Proclamation No. 94/1997
The third Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 46/1994 following the political reforms of 1993, introduced a significant change: Article 6 declared that the capital of Oromia would be Adama.
This change was made following Proclamation No. 35/1992, which had designated Adama as Oromia’s capital effective July 1992. However, this decision was met with widespread public opposition and protest.
Following the 1997 elections, the Oromia Regional Government, responding to popular demand, returned its seat to Finfinne without preconditions. Subsequently, Proclamation No. 94/1997, adopted by the Oromia Council, amended the constitution to restore Finfinne as the capital of Oromia.
Article 2(3) of this proclamation formally declared that the capital of Oromia shall be Finfinne, reversing the 1994 amendment. This decision reflected the deep historical and cultural connection between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital .
The Ongoing Debate: Implementation and Contestation
While the legal framework recognizing Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is well-established, its implementation has been a source of persistent tension.
The Special Interest Council
The draft proclamation on Oromia’s special interest in Addis Ababa contemplates the establishment of a Joint Council composed of delegates from both the City Government and Oromia Regional State . However, legal experts have noted shortcomings in the draft, including the postponement of determining key details such as the number of members, structure, mandates, and tenure—matters that should be clearly defined in the establishing legislation .
The 2014 Master Plan Controversy
The 2014 Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan, which proposed expanding the city’s boundaries by 1.1 million hectares into surrounding Oromia districts, ignited widespread protests and led to hundreds of deaths. Critics argued that the plan was centrally imposed without prior consultation or participation of the Oromia Regional Government, in violation of constitutional principles .
The Failure to Fully Implement Article 49(5)
Legal commentators have noted that the concept of “special interest” was intended to imply a form of ownership and the immunity of the Oromo people from eviction from the city . However, successive federal governments have been accused of failing to implement the constitutional provision meaningfully, instead pursuing policies that marginalize Oromo communities in and around the capital .
Conclusion: A Legal Framework Awaiting Implementation
The legal instruments examined in this article reveal a consistent pattern: from the transitional period to the present day, Ethiopian law has recognized Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne. The FDRE Constitution, the City Charters, and the Oromia Constitutions all acknowledge the unique relationship between the city and the region that surrounds it.
However, legal recognition alone is insufficient. The gap between the law on paper and its implementation in practice has been a source of ongoing tension and conflict. The failure to fully implement Article 49(5), the controversies over boundary expansions, and the inadequate representation of Oromo interests in the governance of the capital have all contributed to the perception that Oromia’s constitutional rights are being violated.
The path forward lies in the genuine implementation of the constitutional and legal framework—through joint administrative mechanisms, meaningful consultation, and the protection of Oromo communities affected by the city’s expansion. As one legal commentator has noted: “The concept of special interest entered the Ethiopian legal lexicon to ensure that the Oromo people, whose land was taken to establish the capital, would not be excluded from the benefits of the city’s existence” . Fulfilling this vision requires not only legal recognition but also political will.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Seerri haa raawwatamu!
This feature article is based on a review of federal and regional legal instruments and is dedicated to all those who seek the full implementation of Oromia’s constitutional rights in Finfinne.
For the Cause of Finfinne: Entering Finfinne Itself Is Better Than Entering the Forest
A Reflection on Strategy, Presence, and the Path Forward for Oromo Liberation
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the long and arduous struggle for Oromo liberation, the question of strategy has always been central. For decades, the Oromo people have employed various methods of resistance—armed struggle in the forests, political advocacy in the diaspora, and mass protests in the streets. Each has its place and its purpose. But there is a principle that deserves careful consideration:
“Dhimma Finfinneetiif bosona seenuu caalaa Finfinneedhuma seenuutu karaa filatamaadha.”
“For the cause of Finfinne, entering Finfinne itself is better than entering the forest.”
This is not a dismissal of armed struggle or the sacrifices made by those who have fought in the forests. It is a strategic reflection on the nature of the struggle for Finfinne and the most effective means of achieving justice for the Oromo people’s ancestral capital.
The Significance of Finfinne
Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is not just any city. It is the historical and spiritual heart of the Oromo people. It is the place where the Oromo people lived for generations before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire. It is the site of their cultural heritage, the cradle of their language, and the symbol of their historical presence in the region.
For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not a bargaining chip. It is not a political football to be kicked around by competing interests. It is their ancestral homeland, and their connection to it is inseparable from their identity.
The struggle for Finfinne is therefore not just a political struggle—it is a struggle for the very soul of the Oromo nation. It is a struggle for recognition, for justice, and for the restoration of a people’s connection to their land.
The Forest and the City: Two Strategies
Historically, the Oromo liberation movement has employed two primary strategies: armed struggle in the forests and political organizing in the cities. Both have their strengths and limitations.
The Forest Strategy
Armed struggle has been a vital part of the Oromo resistance. The Oromo Liberation Army (WBO) has fought bravely against successive Ethiopian regimes, and their sacrifices have inspired generations. The forest has been a sanctuary for those who could not operate openly, a place where resistance could be sustained even in the darkest times.
However, the forest strategy has limitations. It is physically demanding, resource-intensive, and often results in heavy casualties. It can also be geographically remote from the centers of political power, limiting its direct impact on urban populations and decision-makers.
The City Strategy
The city strategy—entering Finfinne itself—offers a different approach. It recognizes that the struggle for Finfinne cannot be won solely in the forests. It must be waged in the city itself, among its residents, in its institutions, and in its political life.
Entering Finfinne means:
- Building a presence in the city’s political and civic institutions
- Organizing communities within the city
- Advocating for Oromo rights in the urban space
- Challenging the narrative that denies Oromo history
- Demanding recognition of Finfinne’s Oromo heritage
- Participating in governance to shape the city’s future
This strategy recognizes that Finfinne is not just a piece of land to be claimed from the outside—it is a living city with millions of residents, a complex political landscape, and a role as Ethiopia’s capital. Engaging with the city directly is essential for achieving justice.
Why Entering Finfinne Matters
1. Presence Is Power
In politics, presence is power. If the Oromo people are absent from Finfinne’s political and civic life, their voice will not be heard. Entering Finfinne means being present where decisions are made, where policies are shaped, and where the future of the city is determined.
2. The City Is the Symbol
Finfinne is not just a city—it is a symbol. It is the symbol of Oromo dispossession and the symbol of Oromo resistance. To enter Finfinne is to reclaim that symbol. It is to assert that the Oromo people have a rightful place in their ancestral capital.
3. The City Is the Center of Power
Finfinne is the seat of the Ethiopian government, the African Union, and numerous diplomatic missions. It is the center of political and economic power in Ethiopia. To influence the future of Finfinne, the Oromo people must be present at the center of that power.
4. The City Is a Space for Organizing
Finfinne is home to millions of people, including a significant Oromo population. It is a space for organizing, for building alliances, and for creating a movement that can effect change from within. By entering Finfinne, the Oromo people can build a movement that is rooted in the city itself.
5. The City Is the Future
The future of Finfinne will be shaped by those who are present in the city. If the Oromo people are absent, others will shape that future. Entering Finfinne ensures that the Oromo people have a say in what that future looks like.
The Path Forward
The principle that “entering Finfinne is better than entering the forest” is not a rejection of armed struggle. It is a call to recognize that the struggle for Finfinne must be waged on multiple fronts. It must include:
- Political organizing in the city
- Advocacy for Oromo rights in national and international forums
- Legal action to challenge unjust policies
- Cultural preservation to maintain Oromo heritage in the city
- Economic empowerment to build Oromo prosperity
- Public awareness to educate residents about Finfinne’s history
- Participation in governance to shape the city’s future
This multi-front approach recognizes that the struggle for Finfinne is not just about the past—it is about the present and the future. It is about ensuring that the Oromo people have a rightful place in their ancestral capital and that the city reflects the diversity and history of the Oromo nation.
A Call to Action
The time has come for the Oromo people to enter Finfinne—not as visitors, but as participants. Not as outsiders, but as rightful inhabitants. Not as supplicants, but as citizens with equal rights.
Entering Finfinne means:
- Registering to vote in the city’s elections
- Participating in civic organizations that shape the city’s life
- Advocating for Oromo rights in the city’s institutions
- Building businesses that create jobs and prosperity
- Educating residents about Finfinne’s Oromo history
- Demanding recognition of Oromo heritage in the city’s public spaces
This is not an easy path. It requires patience, persistence, and courage. But it is a path that offers a real chance for lasting change.
Conclusion: A New Chapter in the Struggle
The Oromo people have fought for Finfinne for generations. They have sacrificed their lives, their freedom, and their dreams. They have entered the forests, faced the guns, and endured the prisons. But the struggle is not over.
“Dhimma Finfinneetiif bosona seenuu caalaa Finfinneedhuma seenuutu karaa filatamaadha.”
“For the cause of Finfinne, entering Finfinne itself is better than entering the forest.”
This is a call to a new chapter in the struggle—a chapter of presence, participation, and engagement. A chapter where the Oromo people enter the city they love and claim their rightful place in it.
Let us enter Finfinne. Let us build a future where the Oromo people are recognized, respected, and empowered in their ancestral capital. Let us create a city that reflects the beauty, diversity, and resilience of the Oromo nation.
Finfinne is Oromo.
Entering Finfinne is the path forward.
The struggle continues.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Finfinnee haa seennu!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who have fought for Finfinne and to those who will continue the struggle in the city itself—the heart of the Oromo nation.
