Category Archives: SBO
Four Decades of Scholarship, One Enduring Legacy: The Oromo Studies Association at 40
From Exile to Global Recognition — How a Diaspora Institution Reclaimed a People’s History
By Dhabessa Wakjira
The year was 1986. In meeting rooms scattered across the diaspora, in the United States and Europe, a small group of Oromo and non-Oromo scholars gathered with a radical idea . They would build an independent academic home for the study of a people whose history, culture, and very existence had been systematically erased from mainstream scholarship. They would create a space where knowledge about the Oromo could be produced not by outsiders, but on its own terms.
They called it the Oromo Studies Association .
Four decades later, that audacious dream has become something far greater than its founders could have imagined. As the OSA marks its 40th anniversary in 2026, it stands as a global scholarly community spanning continents and disciplines—a testament to the power of knowledge as a form of justice.
The Birth of a Movement: Founding in Exile
The OSA was not born in a vacuum. It was founded in direct response to a crackdown that had led to those campaigning for greater recognition of the Oromo people being murdered, tortured, jailed, or driven out of the country. The founding was a response to a void—a void in which Oromo heritage was not merely absent from academia and state narratives but actively suppressed.
Under successive Ethiopian regimes, the Oromo—despite being the largest ethnolinguistic group in Ethiopia, numbering over 40 million people across the Horn of Africa—were systematically marginalized. They were deprived of their expropriated lands, their freedom through enslavement, their identity, and even the right to speak their own language. In Ethiopia, the history of the Oromo people was effectively written out of the national narrative.
Among the founders was Sisai Ibssa, a scholar-activist whose intellectual journey shaped the trajectory of Oromo studies for decades. Reflecting on the early days, one founding figure recalled attending an international Oromo conference in Berlin in 1984—”It was then that we started to think about organizing an Oromo studies association. A few years later, OSA was formally organized” .
Another towering figure was Professor Asmarom Legesse, whose landmark work Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society (1973) brought the Oromo democratic system to international scholarly attention. Legesse passed away on January 31, 2026, just weeks before OSA’s 40th anniversary year—a loss deeply felt by the community he helped build.
A Full Gadaa Cycle: 40 Years of Scholarship
In Oromo tradition, the Gadaa system operates on eight-year cycles, with a full generational transition spanning forty years. This year’s anniversary is therefore not merely a milestone—it is a symbolic completion of a full Gadaa cycle, representing generational renewal, continuity, and the orderly transfer of knowledge and responsibility.
The OSA’s work over these four decades has been nothing short of transformative:
Before OSA, Oromo heritage was systematically erased. The Oromo language, Afaan Oromoo—the third most widely spoken language in Africa—was banned in schools and public life until 1992, and students were punished for speaking it or using Oromo names. A state ideology of “Ethiopianism” promoted Orthodox Christianity, the Amharic language, and Abyssinian culture as the sole legitimate national identity.
After four decades of OSA scholarship, the Oromo Gadaa system—a millennia-old democratic governance structure based on generational age sets, egalitarian principles, and rotating leadership—has been recognized by UNESCO as part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity . Oromo studies is now a respected field in global academia. And the Journal of Oromo Studies, launched in 1993, has been indexed in Scopus—one of the world’s most prestigious academic databases.
The Journal of Oromo Studies: A Dream Come True
When the first issue of the Journal of Oromo Studies rolled off the presses in the summer of 1993, it was described as “a dream come true” . For scholars who had labored in obscurity, publishing in venues that often dismissed or distorted Oromo realities, the Journal offered something revolutionary: a platform where Oromo scholarship could stand on its own.
The first volume featured foundational essays by scholars like Asafa Jalata, whose work on “The Oromo, Change and Continuity in Ethiopian Politics” helped define the contours of a new field . Over the decades that followed, the Journal would publish research on everything from the Gadaa system to diaspora studies, from economic development to cultural preservation, from historical linguistics to contemporary politics.
Now fully open-access, the Journal publishes articles, research notes, and scholarly book reviews in both English and Afaan Oromoo, welcoming contributions from emerging and established scholars alike . The Journal’s entire archive—decades of scholarship—is now posted to the OSA website, making it available to anyone with an internet connection.
In June 2026, Scopus announced the addition of 242 new journals to its prestigious index. Among them was the Journal of Oromo Studies. For those unfamiliar with the world of academic publishing, Scopus indexing is the gold standard. It places JOS alongside publications from Springer, Elsevier, Wiley, and Cambridge University Press.
As Bonnie Holcomb, the Journal’s Editor-in-Chief, wrote to contributors and advisors: “This publication, and the indexing in Scopus, are notable achievements, all. We have come a long way together” .
Reclaiming Oromummaa: The Core of the Mission
Central to OSA’s four-decade effort is the concept of Oromummaa—a term embodying the collective values, institutions, and worldview of the Oromo people. Once dismissed, Oromummaa has been meticulously restored by OSA scholars through research that has redrawn the map of Horn of Africa studies.
The OSA’s scholarship has focused on three core institutions of Oromo indigenous democracy:
- The Gadaa System: A complex socio-political system featuring an eight-year leadership cycle, checks and balances, and principles of accountability and rule of law. Its global significance was recognized by UNESCO in 2016.
- Siinqee (Siiqee): A women’s institution that ensures gender balance and social justice .
- The Qaalluu: The spiritual authority maintaining harmony between society, nature, and the spiritual realm.
Together, these institutions embody values of democracy, peace (nagaa), and ecological stewardship that OSA argues offer lessons of “global relevance”.
Breaking the Silence: OSA in the Diaspora
For many years, the OSA could not hold its annual meetings on home ground. Meetings were held in the diaspora, usually in the United States. The Association promoted research and scholarship across the full range of Oromo studies, but the doors of Ethiopia remained closed.
Under successive regimes, protesting Oromo people were increasingly subject to widespread repression, arbitrary arrests, detention without charge, enforced disappearance, torture, and even death . Like all authoritarian regimes, the authorities sought to silence protesters, initially targeting intellectuals, journalists, and students. All exiles, international commentators, media representatives, and human rights movements were denied entry to the country—including the OSA.
The most significant change came in 2018 with the election of Dr. Abiy Ahmed, himself an Oromo, to the position of Prime Minister of Ethiopia. As one scholar observed: “He opened the doors of Ethiopia to the Oromo in exile, some of whom had not seen their homeland for 40 years or more, and whose children had never been allowed to set foot on Ethiopian soil“. Even the Oromo Liberation Front operatives were given the green light to fly back into the country.
The 2026 Conference: Honoring the Past, Investing in the Future
The OSA’s 40th Annual Conference, themed “Oromo on the Global Landscape: Honoring Asmarom Legesse as OSA Turns 40,” will be held July 31 – August 2, 2026, in Minneapolis, Minnesota .
The conference will bring together scholars, researchers, students, and community members from across the diaspora and the continent for three days of panels, roundtables, keynote addresses, and community dialogue . It will feature diaspora-connected parallel panels abroad, reflecting the conference’s commitment to centring Oromo communities wherever they are.
An opening night celebration will be held on Friday evening, July 31, at the Oromo Community Centre in Saint Paul—an evening of inspiration, culture, and community, featuring video greetings from former OSA presidents, cultural dance performances, live cultural music, and a delicious meal catered by Dilla Restaurant.
Challenges and the Road Ahead
This hard-won scholarly recognition is not without its challenges. The OSA has warned of “renewed attacks on Oromo scholars and scholarship” from actors seeking to “restore inequitable power relations” . These attacks have evolved from formal complaints accusing scholars of “hate speech” to coordinated social media campaigns that vilify Oromummaa itself as a dangerous ideology.
The OSA’s statement declares: “These attacks do not represent scholarly debate grounded in evidence. Rather, they reflect a politicized rejection of any scholarship that challenges centralized authoritarian narratives” . It draws a stark warning: “History demonstrates that vilification of a people’s identity is often a precursor to mass violence”.
Despite these challenges, the OSA remains committed to its mission. As the Association’s “Who We Are” page states: “We believe that knowledge is a form of justice“.
Conclusion: A Legacy Worth Celebrating
Forty years ago, a small group of exiled scholars dared to imagine a world in which Oromo knowledge was recognized as a contribution to the full breadth of human civilization. Today, that vision is reality .
The Journal of Oromo Studies, indexed in Scopus, stands as a monument to their courage and their persistence. The annual conference, now in its 40th year, brings together a global community of scholars and advocates. The website, with its full open-access archive, makes decades of scholarship available to anyone with an internet connection.
As Bonnie Holcomb wrote, with warmth that reflects decades of dedication: “Congratulations, one and all“.
The celebration is earned. The legacy is enduring. And the work continues.
The 40th Annual Conference of the Oromo Studies Association
July 31 – August 2, 2026
Augsburg University, Hagfors Center
Minneapolis, Minnesota
Details at www.oromostudies.org
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
OSA haa jabaattu!
Four decades of scholarship, community, and the enduring pursuit of justice for the Oromo people.
A Line Crossed: Ambassador Suleiman Dedefo Warns of Eritrea’s Grave Violation of Ethiopian Sovereignty
In the volatile landscape of the Horn of Africa, where alliances shift like desert sands and the embers of conflict never fully cool, a stark warning has been issued. Ambassador Suleiman Dedefo, Ethiopia’s top diplomat, has leveled a serious accusation against Eritrea: that it has committed a “grave violation” of Ethiopia’s sovereignty by sending an armed military delegation across their internationally recognized border into the Tigray region—without the consent of the Ethiopian government.
A Breach of Sovereign Borders
According to Ambassador Dedefo, Eritrea’s military delegation did not merely cross into Ethiopian territory; it was received by forces engaged in active military confrontation with the Ethiopian government—a “gang group” aligned with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). This, he argues, constitutes a direct and reckless act of alliance with a group waging war against Ethiopia.
“It is highly unusual and contrary to established principles of international law for an armed military delegation to cross the internationally recognized border of another sovereign state without the consent of its government,” Ambassador Dedefo stated, framing the incursion not as a diplomatic misstep but as a fundamental breach of the rules that govern relations between sovereign nations.
The Legal Framework: A Violation of the UN Charter
The Ambassador’s words carry the weight of international jurisprudence. Under the United Nations Charter and customary international law, the territorial integrity and political independence of sovereign states are inviolable. An armed incursion by one state into another, particularly to support an armed group hostile to the host government, is widely recognized as an act of aggression.
By receiving Eritrea’s military delegation in territory it does not control, the TPLF-aligned forces have, in Ambassador Dedefo’s view, effectively made Eritrea a party to the conflict. “This amounts to joining the war that TPLF is waging on Ethiopia,” he declared. Such an action erases any pretense of Eritrea acting as a neutral observer or a humanitarian partner—it positions Asmara as a belligerent.
A Reckless Alliance
The implications extend far beyond the battlefield. Ambassador Dedefo characterized Eritrea’s move as a “reckless act of alliance with a mercenary group” that jeopardizes not only Ethiopia’s sovereignty but also the stability of the entire region. In the Horn of Africa, where borders remain contested and historical grievances run deep, an act of this nature threatens to unravel the fragile peace.
By aligning with a group that the Ethiopian government has designated as hostile, Eritrea is gambling with regional security. The message sent to other nations in the region is deeply troubling: that borders can be crossed with impunity, and that external actors may choose sides in a neighbor’s internal conflict without consequence.
The Right to Self-Defense
Perhaps the most significant portion of Ambassador Dedefo’s statement is his assertion regarding Ethiopia’s legal recourse. “Such actions may give rise to Ethiopia’s rights under international law, including those recognized by the UN Charter,” he noted. He went further, stating unequivocally that “Eritrea becomes a legitimate target for any action that Ethiopia could take in self defense”.
This is not merely diplomatic rhetoric. Article 51 of the UN Charter enshrines the “inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs.” By framing Eritrea’s actions as an armed incursion in support of a hostile force, Ambassador Dedefo has laid the groundwork for a potential Ethiopian military response—one that would be legally justified under international law.
The Broader Context
Ambassador Suleiman Dedefo is no stranger to the complexities of Ethiopian diplomacy. Having served as Ethiopia’s ambassador to the United Arab Emirates and later as its top envoy to Somalia, he has been at the center of some of the region’s most sensitive negotiations. He has previously warned of external forces creating “political and strategic challenges” to Ethiopian interests and has been a vocal critic of those who threaten the nation’s sovereignty.
His latest warning comes at a time of heightened tensions in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has spoken of “correcting” the historic loss of Red Sea access, a statement that has drawn sharp criticism from Eritrea. Meanwhile, Egypt has deployed troops to Somalia, further complicating an already fraught regional dynamic. Into this cauldron of competing interests, Eritrea’s alleged military incursion adds a volatile new element.
A Line That Cannot Be Uncrosed
Ambassador Dedefo’s words are a clear signal: Ethiopia views Eritrea’s actions as an act of war. Whether this leads to direct military confrontation between the two neighbors remains to be seen. What is certain is that the diplomatic landscape of the Horn of Africa has shifted.
The international community now faces a critical test. Will it condemn Eritrea’s violation of Ethiopian sovereignty and call for de-escalation? Or will it remain silent, allowing the precedent of armed incursion to take root? Ambassador Dedefo has drawn a line in the sand—a line that, once crossed, may prove impossible to uncross.
As the region holds its breath, one thing is clear: the principle of sovereign borders, hard-won over centuries of international law and diplomacy, hangs in the balance. And Ethiopia, through the voice of its ambassador, has made it known that it will not stand idly by while that principle is trampled.
The Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association Speaks: Finfinne, Dirree Dhawaa, and the Unfinished Struggle for Oromo Justice
A Historic Statement on the National Dialogue, Colonial Atrocities, and the Demand for Recognition
By Daandii Ragabaa
In a powerful and historic statement, the Waldaan Walgargaarsa Misoomaa fi Hawaasummaa Maccaa Tuulamaa (Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association) has declared that the issue of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought before the national dialogue not as a genuine attempt at resolution, but as a deliberate effort to undermine and weaken the Oromo people.
The Association has asserted that the old wounds of the past—the wounds inflicted by the Menelik era—remain unhealed. And today, the same forces of dispossession and denial continue to operate, refusing to recognize Oromo rights and refusing to step back from the land that was stolen.
“The wound of Oromo is still not healed,” the Association declared. “Even today, we are witnessing the theft of our ancestral land.”
The Historical Atrocity: Menelik’s Genocide Against the Oromo
The Association’s statement took the Oromo people and the wider world back to a dark chapter in Ethiopian history—the era of Emperor Menelik, when the Oromo people were systematically dispossessed of their land, their dignity, and their lives.
“Menelik committed a great crime against the Oromo people when he separated Finfinne from its Oromo owners,” the Association stated.
The atrocities of that era are well-documented, but the Association has brought them into stark relief by naming specific victims and families who suffered under Menelik’s expansionist campaign:
- Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa was executed by hanging.
- His father, mother, and three children were killed in a brutal and inhumane manner.
- Qajeelaa Dooyyoo and Guraaraa Dooyyoo were also executed, along with their mother, in a similarly horrific fashion.
- Shubbuu Ejersoo had his hands and feet severed before being killed.
- Aaxalee Jaatanii was starved to death in detention—denied food until life was extinguished.
These were not random acts of violence. They were part of a systematic campaign to break the spirit of the Oromo people, to erase their presence from Finfinne, and to establish a new political order built on Oromo suffering.
The Association’s statement serves as a reminder that these crimes were not isolated incidents—they were part of a broader pattern of atrocity committed against the Oromo people who lived on the land now known as Finfinne.
The Legacy of Suffering: Three Generations of Pain
The Association declared that the suffering of the Oromo people over Finfinne has now spanned three generations. From the initial dispossession under Menelik, to the brutal repression under the Derg regime, and now to the present day—the Oromo people have paid a heavy price.
“During the Derg era, many Oromo paid a great price for Finfinne,” the Association stated. “Even today, the wound is still not healed.”
The Association raised a pointed and urgent question:
“As long as this truth exists on this earth, the question of ‘Whose Finfinne is it?’ will always be asked. What has brought us to this point?”
The answer, according to the Association, lies in the persistent refusal of successive Ethiopian regimes to acknowledge Oromo rights. The Association posed a direct challenge to the architects of this injustice:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land and their rights. How can you govern on someone else’s land? What right do you have to claim authority over people who do not belong to you? It would have been better for you to struggle for your own land rather than occupy ours.”
The National Dialogue: A Tool of Deception?
The Association expressed deep concern about the ongoing national dialogue and how the issues of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are being treated within it.
According to the Association, the dialogue is not being used as a genuine mechanism for reconciliation and justice. Instead, it is being manipulated to further marginalize the Oromo people and to legitimize the ongoing dispossession of Oromo land.
“The agenda of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought to the national dialogue to weaken the Oromo people,” the Association declared. “The old politics of the Abyssinian elite continues, refusing to step back from the land that rightfully belongs to Oromo.”
The Association emphasized that the ongoing process is not just disrespectful—it is a violation of basic rights and dignity. The Association described the current situation as “an insult that crosses all boundaries” and declared that “something that did not exist before has now arrived” —a reference to the unprecedented nature of the current assault on Oromo rights.
A Call to Resistance and Unity
In the face of these challenges, the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association issued a clear and urgent call to the Oromo people:
“The Oromo people have not yet paid the price that is required. We must fight.”
The Association’s call to action is not a call to violence—it is a call to resistance, to unity, and to the defense of Oromo rights through every legitimate means available. It is a call to refuse subjugation, to refuse silence, and to refuse to accept the theft of Oromo land as a settled fact.
The Association also addressed the issue of Dirree Dhawaa—the area that has become a symbol of Oromo resistance and a flashpoint of conflict. The Association’s declaration that Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are inseparable from the broader Oromo struggle serves as a reminder that these are not isolated issues—they are part of a continuous thread of resistance that stretches back over a century.
The Symbolism of Dirree Dhawaa
Dirree Dhawaa is more than just a piece of land—it is a symbol of Oromo resilience and a monument to the struggle for justice. It is the site where Oromo people have gathered to demand their rights, where they have faced brutal repression, and where they have continued to return in defiance of all efforts to silence them.
The Association’s statement linking Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa in the same breath is significant. It sends a clear message: the Oromo people will not accept piecemeal solutions. They will not accept partial recognition. They will not accept the suggestion that one part of their historical homeland can be compromised while another is defended.
Both Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are Oromo.
A Historical Challenge to the Ethiopian State
The Association’s statement is not just a declaration of grievance—it is a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Ethiopian state as it currently exists.
By raising the question “Whose Finfinne is it?” —and by insisting that Oromo people have the right to live on their own land with dignity, self-respect, and self-determination—the Association is questioning the foundational narrative upon which the Ethiopian state was built.
The Association’s demand is not for charity or concessions. It is for recognition of historical truth, for justice for past crimes, and for a future in which Oromo people are treated as equals in their own homeland.
The Path Forward: Recognition, Justice, and Peace
The Association’s statement concludes with a clear vision for what must happen:
The wounds of the past must be acknowledged. The atrocities committed against the Oromo people—from the Menelik era to the present—cannot be ignored or forgotten. They must be named, documented, and taught.
Justice must be pursued. Those who committed crimes against the Oromo people must be held accountable. This is not revenge—it is the foundation of lasting peace.
Oromo rights must be recognized. The Oromo people have the right to their land, their language, their culture, and their self-determination. This is not negotiable.
The national dialogue must be genuine. If the dialogue is to be meaningful, it must include a full and honest discussion of Finfinne, Dirree Dhawaa, and all the historical injustices suffered by the Oromo people.
Conclusion: The Struggle Continues
The statement of the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association is a powerful reminder that the struggle for Oromo justice is far from over. The wounds of the past remain open. The injustices of the present continue. And the future remains uncertain.
But one thing is clear: the Oromo people will not give up their land, their rights, or their dignity. They will continue to resist. They will continue to demand justice. And they will continue to remember the sacrifices of those who came before—from Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa to the thousands of unnamed Oromo who have given their lives for Finfinne and for Oromia.
As the Association stated:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land. This struggle has not ended—it continues. And it will continue until justice is done.”
Finfinne is Oromo.
Dirree Dhawaa is Oromo.
Oromia is Oromo.
The struggle continues.
For the memory of Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa, Qajeelaa Dooyyoo, Guraaraa Dooyyoo, Shubbuu Ejersoo, Aaxalee Jaatanii, and all the Oromo martyrs who gave their lives for the land.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Dirree Dhawaa haa jabaattu!
End.
Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo: The Pillars of Oromo Liberation and Their Global Reach
Honouring the Builders and Champions of the Oromo Struggle, and the Global Structure of the ABO
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In every liberation movement, there are those who carry the torch not for personal glory, but for the collective destiny of their people. They are the architects of consciousness, the builders of institutions, and the guardians of memory. They are Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo—the beloved pillars of the struggle—and Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions who have emerged from every corner of Oromia and the diaspora to advance the cause of Oromo liberation.
This is a tribute to them. And this is an exploration of the structure that unites them: the Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) —the Oromo Liberation Front—and its global reach across nations.
The Pillars: Who Are the Utubaa Qabsoo?
The term Utubaa Qabsoo—pillars of the struggle—is not a title given lightly. It is earned through sacrifice, through decades of commitment, and through an unwavering dedication to the Oromo people’s right to self-determination . These are the individuals who, in the darkest hours, refused to let the flame of liberation die.
One such pillar was Cawwaaqaa Yaaddessaa, a renowned Oromo singer and artist whose music became the soundtrack of the resistance. Through his songs, he chronicled the pain and the hope of the Oromo people, composing works that stirred the hearts of a generation . His compositions—such as “Eemmoo yaa guraale hoo dangashe”—became anthems of defiance, performed even when political gatherings were banned . He served as a pillar of the struggle through his art, demonstrating that cultural expression is a weapon of resistance as powerful as any gun .
Another pillar is Ustaaz Raayyaa Abbaa Maccaa, who transitioned from the armed struggle within the ABO to become a teacher of Islamic faith and a composer of spiritual songs (manzuumaa) that reinforced Oromo identity and resilience . He was part of the ABO in its early years, receiving military training at the 24th training camp in Harawaacaa, and fought in numerous battles . Even after being captured and imprisoned for a long time, he never abandoned the struggle; he continued to strengthen the Oromo people through his teachings and songs . His story is a testament to the fact that the pillars of the struggle exist not only on the battlefield but also in the realms of faith, culture, and education .
Baaroo Tumsaa stands as another foundational pillar. He is remembered as a key figure in building the Oromo movement in the 1970s, working to organize youth and establish the infrastructure that would eventually lead to the formal founding of the ABO . He played a crucial role in the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association and was instrumental in consolidating Oromo nationalism into a political force . His legacy is one of organization and vision, reminding us that liberation is built not just on passion but on structure.
The Champions: Jaallan Qabsoo and the Spirit of Resistance
Beyond the foundational pillars, there are the Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions of the struggle. These are the fighters, the activists, the community organizers, and the everyday people who have taken up the mantle of resistance in their own ways .
The Qeerroo youth movement is perhaps the most powerful contemporary embodiment of this spirit. In traditional Oromo culture, the term means “bachelor” or “youth,” but within the political movement, it symbolizes the Oromo struggle for increased political freedom and greater ethnic representation . The Qeerroo have emerged as a dynamic and fearless force, challenging the state and demanding justice .
The champions are also found in the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) —known in Oromo as Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBO) —the armed wing of the struggle . The OLA was formed in 1974 and has continued its armed resistance against successive Ethiopian regimes . Under the leadership of figures like Jaal Marroo (Kumsa Diriba), the OLA remains active in the Oromia Region, representing those who refused to disarm following the 2018 peace deal, skeptical of the government’s intentions .
The champions are also found in the diaspora—in Washington, D.C., Berlin, and other cities around the world, where the ABO maintains offices and radio stations that broadcast in Oromo and Amharic, keeping the spirit of resistance alive far from the homeland .
The ABO: Structure and Global Reach
The Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) —or the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)—is the political organization that unites these pillars and champions. It was founded in 1973 with the goal of promoting self-determination and independence for the Oromo people . Its structure has evolved over the decades, but its core mission remains unchanged: the total liberation of Oromia from what it characterizes as Ethiopian colonialism .
The ABO’s structure extends far beyond the borders of Oromia and Ethiopia. It has a significant diaspora presence, with offices in Washington, D.C., and Berlin . These offices serve as hubs for organizing, advocacy, and communication . They also operate radio stations that broadcast in both Amharic and Oromo, ensuring that the organization’s message reaches Oromo communities worldwide .
This global reach is critical. The ABO’s international structure allows it to advocate for the Oromo cause on the world stage, to build solidarity with other movements, and to sustain the struggle even when political space is closed inside Ethiopia . In a November 2025 position statement, the OLF declared that “the current regime has deliberately closed the political arena and obstructed the lawful activities of the Oromo Liberation Front” . In the face of such obstacles, the diaspora structure becomes even more vital as a space for organizing and resistance.
The Legacy of the Western Front: A Day of Sacrifice
The pillars and champions of the ABO are not abstract figures. They are real people who have paid the ultimate price for their commitment. The Western Front of the armed struggle serves as a powerful reminder of this sacrifice.
On April 15, 1980, the ABO appointed a new chairman in Shinnigga, marking a strategic decision to expand the armed struggle into the Western Front . The organization sent 17 commanders to ignite the resistance in the West. Their names—Daawud Ibsaa, Abbaa Caalaa Lataa, Jaal Tottoobaa Waaqwayyaa, and others—are etched in Oromo memory .
Tragically, these commanders were betrayed and poisoned by collaborators of the Derg regime in December 1981. Their deaths were a devastating blow to the movement . But their memory did not die. In 1985, the ABO leadership formally designated April 15 as Oromo Martyrs’ Day—a day to commemorate all those who have fallen in the struggle for Oromo liberation .
Today, April 15 is observed in the forests of Oromia and in diaspora communities around the world. It is a day of remembrance, of reflection, and of renewed commitment to the cause for which these pillars and champions gave their lives .
Unity, Truth, and the Path Forward
The struggle of the ABO has always been a struggle of self-reliance and truth. As senior ABO leader Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa emphasized in a recent consultative meeting with members: “If we are people of truth, our people will never abandon us under any circumstances. But if we are people of falsehood, even if we hold something, we will lose it” .
The leadership has also stressed that the work of building Oromia extends beyond Ethiopia’s borders . It is a task that belongs to Oromo people everywhere—in the villages of Oromia, in the refugee camps of Kenya, in the community centers of Europe and North America, and in the offices of the ABO in Washington and Berlin .
The unity of these diverse actors—the pillars, the champions, the diaspora, and the grassroots organizers—is the foundation of the Oromo liberation struggle. As another official, Jaal Yaasoo Kabbabaa Hordofa, declared: “OLF is the center of Oromo peace” . The organization calls on all Oromos to strengthen their resolve, to seize the opportunities that arise—such as the upcoming 7th round elections—and to never retreat into silence .
Conclusion: A Living Legacy
The story of the Oromo liberation struggle is not a history lesson; it is a living, breathing movement. It is embodied in the songs of Cawwaaqaa Yaaddessaa, the teachings of Ustaaz Raayyaa Abbaa Maccaa, the organizing of Baaroo Tumsaa, the sacrifice of the 17 commanders of the Western Front, and the tireless work of the ABO’s global network .
Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo—the beloved pillars—have built the foundation. Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions—continue to build upon it. And the ABO—in its structure, its global reach, and its unwavering commitment to the Oromo people—remains the vessel through which this struggle will achieve its destiny.
ABO haa waaru!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
This feature article is dedicated to all the pillars and champions of the Oromo liberation struggle—past, present, and future.
The Tenth Anniversary of the Grand Oromo Rally: A Defining Moment in the Struggle for Justice
Remembering August 6, 2016, and Its Enduring Legacy for Unity, Identity, and Transformation
By Daandii Ragabaa
When a people understand their history correctly, they are able to learn from past mistakes, draw strength from previous achievements, and chart a clearer course for the future. History is not merely a record of what has passed—it is a compass for what lies ahead. It is a teacher, a witness, and a foundation upon which the dreams of generations are built.
For this reason, the commemoration of the Grand Oromo Rally of August 6, 2016, occupies a significant and sacred place in the history of the Oromo struggle. It is not simply a date on a calendar. It is a milestone, a turning point, and a testament to the power of collective action. As the tenth anniversary approaches, it is time to reflect deeply on what that day meant, what it achieved, and what it continues to teach us today.
A Day That Shook the Nation
The Grand Oromo Rally of August 2016 was not a spontaneous outburst of anger. It was the culmination of years of sustained public mobilization—a peaceful yet powerful resistance against decades of systemic oppression, marginalization, and denial of basic rights. It was one of the largest and most widely recognized demonstrations ever organized across Oromia, drawing participation from every corner of the region.
What made this rally extraordinary was its sheer scale and simultaneity. On that day, Oromo people from all walks of life—young and old, men and women, urban and rural, educated and uneducated—rose together as one. They filled the streets not with weapons, but with voices. They carried not arms, but banners of justice. They demanded not revenge, but recognition.
The world watched. International media covered the events. Global human rights organizations took notice. The Oromo people, long silenced and ignored, had made their voices heard in a way that could no longer be dismissed. The rally became one of the most significant events to attract international attention to the Oromo cause.
More Than a Protest: A Turning Point in History
Although different perspectives exist regarding its causes, results, processes, and consequences, the Grand Oromo Rally is widely regarded as a defining event in both the political history of the Oromo movement and the modern political history of Ethiopia.
It was a moment when the Oromo people declared, with unmistakable clarity, that they would no longer accept invisibility. They would no longer accept the theft of their land. They would no longer accept the denial of their language, culture, and identity. They would no longer accept a political system that treated them as second-class citizens in their own homeland.
The events of that day laid an important foundation for the political changes that unfolded in 2018. The rally was a catalyst—a spark that ignited a broader movement for reform across the country. It demonstrated that when a people are united and determined, even the most entrenched systems of power can be challenged. It showed that peaceful resistance, when organized and sustained, can produce real change.
The Tenth Anniversary: More Than Remembrance
The tenth anniversary of the Grand Oromo Rally is more than a remembrance of a historical event. It is an opportunity—a vital and necessary opportunity—to learn from history, to recognize that today’s achievements were not attained easily, and to appreciate the value of unity and collective strength.
This commemoration serves multiple purposes:
First, it reinforces social cohesion. When a people gather to remember a shared struggle, they affirm their bonds to one another. They recognize that they are part of something larger than themselves.
Second, it educates younger generations. Many of those who will mark this anniversary were too young to participate in the events of 2016—or were not yet born. They must learn what happened, why it happened, and what it means for their future. The history of the Oromo struggle must not be forgotten, distorted, or erased.
Third, it creates space for constructive dialogue. Commemorations should not be occasions for division or recrimination. They should be opportunities for thoughtful discussion about addressing present and future challenges, for examining both achievements and shortcomings, and for building a peaceful, inclusive, and prosperous future.
The Power of Collective Participation
One of the defining characteristics of the Grand Oromo Rally was the remarkable level of collective public participation in confronting oppression. Regardless of age, gender, social status, or place of residence, Oromo people united at the same moment and participated in the historic protest with determination, shared purpose, and a strong sense of solidarity.
The enduring lesson from that experience is clear: unity is our greatest strength.
Standing together around common goals and shared interests, strengthening collective unity, building public trust, and fostering strong social bonds are essential for overcoming complex challenges. The rally taught us that dialogue and coordination play indispensable roles in achieving change.
However, sustaining unity requires effort. It requires respecting differences of opinion. It requires listening to one another. It requires maintaining continuous dialogue. Unity does not mean everyone must hold identical views. True unity means respecting differing opinions while working together toward common objectives. It means recognizing that agreement on common goals can coexist with different views regarding the methods of achieving them.
Lessons for the Present and Future
Political and social circumstances inevitably change over time. What worked yesterday may not work tomorrow. The challenges of today are not identical to those of 2016. Yet the lessons of that historic rally remain as relevant as ever.
Remembering our history helps us to avoid repeating past mistakes while preserving and building upon our strengths. It reminds us that:
- Difficult challenges are most effectively resolved through dialogue and mutual understanding.
- Agreement on common objectives can coexist with different views on methods.
- Differences of opinion should never be mistaken for hostility.
- Current generations must study the past through evidence-based research and objective historical inquiry.
The tenth anniversary is not an invitation to dwell in the past but to draw wisdom from it. It is a chance to critically examine both achievements and shortcomings, and to engage in thoughtful discussions about building a peaceful, inclusive, politically stable, and socially prosperous future.
Strengthening Identity and Social Solidarity
By remembering historic events such as the Grand Oromo Rally, the Oromo people strengthen both their collective identity and their social solidarity. Such remembrance plays a vital role in:
- Learning from history
- Honouring those who made sacrifices
- Preventing the repetition of past mistakes
- Passing historical knowledge to future generations
These commemorations should be inclusive of people with diverse viewpoints. They should promote mutual respect, reconciliation, and lasting peace within society. Although we may hold different political perspectives, sharing a common historical experience reminds us that unity remains essential both today and in addressing our common challenges in the future.
To sustain this spirit, it is important to continue commemorating collective events such as the Grand Rally every year. Annual commemoration ensures that the memory remains alive, that the lessons remain fresh, and that the unity forged in struggle remains strong.
A Call to Remember, Reflect, and Renew
As we approach the tenth anniversary of August 6, 2016, let us remember what that day meant. Let us honour those who stood firm in the face of oppression. Let us recognize the sacrifices that were made—the lives lost, the freedoms curtailed, the dreams deferred. Let us also celebrate what was achieved: a renewed sense of identity, a strengthened movement for justice, and a foundation for the political transformation that followed.
The commemoration of the Grand Oromo Rally should not merely be an occasion to remember the event. It should be an opportunity to draw lessons that strengthen unity, mutual trust, respect, and dialogue in order to address today’s and tomorrow’s challenges through peaceful means.
Above all, the greatest lesson it offers is the importance of working together toward shared goals and common interests, respecting differences of opinion, and learning from history to build a better future for all.
Conclusion: A Legacy for Generations
The Grand Oromo Rally of August 6, 2016, stands as one of the most remarkable demonstrations of broad-based Oromo public participation in history. It is remembered as an important foundation for the political transformation that followed in 2018. Its tenth anniversary is not just a date to mark on the calendar—it is a moment to reflect, to renew, and to recommit.
Therefore, commemorating the Grand Oromo Rally annually plays a vital role in strengthening Oromo identity, social cohesion, and unity while ensuring that an accurate understanding of history is passed on to future generations. It is through such remembrance that we honour the past, navigate the present, and build a future worthy of the sacrifices made.
The memory of August 6, 2016, lives on.
The spirit of unity endures.
The struggle for justice continues.
Oromo Qeerroo Union—forever united!
Gamtaa Qeerroo Oromoo—the strength of the people!
#Silencing_the_Gun_Among_Brothers
#Oromo_Qeerroo_Union
#Gamtaa_Qeerroo_Oromoo
August 6, 2026
ፊንፊኔ፦ የህልውና ጉዳይ እንጂ ተራ ጥያቄ አይደለም
የ150 ዓመት ቁስል፣ የ7ሺ ህይወት መስዋዕትነት፣ እና ዛሬው ወሳኝ ጊዜ
ጸሐፊ፦ ዳንዲ ረገባ
ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ፊንፊኔ ተራ የፖለቲካ ጉዳይ አይደለም። የከተማ ድንበር ጉዳይ አይደለም። የበጀት ድርሻ ወይም የአስተዳደር ክልል ጉዳይ አይደለም።
የህልውና ጉዳይ ነው።
ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ መታወቂያ፣ ክብር እና የወደፊት ተስፋ የተጠቃለለባት ከተማ ናት። እሷ ልብ ናት። እሷ ነፍስ ናት። እሷ መሠረት ናት። እናም ይህችን ልብ ለማውጣት የሚደረግ ማንኛውም ሙከራ፣ የህዝቡን ህልውና ራሱን ለማጥፋት የሚደረግ ጥረት ነው።
የታሪክ ጠባሳው፦ ከ150 ዓመት በላይ የፈወስ ቁስል
ዛሬ ፊንፊኔ ላይ የምናየው ቀውስ አዲስ አይደለም። የ150 ዓመት ዕድሜ ያለው የታሪክ ጠባሳ አካል ነው።
የአፄ ሚኒሊክ ሰራዊት ወደ ደቡብ ሲዘምት፣ ኦሮሞን ከመሬቱ አስወግዶ፣ መሬቱን በግዳጅ በመያዝ፣ እና የኦሮሞን ባህላዊ፣ ፖለቲካዊ እና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ስርዓት በማፈራረስ ላይ ነበር። ያ የመጀመሪያው ስብራት ነበር—በህዝብ፣ በመሬት እና በማንነት መካከል የተፈጠረ ጥልቅ ስብራት።
ይህ ስብራት አልተፈወሰም። ተሸፍኗል፣ ችላ ተብሏል፣ የተካደ ነው—ነገር ግን አልተፈወሰም። እና በየትውልዱ፣ ቁስሉ እንደገና ይከፈታል።
ቄሮ፦ ስብራቱን ለመጠገን የተነሳ ትውልድ
ከ150 ዓመታት በኋላ፣ አዲስ የኦሮሞ ትውልድ—የቄሮ ትውልድ—ጮክ ብሎ እና በማይሻር መልኩ ተነሳ።
ይህ ትውልድ ታሪኩን አውቆ ነበር። ስብራቱን ተሰምቶት ነበር። እና ህመሙን የበለጠ ለመሸከም ፈቃደኛ አልሆነም።
በዚያም ቄሮ ተነሳ—ለፍትህ፣ ለእውቅና፣ እና የተሰበረውን ለመጠገን። ለዚህ ትግል ከ7,000 በላይ ወጣቶች ህይወታቸውን ሰጥተዋል። 7,000 ህልሞች። 7,000 የወደፊት ጊዜዎች። 7,000 ነፍሳት በፍትህ መሠዊያ ላይ።
የቄሮ ንቅናቄ ለውጥ ብቻ አልነበረም—ትንሳኤ ነበር። ኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከእንግዲህ ዝም እንደማይል፣ ከእንግዲህ እንደማይጠብቅ፣ እና ከእንግዲህ እንደማይሸነፍ ለዓለም ያሳወቀ ትንሳኤ ነበር።
የተሰጠው ቃል እና የተሰበረው እምነት
የቄሮን ድል ተንተርሶ፣ የኢህአዴግ ክንፍ የሆነው ብልጽግና ፓርቲ ስልጣን ያዘ። ወደ ስልጣን ሲመጣ፣ ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ቃል ገባ፦ ጥያቄዎቹን አንድ በአንድ ቆጥሮ እመልሳለሁ።
ከእነዚህ ጥያቄዎች ዋናው ምን ነበር? የመሬት ባለቤትነት ማረጋገጥ። ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ አካል መሆኗን ማረጋገጥ። የተዘረፈው መመለሱን ማረጋገጥ። የተሰበረው መጠገኑን ማረጋገጥ።
ለስምንት ዓመታት፣ ኦሮሞ ህዝብ ጠበቀ። በቃሉ አመነ። ፍትህ በመጨረሻ እንደሚደርስ ተስፋ አደረገ።
ነገር ግን በስምንት ዓመታት ውስጥ፣ ያ ቃል ክህደት ሆነ።
ዛሬው ክህደት፦ ፊንፊኔን ለመንጠቅ የሚደረግ ሙከራ
ብልጽግና ፓርቲ አሁን “ምክክር” በሚባል ሂደት ፊንፊኔን ከኦሮሚያ ለመንጠቅ የመጨረሻ ውሳኔ ላይ ደርሷል።
የዚህ “ምክክር” መደምደሚያ ግልጽ ነው፦ ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ አይደለችም።
ይህ የአስተዳደር ለውጥ አይደለም። ይህ የፖሊሲ ማስተካከያ አይደለም። ይህ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ የሚደርስ ቀጥተኛ ጥቃት ነው።
ብልጽግና ፓርቲ የቄሮን ንቅናቄ ድል ተንተርሶ ስልጣን የያዘ ፓርቲ፣ አሁን ኦሮሞን ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ ለመስበር እየሞከረ ነው።
የመጀመሪያው ስብራት በሚኒሊክ ሰራዊት ነበር።
ሁለተኛው ስብራት በብልጽግና ፓርቲ እየተሞከረ ነው።
ዓላማው አንድ ነው፦ ኦሮሞን መሬቱን ማጥፋት፣ ማንነቱን መሰረዝ፣ እና ድምጹን ማፈን።
የመቋቋም ተፈጥሮአዊ መብት
ግን እዚህ ላይ ብልጽግና እና አጋሮቹ ሊረዱት ያቃታቸው እውነት አለ።
የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ራሱን የመከላከል ተፈጥሮአዊ መብት አለው።
ይህ መብት በሕግ የተሰጠ አይደለም—በሰብአዊነት የተሰጠ ነው። ይህ መብት በሰነድ የተረጋገጠ አይደለም—በህልውና የተረጋገጠ ነው።
ማንኛውም ህዝብ፣ ህልውናው ሲጠቃ፣ ራሱን የመከላከል መብት አለው። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከምንም ህዝብ ያነሰ አይደለም።
የፊንፊኔ ጉዳይ የመተዋወቅ ጉዳይ አይደለም—የህልውና ጉዳይ ነው። እና ህልውና የማይደራደር ነው።
የሚበራው ይበራል
ብልጽግና ፓርቲ የውሳኔ ሰነዶችን ሊያዘጋጅ ይችላል። ምክክር ሊጠራ ይችላል። ህጎችን ሊያወጣ ይችላል። ድንበሮችን እንደገና መሳል ይችላል።
ነገር ግን ወረቀት ላይ የሚጻፈው ነገር በህዝብ ልብ ውስጥ ያለውን እውነት ሊለውጥ አይችልም።
እና እውነቱ ይህ ነው፦ ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ዋና ከተማ ናት። ዘላለም የኦሮሚያ አካል ትሆናለች።
እንደ ጠዋት ፀሀይ ከምስራቅ እንደምትወጣ፣ እንደ ወንዝ ወደ ባህር እንደሚፈስ፣ እንደ ተራራ ሥሩን እንደማይተው—ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ አካል ናት። ይህ በሰነድ የሚሰጥ አይደለም፤ በታሪክ የተረጋገጠ ነው። በህግ የሚሰጥ አይደለም፤ በደም የተረጋገጠ ነው።
የሚበራው ይበራል እንጂ።
ጊዜያዊ ስልጣን ሊደበቅ ይችላል፣ ነገር ግን ፀሀይ ሁልጊዜ ታበራለች። የውሸት ድሎች ሊኖሩ ይችላሉ፣ ነገር ግን እውነት ሁልጊዜ ትወጣለች። ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ዋና ከተማ ሆና ትቀጥላለች—ምክንያቱም ህዝቡ እንደዚያ ስለሚያውቀው፣ ምክንያቱም ታሪክ እንደዚያ ስለሚመሰክር፣ እና ምክንያቱም ፍትህ እንደዚያ ስለሚጠይቅ።
ለህዝቡ የመጨረሻ መልዕክት
ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ በሙሉ፦
ታሪካችሁ ይታወቃል። ህመማችሁ ይታወቃል። ትግላችሁ ይታወቃል። የቄሮ ጀግኖች ህይወታቸው በከንቱ አልሞተም። መስዋዕትነታቸው እንደ ተስፋ ዘር በመሬት ላይ ተተክሏል። እና ያ ዘር አሁን እያበቀለ ነው።
ለአምባገነኖች አሳሳቢ ቃል፦
የኦሮሞን ህዝብ መንፈስ ሊያፈርሱ አይችሉም። የኦሮሞን ህልም ሊያጠፉ አይችሉም። የኦሮሞን ፍትህ ጥማት ሊያረኩ አይችሉም። ያህል ጊዜ ሞክራችሁ፣ ያህል ጊዜ ተሸንፋችኋል። እናም ዛሬም እንደገና ትሸነፋላችሁ።
ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ናት። ዘላለም የኦሮሚያ ትሆናለች። ይህ የማይለወጥ እውነት ነው—በደም የተጻፈ፣ በታሪክ የታተመ፣ እና በህዝቡ ፈቃድ የታሸገ።
የሚበራው ይበራል እንጂ። ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ዋና ከተማ ሆኖ ይቀጥላል!
ኦሮሚያ ትነግር!
ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ናት!
ዘላለም የኦሮሚያ ትሆናለች!
Finfinne: A City Built on Bones
The Unfinished Business of Justice and the Betrayal of Reconciliation
By Israel Soboka
There are some truths that cannot be buried, no matter how much time passes, no matter how many official narratives are crafted, no matter how loudly the powerful insist that we move on. One such truth lies beneath the bustling streets, the government buildings, and the ambitious infrastructure of Finfinne—a city whose very foundations are steeped in blood.
The city we now know as Finfinne was not established upon empty land, descending from the heavens like a divine gift. It was built through genocide. When the army of Emperor Menelik settled upon this land, they did not find a vacant wilderness waiting for civilisation. They found the Oromo people—indigenous, thriving, rooted in the soil for generations. And they systematically removed them.
This is the uncomfortable, unavoidable reality: Finfinne is a city built on the bones of the Oromo people.
The Promise of Reconciliation
For a brief moment, there was hope. Across Ethiopia, a national dialogue was convened—a conversation intended to heal the deep, festering wounds of centuries. The expectation was clear: this commission would acknowledge the genocide committed against the southern peoples of the country, including the atrocities carried out across Oromia. It would offer recognition, pave the way for apology, and lay the foundation for lasting peace through mutual understanding.
Hope flickered in the hearts of many. Perhaps, at long last, history would be confronted rather than concealed. Perhaps the victims and their descendants would receive the dignity of acknowledgment. Perhaps Ethiopia could finally begin the arduous work of genuine reconciliation.
But hope, as it so often does in the face of entrenched power, proved fragile.
The Commission That Became a Conspiracy
The National Dialogue Commission was not established to heal. It was hijacked.
Instead of becoming a vehicle for truth and forgiveness, it was commandeered by the familiar machinery of political manipulation—the same old games of Abyssinian elite politics that have, for generations, prioritised control over justice. Rather than laying the groundwork for peace, the commission has become a catalyst for further tension. Rather than addressing the historical grievances of the Oromo and southern peoples, it has provided cover for continued denial and evasion.
The most egregious betrayal? The attempt to sever Finfinne from Oromia entirely. This is not a policy debate; it is an existential assault. To detach Finfinne from its Oromo identity is to complete the genocide—to erase not just the people, but the very memory that this land ever belonged to them. It is an attempt to annihilate the foundation upon which peace could be built.
The commission was never meant to support the perpetrators of genocide against the Oromo and southern peoples. Yet that is precisely what it has become: a shield for the guilty and a dagger aimed at the heart of the victims.
The Wound That Will Not Heal
The scars of history are not to be smoothed over; they are to be acknowledged. A wound that is covered without being cleaned does not heal—it festers. And that is what is happening now. The commission, in its current form, is not addressing the historical wounds; it is picking at them, ensuring that they remain raw, infected, and painful for generations to come.
This is not reconciliation. This is provocation disguised as dialogue. This is manipulation masquerading as peace-building. And the people of Oromia see it for what it is.
A New Generation Awakens
But here is the truth that the architects of this betrayal have failed to understand: the new Oromo generation is not weak.
This is not a generation that will beg for its freedom. This is not a generation that will quietly accept the denial of its history or the theft of its land. This is not a generation that will wait for permission to claim its rights.
A new Oromo generation has emerged—one that knows its history, one that understands its power, and one that possesses the capacity to defend its rights. The Addis Ababa forces—the heirs of Menelik’s imperial project—must abandon their hope of subduing this generation. Their dreams of perpetual dominance are finished. Their expectations of subjugation are obsolete.
The Oromo people are no longer asking for permission. They are asserting their existence.
The Illegitimacy of the Commission
Let us be clear: the National Dialogue Commission does not speak for the Oromo people. It has no mandate. It holds no legitimate authority to represent the will, the pain, or the aspirations of the Oromo. It is a collection of individuals—unelected, unaccountable, and unworthy of trust—who have inserted themselves into a process they have no business steering.
They do not have the right to dictate the terms of a peace that they have no intention of honouring. They do not have the authority to decide the fate of a land and a people whose suffering they refuse to acknowledge. And they must not be permitted to disrupt the legitimate quest for justice under the guise of dialogue.
A Call to Action
The time for polite fiction is over. The time for empty gestures and meaningless commissions is over. The time for half-measures and hollow promises is over.
What is needed now is clear and unwavering:
Recognition. The genocide committed against the Oromo and southern peoples must be acknowledged—not in vague, diplomatic language, but in explicit, undeniable terms.
Justice. The perpetrators of these crimes, past and present, must be held accountable. No one is above the law, and no one is beyond the reach of history.
Restoration. The land that was stolen, the dignity that was stripped, and the future that was denied must be returned to the Oromo people.
Peace. But peace with justice, not peace built on the suppression of truth. Peace that honours the victims, not peace that erases them.
The Final Word
Finfinne is a city built on bones. But those bones are not silent. They cry out for recognition. They cry out for justice. And a new generation—proud, strong, and unyielding—has risen to answer their call.
The forces of denial and domination may cling to their power for a little while longer. But history is not on their side. Justice is not on their side. And the will of the Oromo people is not on their side.
The architects of genocide and their modern-day apologists can delay the reckoning. But they cannot stop it. The truth will out. The land will be reclaimed. And the city built on bones will, one day, be a city built on justice.
In solidarity with the Oromo people and all who refuse to let the dead be forgotten.
“A people without the knowledge of their past history, origin and culture is like a tree without roots.” — Marcus Garvey
Beyond the Direct Translation: Asebe Regassa’s Reflection on the True Meaning of Gabrummaa
By Maatii Sabaa
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In the wake of a recent interview with Biqilaa Amanuu, a storm of interpretation has swept through Oromo intellectual circles. The subject? A word that carries the weight of centuries: gabrummaa.
To the casual observer, the translation seems straightforward. “Slavery.” “Enslavement.” A direct, uncomplicated rendering into English that fits neatly into Western frameworks of oppression. But as Asebe Regassa provocatively argues, this superficial translation does profound violence to the concept’s true meaning—and, more critically, misdirects our understanding of what the Oromo struggle has always been about.
The Misinterpretation That Misses the Mark
Following the interview, many commentators rushed to frame the discussion within a familiar narrative: Oromos were sold as slaves under Menelik’s system. They wrote it boldly, confidently, reducing a complex historical reality to a single, devastating equation. And while the historical record does indeed document the exploitation of Oromo peoples during that period, Regassa insists that this framing fundamentally misunderstands both the nature of the system and the nature of the resistance.
“The history is true,” Regassa acknowledges, “but the struggle against gabrummaa and the system of gabrummaa is not that.”
What Regassa identifies is a dangerous reductionism—the tendency of both scholars and activists to reach for the most emotionally resonant translation without interrogating whether that translation captures the full scope of what gabrummaa actually represents. The result, as he notes, has been confusion and controversy among those who engaged with the interview.
Unpacking the Concept: More Than Chains and Whips
So what does gabrummaa truly mean?
Regassa is unequivocal: “Gabrummaa does not mean enslavement/slavery. Enslavement is only a rough and direct translation.”
Instead, gabrummaa encompasses something far more systematic and insidious—”subjugation, servitude, and being kept under the yoke of oppression.” This is not merely a semantic distinction. It is a fundamental reorientation of how we understand both historical injustice and contemporary struggle.
Slavery implies a particular legal and social status—the ownership of one human being by another. It conjures images of chains, auctions, and plantations. But gabrummaa speaks to an entire architecture of domination: political, economic, cultural, and psychological. It is a system designed not merely to exploit but to subjugate, to render entire peoples subordinate through structures that penetrate every aspect of existence.
The General’s Vision: Dismantling the System
General Waaqoo Guutuu’s powerful declaration illuminates this distinction: “Gabrummaa iddaan buqqifna yoo dadhabne ilmaan itti guddifna”—”We shall dismantle gabrummaa at its place; if we fail, we shall raise our children upon it.”
When Regassa interprets this statement, he insists: the General was not speaking of ending slavery in the narrow sense. He was speaking of dismantling an oppressive system—a comprehensive project that requires nothing less than decolonizing the entire structure of power to emancipate the people from such subjugation.
This is a revolutionary vision, not a reformist one. It recognizes that gabrummaa is not a historical aberration or a set of discrete injustices that can be addressed piecemeal. It is a total system that demands total transformation. To merely end chattel slavery while leaving the underlying structures of subjugation intact would be to mistake the symptom for the disease.
The Intellectual Burden
Regassa’s reflection carries a pointed challenge for those who study Oromo history and society: “Warri ogbarruu Oromoo qorattanimmoo yaada itti kennaa, ulfaadhaa!”—”For those who study Oromo affairs, pay attention to this: it is weighty!”
The weight he speaks of is both intellectual and ethical. It is the burden of getting it right—of refusing the easy translation that flattens complexity, of resisting the temptation to map Oromo experience onto Western categories of oppression that may not fully apply. It is the responsibility of scholars and commentators to engage with the full richness of Oromo concepts rather than reducing them to the most convenient English equivalent.
This is not academic navel-gazing. The distinction between slavery and subjugation has real-world implications for how movements organize, how demands are articulated, and how the ultimate goals of liberation are conceived. A movement that aims only to end slavery might fight for legal reforms. A movement that aims to dismantle gabrummaa must fight to transform everything.
A Call for Deeper Engagement
Regassa’s intervention is ultimately a call for deeper engagement—with language, with history, and with the lived experience of Oromo people across generations. It is a reminder that the most powerful concepts resist easy translation, that the struggle for liberation is not served by reaching for the most familiar vocabulary but by insisting on the specificity and integrity of Oromo thought.
The controversy sparked by the interview was, in Regassa’s analysis, born of this very failure—the attempt by both interviewer and subject to explain gabrummaa through its most superficial rendering, generating confusion among audiences who deserved better.
As Oromo intellectual traditions continue to develop and engage with global conversations about justice, liberation, and decolonization, Regassa’s reflection stands as a crucial reminder: the words we use matter. The translations we choose shape the struggles we imagine. And the most profound acts of resistance may begin not with protests or declarations, but with the patient, painstaking work of getting the meaning right.
Gabrummaa is not slavery. It is something more fundamental, more encompassing, and more challenging to uproot. And recognizing that distinction may be the first step toward the genuine emancipation that General Waaqoo Guutuu envisioned—the dismantling of the entire oppressive system, at its very place.
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This article draws from Asebe Regassa’s reflections on the meaning of gabrummaa and its implications for Oromo historical understanding and contemporary struggle.
Oromo Cultural Renaissance: Reviving Ancient Traditions and Strengthening Identity
President Shimelis Abdisa outlines the progress and vision of Oromia’s cultural revival, emphasizing the restoration of traditional institutions and the celebration of indigenous heritage.
ADAMA, OROMIYA — In a powerful address to the 11th Regular Session of the 5th Year of the 6th Term of the Oromia Council, President Shimelis Abdisa declared that the Oromia Regional Government is actively pursuing cultural revival initiatives aimed at restoring the traditional morning customs and foundational practices of the Oromo people.
The President’s statement, “Haaromsi Aadaa Oromoo duudhaa ganamaa deebisaa jira” (The Oromo cultural revival is restoring the morning traditions), marks a significant milestone in the ongoing efforts to reclaim and celebrate the indigenous heritage of the Oromo nation.
The Revival of Traditional Practices
Reviving Festivals and Ceremonies: According to President Shimelis, the cultural revival initiatives have led to the resurgence of various traditional festivals and ceremonies that had been marginalized for extended periods due to historical suppression and neglect. These include the celebration of Irreechaa, the Oromo thanksgiving festival, which has grown in prominence not only within Oromia but also across the nation and in diaspora communities worldwide.
The revival of Irreechaa is viewed as more than a cultural celebration—it is a symbol of Oromo identity and resilience. The festival, which has attracted participants from across the region and beyond, is seen as evidence of the success of these cultural restoration efforts .
Restoration of the Gadaa System: The President also highlighted the peaceful power transfer ceremonies of the Gadaa system among the Karrayyu and Tulama Oromo communities. These ceremonies, conducted according to traditional protocol, demonstrate the enduring democratic principles of the Oromo Gadaa system. The Gadaa system, recognized by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, continues to be a living example of indigenous governance and democratic participation.
Institutionalising Cultural Governance
Establishment of Traditional Courts: One of the most significant achievements of the cultural revival program has been the establishment of Traditional Courts. According to the President’s report, to date, 7,058 primary Traditional Courts and 373 appellate Traditional Courts have been established across the region. These courts play a vital role in enabling communities to seek justice according to their cultural norms and traditional customs.
Conflict Resolution: The establishment of these traditional institutions has had a tangible impact on community harmony. The President highlighted that in 2018 alone, over 393 community conflict cases were resolved through these traditional structures. Of these, more than 370 cases were successfully resolved, demonstrating the effectiveness of culturally grounded approaches to peacebuilding and reconciliation .
A Foundation for the Future
Integrating Culture with Modern Development: President Shimelis emphasized that the cultural revival of Oromo traditions is not merely about preserving the past—it is about creating a foundation that enables the Oromo people to move forward in step with education, technology, and economic development. By strengthening cultural identity and traditional governance structures, the community is better positioned to navigate the challenges of modernisation while maintaining its unique heritage.
Calls for Continued Progress: Community responses to the President’s address have expressed support for the revival efforts while calling for ongoing progress. Some have raised issues in specific regions that require continued attention, demonstrating the ongoing dialogue between leadership and citizens regarding the implementation of these cultural initiatives.
A Broader Cultural Movement
The Oromo cultural revival is part of a broader movement across Africa to reclaim and celebrate indigenous cultures, languages, and governance systems. By reviving traditional institutions and practices, the Oromo people are reasserting their identity and contributing to the diverse cultural tapestry of the continent.
Conclusion
President Shimelis Abdisa’s address to the Oromia Council reaffirms the regional government’s commitment to cultural revival as a cornerstone of Oromo identity and development. The restoration of traditional festivals, the peaceful conduct of Gadaa power transfers, and the establishment of Traditional Courts reflect a concerted effort to strengthen the cultural foundations of the Oromo people.
“Haaromsi Aadaa Oromoo eenyummaafi duudhaa Oromoo cimsuun, aadaa, barnoota, teeknooloojii fi diinagdee waliin tarkaanfachuuf bu’uura ta’aa jira” —The President noted that the cultural revival, by strengthening Oromo identity and traditions, serves as a foundation for advancing alongside education, technology, and economic development .
As the Oromo people continue this journey of cultural renewal, the revival of their traditions stands as a testament to the resilience and enduring spirit of one of Africa’s largest ethnic groups.
Cultural revival is not just about looking back—it’s about building a stronger foundation for the future.
WHEN DREAMS TAKE ROOT: Why an Oromia Freedom Struggle Dream Can Grow Better
A story of constitutional promise, cultural resurgence, and the long arc toward justice
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For generations, the Oromo freedom struggle has been defined by its resilience. Through decades of marginalization, forced displacement, and systemic exclusion, the dream has endured—not as a fading memory, but as a living force that refuses to be extinguished.
Today, that dream stands at a crossroads. The path forward is neither simple nor guaranteed. But beneath the surface of conflict and political turbulence, there are reasons to believe that the Oromo freedom struggle dream can grow better—not despite the challenges, but because of the lessons learned, the institutions built, and the constitutional foundations that remain, however imperfectly, in place.
This is the story of why that dream can flourish.
THE CONSTITUTIONAL FOUNDATION: A PROMISE WAITING TO BE KEPT
Every great struggle requires a legal and moral framework. For the Oromo people, that framework exists in Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution—a document that, on paper, offers something remarkable.
Article 39 of the Constitution affirms that every “nation, nationality, and people” has the unconditional right to self-determination, including the right to secession. The Constitution established Ethiopia as a multinational federal state, granting autonomy to minorities based on territorial boundaries and empowering self-rule and regional control. Afaan Oromo is now used in Oromia’s courts, schools, and bureaucracy, reversing decades of marginalization.
Yet scholars describe a persistent gap between constitutional promise and political reality. Federal practice has remained markedly centralized. The question of Oromia’s special interests in Finfinne (Addis Ababa) remains largely unresolved.
This gap is not a reason for despair—it is a reason for hope. The Constitution exists. The legal framework is in place. The struggle ahead is not to create new rights, but to enforce existing ones. When constitutional guarantees are ignored, public trust erodes; but when they are finally implemented, the foundation for lasting peace is laid.
POLITICAL EVOLUTION: FROM ARMED STRUGGLE TO POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT
The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), established in 1973 as a political organization advocating for the self-determination of the Oromo people, has undergone a remarkable transformation. In 2018, the Ethiopian government removed the OLF from its terrorist list, allowing its leaders to return from exile. In June 2025, the OLF officially regained access to its headquarters in Finfinne (Addis Ababa), which it had been unable to use since August 2020.
This is not merely symbolic. It represents a shift from armed resistance to political engagement—a recognition that sustainable change requires participation in the democratic process, however constrained that process may be.
The OLF has participated in elections, fielding 163 candidates for both the federal parliament and the regional council in the 2026 elections. Though it did not win a single seat, the party has used the narrow political space available to communicate its objectives and principles to the public.
Professor Merera Gudina, chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), has long championed a “stem and branches” philosophy: the belief that Oromia is the indispensable heart of Ethiopia, and that its people must secure self-rule and shared-rule within a unified, democratic state. His perspective, tempered by over five decades of activism, argues that Ethiopia still lacks the genuine political will required for deep-seated dialogue.
But political will can be built. Institutions can be strengthened. The very fact that opposition parties continue to organize, to contest elections, and to demand accountability is evidence that the dream is alive and evolving.
CULTURAL RESURGENCE: THE REBIRTH OF IDENTITY
A freedom struggle is not only about politics—it is about identity, memory, and the right to be seen.
Irreechaa, the annual festival of the Oromo people, has undergone a remarkable transformation, evolving from a banned event to a recognized element of national cultural heritage and an attraction for international tourism. The 2025 theme, “Irreecha: For National Renewal,” embodies the spirit that sustainable progress must be grounded in cultural harmony and shared values.
Afaan Oromo, once reduced to minority status, is now experiencing revitalization efforts. Though implementation remains uneven, the language of wider communication in Ethiopia and neighboring countries is reclaiming its place. The Gadaa system has gained global recognition as a model of democracy and environmental stewardship.
Cultural revival is not a distraction from the struggle—it is the struggle’s soul. When a people remember who they are, they remember what they deserve.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: BUILDING THE MATERIAL FOUNDATION
Justice cannot be built on empty stomachs. Economic development in Oromia provides the material foundation upon which political dreams can be realized.
Development projects like the Welmel River Irrigation and the Sof Omer Luxury Lodge, alongside ongoing agricultural modernization and tourism efforts in Bale Zone, are pillars of economic transformation. The new Yabello airport is expected to significantly enhance regional trade, tourism, and investment while strengthening people-to-people ties.
The Oromia regional government has prioritized the expansion of domestic air travel to drive rapid development. Investment projects are expected to create employment opportunities for more than 284,174 individuals across various sectors, particularly in agriculture, manufacturing, and services.
When economic opportunities expand, political participation becomes more meaningful. When communities have a stake in the future, they are more willing to invest in the struggle for that future.
THE CHALLENGES THAT MUST BE OVERCOME
No honest assessment of the Oromo freedom struggle can ignore the profound challenges that remain.
The Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) has been fighting the Ethiopian government for more autonomy since 2018. The conflict has taken a devastating toll. In January 2025, the U.N. reported that 3.2 million children were not in school because of the fighting. Human rights conditions remain precarious, with documented arbitrary deprivations of life and liberty amid clashes in Oromia.
Political space has shrunk. Opposition leaders have been imprisoned. Electoral competition alone is no longer viewed as sufficient to address Oromia’s political challenges. The OLF has raised concerns that “Tsimdoo” (allied) forces have attempted attacks that caused harm to local residents.
These challenges are real. They are painful. They are not insurmountable.
THE PATH FORWARD: WHY THE DREAM CAN GROW BETTER
The Oromo freedom struggle dream can grow better because the conditions for its growth are being laid—not by outside forces, but by the Oromo people themselves.
First, constitutional tools exist. The 1995 Constitution provides a framework for self-determination that, however imperfectly implemented, remains a powerful legal weapon. The gap between promise and reality is not permanent—it can be closed through sustained political pressure and legal advocacy.
Second, political engagement is deepening. The OLF’s return from exile, its participation in elections, and its calls for inclusive dialogue represent a maturation of the struggle. The OLF has urged the government to demonstrate genuine political will in resolving ongoing grievances through justice, truth, and reconciliation.
Third, cultural identity is strengthening. The revival of Irreechaa, the resurgence of Afaan Oromo, and the global recognition of the Gadaa system provide a cultural foundation that no political repression can destroy.
Fourth, economic development is creating new possibilities. As Oromia’s economy grows, so does the capacity of its people to organize, to advocate, and to demand their rights.
Fifth, the international community is watching. Human rights reporting, U.N. documentation, and global advocacy create pressure for accountability. The Oromo cause is no longer invisible.
CONCLUSION: THE LONG ARC
The Oromo freedom struggle has been long. It has been costly. It has been marked by betrayal, violence, and heartbreak. But it has also been marked by resilience, courage, and an unshakeable commitment to justice.
The dream can grow better because it has already survived the worst that history could throw at it. It has endured because it is rooted in truth—not propaganda, not false narratives, but the lived reality of a people who know what they have lost and what they deserve.
As the OLF has stated, the situation in Oromia and across Ethiopia cannot be resolved merely by declaring an election victory. It requires “an inclusive, genuine, and transparent dialogue”. It requires the courage to acknowledge historical realities, the wisdom to respect differing perspectives, and the commitment to uphold the principles of constitutional democracy and the rule of law.
The Oromo freedom struggle dream can grow better because the Oromo people have never stopped dreaming. And dreams, when nurtured by truth, justice, and unwavering commitment, have a way of becoming reality.
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This feature is based on reporting from Addis Standard, The Reporter Ethiopia, OROMIA TODAY, the Associated Press, the Oversight Board, and other sources documenting the Oromo freedom struggle, political developments, and cultural resurgence in Ethiopia.
Advocacy for Oromia 