Category Archives: Diaspora
A Response from Within: Correcting the Narrative on Ethiopia’s National Dialogue
A four-year participant challenges the critique that the National Dialogue began with the “wrong first question,” offering a detailed defence of the process and an invitation for critics to join the table.
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA — In the ongoing public debate over Ethiopia’s National Dialogue, one critique has stood out: that the process began with the wrong question, focusing on divisions rather than shared aspirations. Mr Kebour Ghenna articulated this view in a widely discussed reflection, arguing that the Dialogue should have begun by asking, “What future do Ethiopians wish to build together?” rather than “What divides Ethiopians?”
Now, a direct participant in the Dialogue has responded. Mr Zenayeneh Girma, who has served for four years as a representative of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in the National Dialogue process, has offered a corrective perspective—one grounded in direct participation rather than external observation.
“The evidence contradicts your central claim that the Dialogue began with the ‘wrong first question,'” Zenayeneh wrote, respectfully challenging Kebour’s thesis.
A Painstaking Process
Zenayeneh begins by correcting what he describes as a factual error. The National Dialogue did not begin by collecting grievances alone. It began by collecting issues from across the country—over 10,000 specific concerns raised in consultations across all woredas .
These were systematically aggregated into 2,000 themes, then distilled into 8 major national agenda pillars . These pillars cover nation-building and identity; state structure and form of government; the status of federal cities; religious affairs; institution building and the rule of law; social and economic issues; corruption and good governance; and peacebuilding and national reconciliation .
“This was not a hurried exercise but a painstaking process designed to ensure every voice—no matter how remote or marginalised—was heard,” Zenayeneh states.
He challenges Kebour’s suggestion that only divisions were documented. “In every consultation, participants were asked what future they desired for their communities and Ethiopia collectively. The 8 pillars emerged not from ‘what divides us’ but from what Ethiopians chose to discuss as urgent national questions—including the most difficult and deadlocked ones.”
Unprecedented Inclusivity
Zenayeneh argues that the Ethiopian process is unprecedented in its inclusivity. For the first time in the country’s history, Ethiopians from all regions, ethnicities, religions, and political affiliations—including diaspora communities—were brought together to question issues once considered “untouchable”: the flag, federalism, the status of Addis Ababa, the constitutional order, corruption, and institutional reform .
“This is not ‘organising disagreement.’ This is building a foundation for consensus,” he writes.
A Call for Participation, Not Observation
One of Zenayeneh’s most pointed observations is directed at the role of intellectuals who critique the process from outside. “You critique from outside while refusing to enter,” he writes, directly addressing Kebour.
As a prominent intellectual, Zenayeneh notes, Kebour could have contributed expertise to advisory panels. Instead, he has consistently critiqued from a distance. “Observing by ‘sitting outside’ and then writing based on hearsay is an easy task. Building a process that engages 4,000+ communities across a vast, diverse country is not.”
Zenayeneh acknowledges that some opposition figures remain outside the process—some by choice, others by circumstance. But the Commission has extended invitations repeatedly. “A dialogue that waits for everyone to agree to participate may wait forever. The process must move forward while continuing outreach.”
What History Will Remember
Zenayeneh concludes with a prediction about what history will actually remember: a moment when Ethiopians—for the first time—sat together across all divides and spoke honestly about their deepest political questions. It will remember a Commission that organised not just grievances but aspirations, not just complaints but solutions.
“The Dialogue is not perfect. But perfection is not the standard—participation is. And by that measure, Ethiopia has achieved something unprecedented.”
His message to intellectuals and critics is clear: “Instead of theorising from outside, consider contributing your expertise. The nation needs thinkers like you inside the room—not just observers outside it.”
Conclusion
Zenayeneh’s response offers a powerful counter-narrative to critiques of Ethiopia’s National Dialogue. It defends the process as painstaking, inclusive, and historic. It acknowledges imperfections while arguing that participation—not perfection—is the standard by which the Dialogue should be judged.
“Thank you for keeping the debate alive,” Zenayeneh writes. “But please, let us not allow perfect to become the enemy of progress.”
This feature news is based on the response of Mr Zenayeneh Girma to Kebour Ghenna, published on July 31, 2026.
“A Warning from the Grave”: Dr. Negasso Gidada’s 2014 Prophecy on the Addis Ababa Master Plan – and Why It Was Ignored
As Ethiopia reels from the aftermath of the 2014 Oromo protests, a newly surfaced document reveals that one of the Constitution’s architects had foreseen the catastrophe – and offered a roadmap to avoid it. His advice went unheeded.
By Our Staff Reporter
In May 2014, just weeks after violent protests erupted across Oromia over the “10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan,” Dr. Negasso Gidada – a key intellectual and co-architect of Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution – sat down to write a sobering analysis. He titled it: “A Tragic Consequence of the ‘10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan’: A Warning for the Future.”
The document, now circulating widely, reads like a dispatch from a man who saw the storm coming. In it, Dr. Negasso dissects the historical grievances, constitutional failures, and political miscalculations that ignited the unrest – and warns that if the root causes were not addressed, the federal system itself could unravel.
Nearly a decade later, his words carry a haunting resonance. The protests that began in Adaamaa University on April 29, 2014, spread to dozens of towns, leaving dozens dead, property destroyed, and ethnic tensions inflamed. The government’s response – a mix of repression and belated appeasement – did little to quell the anger. And, as Dr. Negasso predicted, the underlying issues remain unresolved.
A City Built on Conquest, a Constitution Unfulfilled
Dr. Negasso begins by grounding the crisis in history. Addis Ababa, founded in 1887 by Emperor Menelik and Empress Taitu around the hot spring of Finfinnee, was established on land that belonged to the Oromo of Shawa. He cites British envoy Harris, who in 1844 witnessed King Sahle Sellasie’s forces – armed with European guns – “destroy the Oromo life and resources,” burning homes, capturing women, and slaughtering men. The Oromo of Gulalle, he notes, still remember leaders like Tufa Mona and Birraatuu Goolee who died in those wars.
This historical memory, he argues, is not ancient grievance – it is living pain. And it has been compounded by three modern failures:
1. The Constitution of 1995, which promised Oromia a “special interest” in Addis Ababa (Article 49/5) but never defined it in law.
2. The 2003/2004 decision to move Oromia’s capital to Adaamaa, which sparked student protests and led to mass expulsions and imprisonments.
3. The broken promises of 2005, when OPDO, after losing the election, re-declared Finfinnee as the capital and vowed to build Oromo cultural centres and language schools in the city’s ten districts – none of which materialised.
“Nine years have passed,” Dr. Negasso wrote, “and nothing from the decisions and promises were implemented.”
The Master Plan: A Spark on Dry Tinder
When the “Integrated Master Plan” – which proposed integrating surrounding Oromo towns into Addis Ababa – was publicly announced in March 2014, it struck at this accumulated trauma. The plan was presented as a development initiative, but for Oromo farmers on the city’s fringes, it meant eviction. For Oromo intellectuals, it meant the erasure of their territorial rights. For the youth, it was the final straw.
“Here lies the root cause of the current incident and the tragic consequence,” Dr. Negasso wrote.
The protests were swift and fierce. They began at Adaamaa University, then spread to Haroo Maayaa, Dire Dawa, Bale, Guji, and beyond. By the time Dr. Negasso penned his note, the death toll was mounting – two students killed in a TV room explosion at Haroo Maayaa, others thrown into rivers, and reports of mutilation and ethnic violence. Security forces responded with live fire, and the government issued statements defending the plan while blaming “outside forces.”
A Constitutional Crisis in Plain Sight
Dr. Negasso’s most incisive contribution is his legal analysis. He walks through the Constitution article by article, showing how both the ruling party and nationalist forces were undermining it.
He quotes Article 49/5: “The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa… shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.” That law, he notes, has never been enacted.
He cites Article 40/4, which guarantees peasants the right to land and protection from eviction – a right routinely violated in the suburbs of Addis.
And he warns that if the Constitution is not respected, the federal system could collapse into ethnic conflict. “The end result could also mean the disintegration of Ethiopia which no one of us wants to see.”
What He Prescribed – and What Was Ignored
Dr. Negasso did not merely diagnose; he offered a cure. His recommendations were clear:
· Apologise for the failures: the unfulfilled constitutional provision, the broken promises, the violence by security forces.
· Investigate human rights violations by both state and individual actors, and bring perpetrators to justice.
· Immediately implement Article 49/5 – define Oromia’s special interest, demarcate the boundary, and affirm the jurisdiction of surrounding towns.
· Stop hate propaganda from both “Ethiopianist” and “Oromummaa” camps.
· Launch a national dialogue on the Constitution, the national question, land policy, federalism, and the role of the media.
“We can only try to mend the damage by taking corrective measures based on what we have learnt from the mistakes done,” he wrote.
The Unheeded Warning
Dr. Negasso concluded his note with a plea: “If we want to live together and save our people and country, we should either respect the Constitution as it is or create a situation in which it could be amended and ratified by the people through a referendum.”
The TPLF-led government did neither. The master plan was shelved – but the underlying issues were never resolved. The protests of 2014 would echo in the 2015 elections, and again in the 2016–2018 Oromo uprisings that ultimately reshaped the country’s political landscape.
Dr. Negasso Gidada passed away in 2019. But his note from May 2014 remains a haunting artifact – a warning written in ink, delivered from the grave, and largely ignored by those who had the power to act.
Today, as Ethiopia navigates yet another national dialogue, his words serve as a stark reminder: tragedy is not inevitable, but it is the price of constitutional neglect.
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This feature is based on Dr. Negasso Gidada’s unpublished note dated May 2014, titled “A Tragic Consequence of the ‘10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan’: A Warning for the Future.”
The Two Humiliations of TPLF: A Reflection on Power, Pride, and the Oromo Awakening
In the shifting sands of Ethiopian politics, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front has suffered wounds that time has not healed—and the Oromo people remain the central characters in this unfolding drama
In the annals of Ethiopian political history, few organizations have risen as high or fallen as dramatically as the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). For nearly three decades, it dominated the political landscape of the Ethiopian Empire, ruling with an iron fist while projecting an image of revolutionary legitimacy. Yet today, the TPLF finds itself nursing wounds that history will not allow it to forget—wounds inflicted not by foreign enemies but by the very people it sought to subjugate.
The reflection of Abba Ebba offers a searing analysis of what he calls the “two humiliations” of the TPLF—humiliations that, in his view, are inextricably linked to the Oromo people and their awakening. These are not merely military defeats but moral and political reckonings that the TPLF has been unable to accept or process.
The First Humiliation: The Fall of Mekelle
“For 27 years, like the saying ‘the hare’s skin cannot cover the elephant,’ the TPLF tried to stretch its hide over an empire too vast for its frame. In the final hour, it was the sons and daughters of Oromo—the Qeerroo and Qarree—who stood before tanks with empty hands and brought down the regime. They made the TPLF retreat to Mekelle, dragging its ill-gotten wealth behind it. This is the first humiliation that remains unhealed to this day.”
The 2018 Oromo protests were not merely a political uprising—they were a seismic shift in the Ethiopian political landscape. The Oromo youth, known as the Qeerroo and Qarree, rose in a wave of popular resistance that the TPLF could not contain. The protests were decentralized, leaderless, and yet remarkably unified in their demands for justice, equality, and an end to the TPLF’s domination .
The TPLF, which had ruled Ethiopia for 27 years, was forced to abandon power and retreat to its northern stronghold of Mekelle. This was not a defeat by a rival military force but a collapse in the face of unarmed civilian resistance. The humiliation was profound and, according to Abba Ebba, has never been truly accepted by the TPLF leadership.
“The TPLF was defeated by the popular wave that ignited from one end of Oromia to the other—a wave that was part of the Oromo liberation struggle. This is an undeniable truth. The Oromo is an elephant; when it tramples, it crushes. The TPLF was forced to swallow this reality, whether it liked it or not.”
The Second Humiliation: The Retreat to Mekelle
The second humiliation followed the first. After initially retreating to Mekelle, the TPLF sought to reassert its influence on the national stage. It formed alliances with various forces—including some within the Amhara political spectrum—and attempted to challenge the Prosperity Party government.
However, this effort ended in another defeat. The TPLF was forced to retreat once again to Mekelle, leaving behind its ambitions and its allies, having consumed itself in the fires it had ignited. This second retreat, Abba Ebba argues, is the other humiliation that remains raw and unprocessed .
“When the TPLF was about to return to Addis Ababa, it found itself burned by the fire it had started. It was forced to retreat to Mekelle—another humiliation that has not faded.”
The Unlearned Lesson
Despite these humiliations, the TPLF has not learned its lesson. Instead, it continues to prepare for a new war, this time under the cover of the Prosperity Party government’s own challenges. After four years of uninterrupted military preparation, the TPLF is once again positioning itself for conflict .
Abba Ebba warns that this preparation is driven by a desire for revenge—a desire to settle scores with the Oromo people who, in the TPLF’s view, are responsible for its humiliations. “Under the cover of the Prosperity Party government, the TPLF is seeking to take revenge on our people for its past humiliations.”
The Unnecessary Price
Abba Ebba poses a pointed question: why must the Oromo people pay the price for the TPLF’s ambitions? Why must Oromia become a battlefield for conflicts that are not of its making?
“The TPLF did not need to travel 600 kilometres into the heart of the country, into the breadbasket of Ethiopia—Oromia. It could have declared Eritrea-style independence when the Derg fell, and it could do so today. All it needs is to settle its accounts and secure the consent of its people.”
The TPLF’s refusal to accept defeat has left the Oromo people caught between multiple threats. On one hand, there is the TPLF’s continued military preparations and its desire for revenge. On the other, there are forces like Fano and other armed groups that have also targeted Oromo communities.
The Oromo Elite’s Responsibility
Abba Ebba also points a finger at the Oromo elite, accusing them of failing to fulfill their responsibilities. The Oromo people, who have paid the heaviest price in the struggle against the Ethiopian Empire, now face a dual threat: the TPLF’s revanchism and the Oromo elite’s failure to protect the gains of the struggle.
“The Oromo elite has failed to protect the historic victory achieved by the Oromo popular struggle. It has also failed to protect the constitutional right to self-determination—the right to democracy, justice, and self-rule—from being undermined.”
This failure, Abba Ebba argues, has allowed the Oromo people to be marginalized and treated with suspicion by their neighbours. The Oromo elite’s failure to step up has left the people vulnerable to manipulation and exclusion.
A Call to Vigilance
Abba Ebba concludes with a call to the Oromo people:
“Our people must prepare themselves for the danger of the approaching war and actively monitor the situation. The war that is being prepared—whether by TPLF or by the Fano forces—poses a threat to the next generation of Oromo. Decisive action must be taken to find a lasting solution.”
He insists that Oromia must not become a doormat for the ambitions of others. “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
A Historical Warning
The reflection of Abba Ebba is not merely a commentary on contemporary politics—it is a historical warning. It reminds the Oromo people that the TPLF, despite its humiliations, has not abandoned its ambitions. The two humiliations remain unhealed, and the TPLF continues to seek revenge.
But the reflection also carries a message of hope and resolve. The Oromo people, having risen once, can rise again. The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
Conclusion
The two humiliations of the TPLF are more than military or political defeats—they are symbolic wounds that the organization has not been able to accept. The TPLF’s refusal to learn from its past has left the Oromo people facing a renewed threat. But the Oromo people, having already demonstrated their power, are not powerless.
As Abba Ebba declares: “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
The Debate Over Finfinne: Citizenship, Nationality, and the Right to Self-Determination
In Ethiopia’s complex federal system, the status of the capital city has become a flashpoint for competing visions of identity, rights, and constitutional interpretation
FINFINNE, ETHIOPIA — A provocative statement by Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa has reignited debate over the status of Finfinne (Addis Ababa) and the rights of its residents, challenging what he describes as “baseless” calls for the city’s self-determination while affirming the constitutional framework that places it within Oromia.
“Finfinne is one of the cities of Oromia” , Dr. Tsegaye asserts, grounding his argument in Ethiopia’s federal constitution and the regional constitution of Oromia . The statement has drawn both support and criticism in a country where the status of the capital city remains a sensitive political issue.
A City of Many Peoples
Finfinne, with its population estimated at between 3 and 4 million, is a microcosm of Ethiopia’s remarkable diversity. People from all regions of the country have made the city their home, bringing with them their languages, cultures, and traditions .
“Their coming is a blessing. Their presence is beautiful. It is beauty itself,” Dr. Tsegaye writes, acknowledging the contributions of migrants who have enriched the capital’s social and cultural fabric.
These residents, he emphasizes, are full rights-bearing citizens of both the country and the region. Their rights are guaranteed under Ethiopia’s constitution (Chapter 3), the Oromia constitution, and other relevant laws. State and regional governments are constitutionally obligated to protect and fulfill these rights .
Residents, Not a Nation
Despite the rich diversity of its population, Dr. Tsegaye draws a sharp legal distinction: “The residents of Finfinne are residents, citizens—not a nation.”
While each individual citizen retains their ethnic identity—with many having ties to their regions of origin—the residents of Finfinne collectively do not constitute a “nation” as defined under Ethiopia’s constitutional framework .
The Ethiopian constitution grants the right to self-determination to “nations, nationalities, and peoples,” defined in Article 39(5) as groups with shared culture, language, identity, and a sense of common history . Residents of Finfinne, however diverse, do not meet these criteria as a collective group.
Individual Rights vs. Collective Rights
Dr. Tsegaye draws a crucial distinction between two types of rights:
Individual rights that accrue to all citizens—including the right to education in one’s language, cultural expression, religious freedom, and preservation of identity—are fully guaranteed to residents of Finfinne .
Collective rights—specifically, the right of a group to self-determination—are reserved for groups that constitute “nations” under Ethiopian law. Such groups must meet the constitutional criteria defined in Article 39(5) .
According to Dr. Tsegaye, residents of Finfinne do not meet this constitutional threshold. They are not a “nation” but rather a diverse collection of individuals from various nations. Therefore, any movement seeking self-determination for the city of Finfinne as a collective entity is constitutionally baseless .
As he states, “If they were to be properly settled according to this criterion, they would be Oromo, and their region would be Oromia.”
The Call for Self-Determination
The debate over Finfinne’s status is not merely academic. In recent years, some voices have called for the city to exercise self-determination, either as an independent federal city or through other arrangements.
Dr. Tsegaye characterizes these calls as “baseless and anti-Oromo” . The phrase “anti-Oromo” likely reflects the perspective that these efforts threaten Oromo rights and the territorial integrity of Oromia.
However, the debate cuts multiple ways. Those advocating for Finfinne’s self-determination argue that the city’s residents have distinct interests that may not be fully represented by either the federal or regional government.
The Constitutional Framework
The Ethiopian constitution is one of the few in Africa that explicitly recognizes the right of nations, nationalities, and peoples to self-determination, including the right to secession .
The constitution also establishes Finfinne (Addis Ababa) as a special city, with its status and boundaries determined by the federal government. This has been a source of tension between the federal government and Oromia, with some Oromo nationalists arguing that the city rightfully belongs to Oromia.
Dr. Tsegaye’s argument is grounded in the constitutional text as he interprets it, but the constitution’s provisions on Finfinne’s status have been subject to multiple interpretations.
A Citizen, Not a Nation
The heart of Dr. Tsegaye’s argument is that Ethiopian citizenship must be distinguished from nationality. All Ethiopians are citizens, but they belong to nations, nationalities, or peoples as defined in the constitution. Residents of Finfinne are citizens first, and their ethnic identity is separate from their status as residents of the capital .
In a country where ethnic federalism is both a constitutional principle and a political reality, the distinction matters. It shapes access to resources, political representation, and even legal status.
His final counsel to residents of Finfinne is clear: “Leave this ‘Addis Ababa should determine its own destiny’ noise, and protect your citizenship rights. It is counsel” .
Conclusion
Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa’s intervention enters a contentious and evolving debate with significant political and legal implications. His emphasis on the constitutional text, the distinction between individual and collective rights, and the specific status of Finfinne as a city within Oromia reflects one interpretation of Ethiopia’s complex federal framework.
Yet the status of Finfinne remains one of the most sensitive and unresolved issues in Ethiopian politics. The debate over whether the city is the capital of Ethiopia, the seat of the Oromo people, or something else entirely continues to shape political discourse.
“The residents of Finfinne are residents, citizens—not a nation.”
Shashemene Welcomes U.S. Ambassador: A New Chapter in Partnership and Progress
In a historic visit, the city of Shashemene opened its doors to the United States Ambassador, showcasing decades of resilience and a vision for transformative development.
SHASHEMENE, OROMIA — Today, the city of Shashemene stood still to warmly welcome the Honorable Ambassador of the United States. The visit marked more than a formal diplomatic engagement; it was a powerful testament to the growing partnership, mutual respect, and shared aspirations between the United States and the people of Ethiopia .
The city, with its rich history of over 115 years, presented its developmental scenario to the Ambassador, covering key indicators in demographics, infrastructure, economic progress, and humanitarian efforts. The visit signals a strong message of cooperation as Ethiopia continues its journey of reform and transformation.
A City of Resilience and History
Shashemene is not just a city; it is a symbol of endurance and hope. Originally established in 1910/1911 (1903 E.C.), the name “Shashemene” is derived from a famous Oromo lady named “Shashe,” who operated a rest-stop called “Mene” in the area . For over a century, the city has served as a vital crossroads in the Rift Valley, connecting the southern regions of Ethiopia to the capital, Addis Ababa .
Shashemene gained international recognition in 1948 when Emperor Haile Selassie I granted 500 acres of fertile land to the Black people of the West as a token of appreciation for their support during the Italian occupation . This land grant led to the settlement of Rastafarian communities from Jamaica, the United States, and the Caribbean, making Shashemene a unique symbol of Pan-Africanism and diaspora repatriation .
As the city continues its journey, the resilience and hope of its people remain its greatest assets.
Presenting a Vision for Progress
During the visit, local officials detailed the city’s developmental scenario, highlighting significant progress across multiple sectors. Key indicators shared with the Ambassador included:
Demographics: With a rapidly growing population, Shashemene is a city of young people. An estimated 65% of residents are under the age of 25 . This youth bulge presents both an opportunity and a challenge. Harnessing the energy and potential of this demographic is central to the city’s development strategy.
Infrastructure: The city is undergoing significant transformation. Under the national “Corridor Development” initiative, Shashemene is being upgraded into a smart city with modern transportation networks and improved public services . Recently, Shashemene was also upgraded to the status of a “Regiopolis” (a major regional urban center) .
Economic and Humanitarian Works: The city is seeing strong potential in revenue generation, economic development, and social services. There is real potential for job creation and attracting investment to improve livelihoods. Simultaneously, the city is focused on strengthening education, health, and security services for its families.
A Message of Partnership and Hope
In welcoming the Ambassador, city officials expressed gratitude for the United States’ continued engagement and support. The Ambassador’s visit follows recent U.S. Embassy engagements in Oromia, where the focus has been on promoting inclusive economic development, improving health outcomes, and increasing the quality of education .
“Honorable Ambassador, we welcome your partnership and support as we continue building Shashemene into a safer, stronger, and more prosperous hub for many nations and nationalities.”
The officials noted that following the reform and prosperity government, meaningful transformation is not only possible but is already becoming real in communities across Ethiopia. The visit was described as a strong message of partnership, mutual respect, and shared goals.
The Power of Dialogue and Collaboration
As the visit concluded, the city offered its sincere gratitude and well wishes to the Ambassador.
“Honorable Ambassador, As a nation and transformative government all Ethiopians believe in the power of dialogue and collaboration. We hope your visit will deepen understanding, strengthen ties, and open new avenues for constructive support that benefits the people of Shashemene, Oromia and Ethiopia.”
The visit concluded with a reaffirmation of the commitment to build bridges of friendship between nations.
“Once again, welcome to Shashemene. We wish you a successful visit, and we thank you for your commitment to building bridges of friendship between nations. Thank you.”
Oromo Cultural Renaissance: Reviving Ancient Traditions and Strengthening Identity
President Shimelis Abdisa outlines the progress and vision of Oromia’s cultural revival, emphasizing the restoration of traditional institutions and the celebration of indigenous heritage.
ADAMA, OROMIYA — In a powerful address to the 11th Regular Session of the 5th Year of the 6th Term of the Oromia Council, President Shimelis Abdisa declared that the Oromia Regional Government is actively pursuing cultural revival initiatives aimed at restoring the traditional morning customs and foundational practices of the Oromo people.
The President’s statement, “Haaromsi Aadaa Oromoo duudhaa ganamaa deebisaa jira” (The Oromo cultural revival is restoring the morning traditions), marks a significant milestone in the ongoing efforts to reclaim and celebrate the indigenous heritage of the Oromo nation.
The Revival of Traditional Practices
Reviving Festivals and Ceremonies: According to President Shimelis, the cultural revival initiatives have led to the resurgence of various traditional festivals and ceremonies that had been marginalized for extended periods due to historical suppression and neglect. These include the celebration of Irreechaa, the Oromo thanksgiving festival, which has grown in prominence not only within Oromia but also across the nation and in diaspora communities worldwide.
The revival of Irreechaa is viewed as more than a cultural celebration—it is a symbol of Oromo identity and resilience. The festival, which has attracted participants from across the region and beyond, is seen as evidence of the success of these cultural restoration efforts .
Restoration of the Gadaa System: The President also highlighted the peaceful power transfer ceremonies of the Gadaa system among the Karrayyu and Tulama Oromo communities. These ceremonies, conducted according to traditional protocol, demonstrate the enduring democratic principles of the Oromo Gadaa system. The Gadaa system, recognized by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, continues to be a living example of indigenous governance and democratic participation.
Institutionalising Cultural Governance
Establishment of Traditional Courts: One of the most significant achievements of the cultural revival program has been the establishment of Traditional Courts. According to the President’s report, to date, 7,058 primary Traditional Courts and 373 appellate Traditional Courts have been established across the region. These courts play a vital role in enabling communities to seek justice according to their cultural norms and traditional customs.
Conflict Resolution: The establishment of these traditional institutions has had a tangible impact on community harmony. The President highlighted that in 2018 alone, over 393 community conflict cases were resolved through these traditional structures. Of these, more than 370 cases were successfully resolved, demonstrating the effectiveness of culturally grounded approaches to peacebuilding and reconciliation .
A Foundation for the Future
Integrating Culture with Modern Development: President Shimelis emphasized that the cultural revival of Oromo traditions is not merely about preserving the past—it is about creating a foundation that enables the Oromo people to move forward in step with education, technology, and economic development. By strengthening cultural identity and traditional governance structures, the community is better positioned to navigate the challenges of modernisation while maintaining its unique heritage.
Calls for Continued Progress: Community responses to the President’s address have expressed support for the revival efforts while calling for ongoing progress. Some have raised issues in specific regions that require continued attention, demonstrating the ongoing dialogue between leadership and citizens regarding the implementation of these cultural initiatives.
A Broader Cultural Movement
The Oromo cultural revival is part of a broader movement across Africa to reclaim and celebrate indigenous cultures, languages, and governance systems. By reviving traditional institutions and practices, the Oromo people are reasserting their identity and contributing to the diverse cultural tapestry of the continent.
Conclusion
President Shimelis Abdisa’s address to the Oromia Council reaffirms the regional government’s commitment to cultural revival as a cornerstone of Oromo identity and development. The restoration of traditional festivals, the peaceful conduct of Gadaa power transfers, and the establishment of Traditional Courts reflect a concerted effort to strengthen the cultural foundations of the Oromo people.
“Haaromsi Aadaa Oromoo eenyummaafi duudhaa Oromoo cimsuun, aadaa, barnoota, teeknooloojii fi diinagdee waliin tarkaanfachuuf bu’uura ta’aa jira” —The President noted that the cultural revival, by strengthening Oromo identity and traditions, serves as a foundation for advancing alongside education, technology, and economic development .
As the Oromo people continue this journey of cultural renewal, the revival of their traditions stands as a testament to the resilience and enduring spirit of one of Africa’s largest ethnic groups.
Cultural revival is not just about looking back—it’s about building a stronger foundation for the future.
FOUR DECADES OF SCHOLARSHIP, ONE ENDURING LEGACY
As the Oromo Studies Association marks 40 years, its Journal enters a new era — and a community reflects on how far it has come
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The year was 1986. In exile, in meeting rooms scattered across the diaspora, a small group of Oromo and non-Oromo scholars gathered with a radical idea. They would build an independent academic home for the study of a people whose history, culture, and very existence had been systematically erased from mainstream scholarship. They would create a space where knowledge about the Oromo could be produced not by outsiders, but on its own terms.
They called it the Oromo Studies Association.
Four decades later, that audacious dream has become something far greater than its founders could have imagined. The OSA has grown into a global scholarly community spanning continents and disciplines. Its Journal of Oromo Studies, launched in 1993, has become the premier peer-reviewed publication for interdisciplinary scholarship on the Oromo people. And in a landmark achievement that signals the maturation of the field, the Journal has now been indexed in Scopus — one of the world’s most prestigious academic databases.
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THE JOURNAL: A DREAM COME TRUE
When the first issue of the Journal of Oromo Studies rolled off the presses in the summer of 1993, it was described as “a dream come true”. For scholars who had labored in obscurity, publishing in venues that often dismissed or distorted Oromo realities, the Journal offered something revolutionary: a platform where Oromo scholarship could stand on its own.
The first volume featured foundational essays by scholars like Asafa Jalata, whose work on “The Oromo, Change and Continuity in Ethiopian Politics” helped define the contours of a new field. Over the decades that followed, the Journal would publish research on everything from the Gadaa system to diaspora studies, from economic development to cultural preservation, from historical linguistics to contemporary politics.
Now fully open-access, the Journal publishes articles, research notes, and scholarly book reviews in both English and Afaan Oromoo, welcoming contributions from emerging and established scholars alike. Its interdisciplinary scope offers readers a comprehensive view of the socioeconomic, political and cultural conditions of the Oromo people — now numbering over 40 million across the Horn of Africa and the global diaspora.
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SCOPUS: A SEAL OF GLOBAL RECOGNITION
In June 2026, Scopus announced the addition of 242 new journals to its prestigious index. Among them was the Journal of Oromo Studies, bearing ISSN 1070-2202, published by the Oromo Studies Association.
For those unfamiliar with the world of academic publishing, Scopus indexing is not a minor achievement. It is the gold standard. It means the Journal has been vetted by an independent Content Selection and Advisory Board and found to meet the rigorous criteria for quality, peer review, and scholarly impact. It places JOS alongside publications from Springer, Elsevier, Wiley, and Cambridge University Press.
As Bonnie Holcomb, the Journal’s Editor-in-Chief, noted in a recent message to contributors and advisors: “This publication, and the indexing in Scopus, are notable achievements, all. We have come a long way together.”
The words carry weight. For those who have walked this road — who have submitted manuscripts, reviewed articles, edited copy, and advocated for Oromo scholarship in spaces where it was once unwelcome — this is validation of a lifetime of labor.
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THE VISIONARIES BEHIND THE MOVEMENT
The Oromo Studies Association was not born in a vacuum. It was founded by a group of exiled activists in 1986, a direct response to a crackdown that had led to those campaigning for greater recognition of the Oromo people being murdered, tortured, jailed, or driven out of the country. The founding was a response to a void — a void in which Oromo heritage was not merely absent from academia and state narratives, but actively suppressed.
Among the founders was Sisai Ibssa, a scholar-activist whose intellectual journey shaped the trajectory of Oromo studies for decades. A special issue of the Journal was devoted to honoring his contributions, examining his role in the Oromo liberation movement and his philosophical commitment to self-determination.
Another towering figure was Professor Asmarom Legesse, whose landmark work Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society (1973) brought the Oromo democratic system to international scholarly attention. Legesse passed away on January 31, 2026, just weeks before OSA’s 40th anniversary year. His legacy, and the generations of scholars he inspired, will be honored at this year’s conference.
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FORTY YEARS: ONE FULL GADAA CYCLE
In Oromo tradition, the Gadaa system operates on eight-year cycles, with a full generational transition spanning forty years. This year’s anniversary is therefore not merely a milestone — it is a symbolic completion of a full Gadaa cycle, representing generational renewal, continuity, and the orderly transfer of knowledge and responsibility.
The 2026 Annual Conference, themed “Oromo on the Global Landscape: Honoring Asmarom Legesse as OSA Turns 40,” will be held July 31 through August 2 in Minneapolis, Minnesota, at Augsburg University’s Hagfors Center.
The conference will bring together scholars, researchers, students, and community members from across the diaspora and the continent for three days of panels, roundtables, keynote addresses, and community dialogue. It will feature diaspora-connected parallel panels abroad, reflecting the conference’s commitment to centering Oromo communities wherever they are.
An opening night and dinner will be held on Friday evening, July 31, at the Oromo Community Center in Saint Paul. Registration is open to all — whether presenting research, attending for the first time, or returning as a longtime member of the OSA community.
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THE WORK THAT REMAINS
For all the achievements, the road has not been easy. As Holcomb reminded the Journal’s contributors: “It has been a long and sometimes a difficult road to reveal evidence and build knowledge which shift the narrative in the region and globally.”
The work of the OSA and the Journal has always been more than academic. It has been an act of intellectual resistance — a refusal to accept the erasure of a people’s history and a determination to tell stories that had been silenced. It has been about shifting narratives, not just in Ethiopia but across the global scholarly landscape.
Now, with Scopus indexing and forty years of institutional life behind it, the OSA stands at a moment of both celebration and renewed commitment. The Journal’s entire archive — decades of scholarship — is now posted to the OSA website at oromostudies.org. The institutional memory is preserved. The foundation is stronger than ever.
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A CALL TO THE COMMUNITY
Holcomb’s message to the Journal’s contributors and advisors is also a call to action:
“Please remember that it is the Oromo Studies Association that has conceived, designed, hosted, nurtured, upheld and published the research and scholarship represented in JOS. I urge you all to continue to support OSA, and by extension, its Journal, with donations, membership in OSA and engagement as well as submissions.”
The invitation is extended to all: fellow scholars, colleagues, and community members. Attend the conference, in person or virtually. Submit your research. Join the membership. Support the work.
As the OSA enters its fifth decade, the question is not whether it has achieved something remarkable — it has. The question is whether the next generation will carry the torch forward. Whether the scholarship will continue. Whether the Journal will remain the premier asset of a community that has fought for its voice.
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CONCLUSION: A LEGACY WORTH CELEBRATING
Forty years ago, a small group of exiled scholars dared to imagine a world in which Oromo knowledge was recognized as a contribution to the full breadth of human civilization. Today, that vision is reality.
The Journal of Oromo Studies, indexed in Scopus, stands as a monument to their courage and their persistence. The annual conference, now in its 40th year, brings together a global community of scholars and advocates. The website, with its full open-access archive, makes decades of scholarship available to anyone with an internet connection.
But the work is not finished. The narratives continue to shift. The knowledge continues to grow. The community continues to build.
As Holcomb wrote, with a warmth that reflects decades of dedication: “Congratulations, one and all.”
The celebration is earned. The legacy is enduring. And the future — if the community continues to support it — is bright.
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The 40th Annual Conference of the Oromo Studies Association will take place July 31 – August 2, 2026, at Augsburg University, Hagfors Center, 700 21st Ave S, Minneapolis, MN 55454. Details at www.oromostudies.org/conference. The opening night and dinner will be held on Friday, July 31, at the Oromo Community Center, 465 Mackubin Street, Saint Paul, MN 55103.
WHEN DREAMS TAKE ROOT: Why an Oromia Freedom Struggle Dream Can Grow Better
A story of constitutional promise, cultural resurgence, and the long arc toward justice
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For generations, the Oromo freedom struggle has been defined by its resilience. Through decades of marginalization, forced displacement, and systemic exclusion, the dream has endured—not as a fading memory, but as a living force that refuses to be extinguished.
Today, that dream stands at a crossroads. The path forward is neither simple nor guaranteed. But beneath the surface of conflict and political turbulence, there are reasons to believe that the Oromo freedom struggle dream can grow better—not despite the challenges, but because of the lessons learned, the institutions built, and the constitutional foundations that remain, however imperfectly, in place.
This is the story of why that dream can flourish.
THE CONSTITUTIONAL FOUNDATION: A PROMISE WAITING TO BE KEPT
Every great struggle requires a legal and moral framework. For the Oromo people, that framework exists in Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution—a document that, on paper, offers something remarkable.
Article 39 of the Constitution affirms that every “nation, nationality, and people” has the unconditional right to self-determination, including the right to secession. The Constitution established Ethiopia as a multinational federal state, granting autonomy to minorities based on territorial boundaries and empowering self-rule and regional control. Afaan Oromo is now used in Oromia’s courts, schools, and bureaucracy, reversing decades of marginalization.
Yet scholars describe a persistent gap between constitutional promise and political reality. Federal practice has remained markedly centralized. The question of Oromia’s special interests in Finfinne (Addis Ababa) remains largely unresolved.
This gap is not a reason for despair—it is a reason for hope. The Constitution exists. The legal framework is in place. The struggle ahead is not to create new rights, but to enforce existing ones. When constitutional guarantees are ignored, public trust erodes; but when they are finally implemented, the foundation for lasting peace is laid.
POLITICAL EVOLUTION: FROM ARMED STRUGGLE TO POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT
The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), established in 1973 as a political organization advocating for the self-determination of the Oromo people, has undergone a remarkable transformation. In 2018, the Ethiopian government removed the OLF from its terrorist list, allowing its leaders to return from exile. In June 2025, the OLF officially regained access to its headquarters in Finfinne (Addis Ababa), which it had been unable to use since August 2020.
This is not merely symbolic. It represents a shift from armed resistance to political engagement—a recognition that sustainable change requires participation in the democratic process, however constrained that process may be.
The OLF has participated in elections, fielding 163 candidates for both the federal parliament and the regional council in the 2026 elections. Though it did not win a single seat, the party has used the narrow political space available to communicate its objectives and principles to the public.
Professor Merera Gudina, chairman of the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), has long championed a “stem and branches” philosophy: the belief that Oromia is the indispensable heart of Ethiopia, and that its people must secure self-rule and shared-rule within a unified, democratic state. His perspective, tempered by over five decades of activism, argues that Ethiopia still lacks the genuine political will required for deep-seated dialogue.
But political will can be built. Institutions can be strengthened. The very fact that opposition parties continue to organize, to contest elections, and to demand accountability is evidence that the dream is alive and evolving.
CULTURAL RESURGENCE: THE REBIRTH OF IDENTITY
A freedom struggle is not only about politics—it is about identity, memory, and the right to be seen.
Irreechaa, the annual festival of the Oromo people, has undergone a remarkable transformation, evolving from a banned event to a recognized element of national cultural heritage and an attraction for international tourism. The 2025 theme, “Irreecha: For National Renewal,” embodies the spirit that sustainable progress must be grounded in cultural harmony and shared values.
Afaan Oromo, once reduced to minority status, is now experiencing revitalization efforts. Though implementation remains uneven, the language of wider communication in Ethiopia and neighboring countries is reclaiming its place. The Gadaa system has gained global recognition as a model of democracy and environmental stewardship.
Cultural revival is not a distraction from the struggle—it is the struggle’s soul. When a people remember who they are, they remember what they deserve.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: BUILDING THE MATERIAL FOUNDATION
Justice cannot be built on empty stomachs. Economic development in Oromia provides the material foundation upon which political dreams can be realized.
Development projects like the Welmel River Irrigation and the Sof Omer Luxury Lodge, alongside ongoing agricultural modernization and tourism efforts in Bale Zone, are pillars of economic transformation. The new Yabello airport is expected to significantly enhance regional trade, tourism, and investment while strengthening people-to-people ties.
The Oromia regional government has prioritized the expansion of domestic air travel to drive rapid development. Investment projects are expected to create employment opportunities for more than 284,174 individuals across various sectors, particularly in agriculture, manufacturing, and services.
When economic opportunities expand, political participation becomes more meaningful. When communities have a stake in the future, they are more willing to invest in the struggle for that future.
THE CHALLENGES THAT MUST BE OVERCOME
No honest assessment of the Oromo freedom struggle can ignore the profound challenges that remain.
The Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) has been fighting the Ethiopian government for more autonomy since 2018. The conflict has taken a devastating toll. In January 2025, the U.N. reported that 3.2 million children were not in school because of the fighting. Human rights conditions remain precarious, with documented arbitrary deprivations of life and liberty amid clashes in Oromia.
Political space has shrunk. Opposition leaders have been imprisoned. Electoral competition alone is no longer viewed as sufficient to address Oromia’s political challenges. The OLF has raised concerns that “Tsimdoo” (allied) forces have attempted attacks that caused harm to local residents.
These challenges are real. They are painful. They are not insurmountable.
THE PATH FORWARD: WHY THE DREAM CAN GROW BETTER
The Oromo freedom struggle dream can grow better because the conditions for its growth are being laid—not by outside forces, but by the Oromo people themselves.
First, constitutional tools exist. The 1995 Constitution provides a framework for self-determination that, however imperfectly implemented, remains a powerful legal weapon. The gap between promise and reality is not permanent—it can be closed through sustained political pressure and legal advocacy.
Second, political engagement is deepening. The OLF’s return from exile, its participation in elections, and its calls for inclusive dialogue represent a maturation of the struggle. The OLF has urged the government to demonstrate genuine political will in resolving ongoing grievances through justice, truth, and reconciliation.
Third, cultural identity is strengthening. The revival of Irreechaa, the resurgence of Afaan Oromo, and the global recognition of the Gadaa system provide a cultural foundation that no political repression can destroy.
Fourth, economic development is creating new possibilities. As Oromia’s economy grows, so does the capacity of its people to organize, to advocate, and to demand their rights.
Fifth, the international community is watching. Human rights reporting, U.N. documentation, and global advocacy create pressure for accountability. The Oromo cause is no longer invisible.
CONCLUSION: THE LONG ARC
The Oromo freedom struggle has been long. It has been costly. It has been marked by betrayal, violence, and heartbreak. But it has also been marked by resilience, courage, and an unshakeable commitment to justice.
The dream can grow better because it has already survived the worst that history could throw at it. It has endured because it is rooted in truth—not propaganda, not false narratives, but the lived reality of a people who know what they have lost and what they deserve.
As the OLF has stated, the situation in Oromia and across Ethiopia cannot be resolved merely by declaring an election victory. It requires “an inclusive, genuine, and transparent dialogue”. It requires the courage to acknowledge historical realities, the wisdom to respect differing perspectives, and the commitment to uphold the principles of constitutional democracy and the rule of law.
The Oromo freedom struggle dream can grow better because the Oromo people have never stopped dreaming. And dreams, when nurtured by truth, justice, and unwavering commitment, have a way of becoming reality.
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This feature is based on reporting from Addis Standard, The Reporter Ethiopia, OROMIA TODAY, the Associated Press, the Oversight Board, and other sources documenting the Oromo freedom struggle, political developments, and cultural resurgence in Ethiopia.
BEYOND THE BANNER: KOSTE ABDIISAA’S BLEAK PROGNOSIS FOR TSIMDO AND THE PERILS OF RECYCLED STRATEGIES
A feature analysis of a blunt political intervention that exposes the fault lines in Oromo political strategy
In the fractious arena of Ethiopian and Oromo politics, where alliances shift like desert sands and rhetoric often outpaces reality, few voices cut through the noise with the surgical precision of Koste Abdiisaa. In a recent, characteristically unvarnished reflection, Abdiisaa has delivered a damning indictment of TSIMDO—an indictment that warrants serious analysis not merely as a partisan jab, but as a profound commentary on the trajectory of political struggle itself.
Abdiisaa’s core thesis is stark: “Milka’ina TSIMDOf jecha olollii ABO irratti ta’u hin milka’u!” — TSIMDO’s success cannot be built upon a struggle against ABO (a reference to the Oromo Liberation Front). He doubles down with the declarative English postscript: “TSIMDO will never succeed! A new alliance, but with the same old and failed strategy.”
To understand the gravity of this critique, one must dissect its layered components.
The Strategic Miscalculation: Misplacing the Target
Abdiisaa’s primary contention is that TSIMDO has fundamentally misdiagnosed the battlefield. By framing its struggle primarily as an adversarial contest against the federal seat of power in Addis Ababa/Finfinne, the movement traps itself in a zero-sum paradigm.
Historically, Oromo political movements have oscillated between integrationist and confrontational postures. Abdiisaa suggests that TSIMDO, despite its new branding, has fallen into the latter trap—defining itself more by what it opposes than by what it offers. To orient a struggle for Oromo rights purely against the administrative mechanisms of the capital is to confuse the symptom with the structure. The federal system, with all its constitutional complexities, cannot be stormed through oppositional posturing alone. True leverage, he implies, lies in constitutional fidelity, not rhetorical siege warfare.
The Moral Calculus: Truth Over Propaganda
Perhaps the most philosophically resonant line in Abdiisaa’s reflection is: “Sobni dhugaa/haqa mo’ee hin beeku!” — Deception does not know how to defeat truth and justice.
This is a pointed accusation that TSIMDO may be relying on distorted historical narratives, emotional sloganeering, or selective outrage to galvanize support. In an era where propaganda proliferates on digital platforms, Abdiisaa issues a warning: mobilizing a people through manipulated grievances is a short-term anesthetic, not a long-term cure.
Justice (haqa) possesses an inherent, almost gravitational, historical momentum. When a movement builds its foundation on factual instability, it risks catastrophic collapse when reality reasserts itself. Abdiisaa insists that TSIMDO’s leadership must confront historical and constitutional truths—particularly regarding the complexities of Finfinne’s status—rather than simplifying them into digestible but deceptive soundbites.
The Resilience of Righteous Struggle
Counter-intuitively, Abdiisaa does not dismiss struggle itself. He validates the necessity of resistance: “Ololli qabsoo haqaa irratti ta’us qabsichi fi qabsa’ota daran ni jabeesssa, ni xiiqessa malee of duubatti hin deebisu!” — A struggle grounded in justice, even if it faces intense pressure, strengthens the fighters and never retreats.
This is a critical nuance often lost in political polemics. Abdiisaa is not a pacifist; he is a strategist. He argues that when the cause is just, adversity functions as a crucible—it hardens resolve and clarifies purpose. However, he implies that TSIMDO’s current methodology lacks this foundational justice. If their cause were truly righteous, state pressure would only fortify them. Instead, he observes a tendency toward capitulation, hypocrisy, or confusion. The problem, therefore, is not external opposition but internal moral bankruptcy and tactical incoherence.
The Sharp Irony of Hypocrisy
Abdiisaa’s most scathing critique is reserved for the conduct of TSIMDO’s protagonists: “Namoonni dharaan maqaa nama xureessuf yoo akkas xaaran, namoonni maqaan xura’u ammo hagam akka hojjetan tilmaamuun salphaa dha!” — If those known for having a clean reputation engage in such dirty tactics to defame others, one can easily imagine how those with historically tarnished reputations will operate.
This is a devastating rhetorical thrust. It accuses TSIMDO’s leadership—or their allies—of engaging in character assassination, smear campaigns, and divisive intra-communal attacks. The irony is palpable: if the “righteous” are acting immorally, what restraint can be expected from the unprincipled?
Abdiisaa exposes a dangerous trend in Oromo political activism: the weaponization of identity politics to silence dissent within the community. By attacking other Oromo figures or factions rather than building ideological consensus, TSIMDO risks cannibalizing its own base. This reflects a broader crisis of leadership where personal ego and factional loyalty supersede collective emancipation.
The New Alliance, The Old Failure
Ultimately, Abdiisaa’s verdict is delivered in plain English for universal clarity: “A new alliance, but with the same old and failed strategy.”
This is the crux of the analysis. TSIMDO may present itself as a fresh vanguard, a revitalized coalition, or a break from the past. But Abdiisaa argues that beneath the veneer of novelty lies the fossilized remains of past political failures—an over-reliance on populist agitation, a neglect of constitutional legalism, and an inability to forge durable alliances beyond narrow ethnic or geographic confines.
The “old strategy” is one of perpetual confrontation without governance, of protest without program, of demands without democratic legitimacy. It is a strategy that has historically left the Oromo people politically empowered but structurally disenfranchised—winning the rhetoric but losing the constitutional reality.
Conclusion: A Call for Strategic Sobriety
Koste Abdiisaa’s reflection is more than a critique of a single movement; it is a mirror held up to the Oromo political project at large. He challenges activists to move beyond performative opposition and engage with the arduous labor of constitutional implementation, cross-community dialogue, and principled truth-telling.
For TSIMDO to prove its critic wrong, it must demonstrate a departure from the old playbook. It must anchor its struggle not in the negation of Addis Ababa’s federal role, but in the affirmative realization of Oromia’s constitutional rights within that framework. It must replace smear campaigns with substantive policy proposals.
As Ethiopia’s national dialogue looms, Abdiisaa’s words serve as a stark warning: political movements that refuse to evolve, that cling to outdated antagonisms and inflated rhetoric, are destined for the dustbin of history—regardless of how shiny their new banners appear.
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This analysis is based on the public reflections of Koste Abdiisaa and aims to provide a strategic and ideological interpretation of his critique of TSIMDO and contemporary Oromo political strategy.
The Children Who Will Not Be Erased: What the Oromo Struggle Truly Means
In the highlands of Oromia, under the vast sky that has witnessed centuries of both freedom and subjugation, a new generation is coming of age. They are the ijoollee Oromoo—the children of Oromia—growing into a world that has often tried to make them small. But they are not small. And their story is not one of distortion or diminishment. It is a story of survival, identity, and the quiet, unyielding refusal to be erased.
Growing Up Oromo
To be an Oromo child is to inherit a legacy of resilience. The Oromo are Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, yet for generations, they have been treated as second-class citizens in their own land. They have been referred to by derogatory slurs, made to feel ashamed of their cultural identity, and systematically excluded from political and economic power. Their language, Afaan Oromoo, was long suppressed in favor of Amharic. Their history was written by conquerors. Their children were taught to look away from themselves.
But something is changing.
Across Oromia, a cultural renaissance is underway. Young Oromo are reclaiming their names, their language, and their heritage with a pride that their parents could scarcely have imagined. They are giving their children Oromo names instead of Amharic ones. They are celebrating Irreechaa, the ancient thanksgiving festival, not just as a religious ritual but as a powerful assertion of national identity. And they are demanding to be seen, heard, and counted.
The True Meaning of Struggle
There is a fundamental misunderstanding, both within Ethiopia and beyond, about what the Oromo struggle actually is. It is not, as some would frame it, a campaign of distortion—a movement to “balleessuu fi xiqqeessuu,” to corrupt and diminish names without foundation. It is not about rewriting history for the sake of grievance. It is not about taking from others what is rightfully theirs.
The struggle is something far more elemental.
The struggle is protection. It is the defense of Oromo children against forces that would deny them growth and life. It is the fight against systemic discrimination, human rights abuses, and political exclusion that have long been the daily reality of the Oromo people. It is the resistance against displacement from ancestral lands, against land grabs that push families off territories they have held for generations. It is the refusal to accept a status quo where Oromo children are targeted, brutalized, and killed simply because of who they are.
The struggle is creation. It is about creating conditions—haala mijjeessuu—in which Oromo children can grow, learn, and thrive on their own terms. It is about building a future where an Oromo child can speak their mother tongue without fear, carry their ancestral name with pride, and pursue their dreams without the ceiling of systematic oppression.
The struggle is the right path. It is about finding the karaa qajeelaa—the correct and just way forward—not through hatred of others, but through love of self. It is about the kind of self-determination that does not seek to dominate but to liberate. It is about the recognition that peace and stability in Ethiopia can only come when the rights of all its peoples, including the Oromo, are fully upheld.
The Gadaa Inheritance
The Oromo have always had a blueprint for this kind of just society. It is called the Gadaa system, a traditional democratic governance structure recognized by UNESCO as an intangible cultural heritage of humanity. Under Gadaa, male members of Oromo society pass through eleven age grades from birth to death, each with its own responsibilities and roles. It is a system that regulates political, economic, social, and religious life, dealing with conflict resolution, reparation, and the protection of women’s rights.
For Oromo children, the Gadaa system has always provided a framework for growth. It teaches them their “indigenous deeds” from elders, guiding them in leading secular and spiritual life. It is a system built on the understanding that children are assets to be well treated, protected, cared for, and brought up properly.
This is the inheritance that the Oromo struggle seeks to protect and restore. Not a struggle of destruction, but of preservation. Not a struggle of division, but of dignity.
The Children Who Refuse to Be Erased
Today, across Oromia and in the diaspora, Oromo children are growing up with a new sense of possibility. They are learning their history not from textbooks written by others, but from the oral traditions of their elders. They are speaking Afaan Oromoo in schools and in public spaces where it was once forbidden. They are changing their names, reclaiming their identities, and refusing to be ashamed.
They are the living proof that the Oromo struggle is not about diminishing anyone else. It is about elevating themselves. It is about ensuring that Oromo children—ijoollee Oromoo reeffu guddachaa jiran—can grow into their full humanity, unburdened by the weight of a history that tried to make them invisible.
The struggle is not about names on a page. It is about lives in the world. It is about the right to exist, to grow, to flourish. And it is a struggle that, in the end, is not just for the Oromo—it is for everyone who believes that every child, everywhere, deserves the chance to become who they were meant to be.
Advocacy for Oromia 