Category Archives: Grief Support
The Price of Silence: A Reflection on Inaction and the Tragedy of Our People
We Knew This Was Coming — Yet We Chose to Stay Silent
By Koste Abdiisaa
If we had shown even 1% of the outrage we have expressed over the past two days three, four, or five years ago—when Fano killed hundreds of innocent Oromos in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and elsewhere—perhaps these killings would not have happened.
We knew this was coming. The signs were everywhere. The warnings were clear. Yet we chose to remain silent. We chose to look away. We chose to believe that the storm would pass us by.
But storms do not pass by those who refuse to prepare. They break over them.
The Warning Signs We Ignored
For years, the enemies of the Oromo people have been methodically preparing for this moment. While we argued among ourselves, they were opening training camps in our backyard. While we engaged in name-calling and petty divisions, they were building security structures and training hundreds of people to carry out their plans.
We saw it happening. We heard the reports. We knew that innocent farmers—our farmers—were being killed in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and countless other places. And what did we do?
We expressed outrage on social media. We posted our anger, shared our grief, and then went back to business as usual.
Our collective inaction allowed this to continue. Our silence gave them permission to proceed. Our failure to act was an invitation for more violence.
The Consequences of Inaction
This is not about hindsight. This is about foresight—and our failure to use it. We cannot pretend that these killings were unexpected. We knew what was coming. We had every warning. But we failed to act.
And now, the consequences are here.
The killing of our innocent farmers is not just a tragedy—it is a judgment on our collective failure to protect our own. It is the result of years of political naivety, misplaced priorities, and a refusal to confront the reality of the threat we faced.
We were good at crying after the fact. We were good at expressing outrage on social media after tragedies happened. But we were very poor at recognizing threats early on, listening to those who recognized them, and preparing ourselves to face them.
The Deeper Outrage
Like many of you, I am outraged by the killing of our innocent farmers. But I am even more outraged by our inaction—our lack of political awareness, our failure to recognize and respond to such cruelty for so long.
What is even more troubling is that some of our so-called political entities—those who claim to speak for us—continue to seek alignment with those responsible. They act as if there is still some humanity left in them to appeal to. They still hope for dialogue with those who have shown, time and again, that they have no interest in peace, only in domination.
This is not leadership. This is delusion.
And we, as a people, have allowed it. We have allowed ourselves to be led by those who refuse to see the enemy for what they are. We have allowed ourselves to be distracted by petty divisions while our people are being slaughtered.
The Beginning, Not the End
Let us not pretend that this is the end. This is the beginning. The attacks will continue. The killings will escalate. And if we do not act now—with unity, determination, and clarity—the tragedies we see today will seem small compared to what is coming.
I fear that we may still fail to act in a timely manner. I fear that we will continue to cry and express outrage for a week, and then return to normal life. I fear that we will continue to do what we seem to be good at: mourning after the fact, but never preparing for what lies ahead.
A Call to Look Within
If this senseless killing of our people does not make us angry enough to question our collective inaction, then perhaps we need to look within ourselves and ask: What kind of society have we become?
Have we become a people who only react after the damage is done? Have we become a people who prioritize social media outrage over real action? Have we become a people who are more concerned with who is right than with what is right?
We must ask ourselves these questions. And we must answer them honestly.
The Path Forward
We cannot change the past. The blood that has been spilled cannot be unspilled. But we can change the future. We can act now—today—to ensure that these tragedies do not continue.
This requires several things:
- Unity: We must put aside our petty divisions and unite as a people. Our enemies are united; we must be even more united.
- Awareness: We must wake up to the reality of the threat we face. We must recognize the signs and act before it is too late.
- Action: We must support those who are willing to sacrifice and risk their lives to defend our people. We must build the structures and institutions necessary to protect ourselves.
- Accountability: We must hold our political entities accountable. We must demand that they prioritize the defense of our people over their own political ambitions.
- Resilience: We must be prepared for the long fight ahead. This is not a battle that will be won in a day. It requires patience, courage, and an unwavering commitment to our people.
Conclusion: Enough Is Enough
The killing of our innocent farmers is a crime against humanity. But our collective inaction is a crime against ourselves.
We cannot afford to continue down this path. We cannot afford to remain silent while our people are being slaughtered. We cannot afford to wait until the next tragedy to express our outrage.
Enough is enough.
Let us honor the memory of those who have been killed by resolving to act—not just with words, but with deeds. Let us build a future where our people are safe, our land is protected, and our dignity is restored.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Nagaan haa jabaatu!
This reflection is dedicated to the innocent Oromo farmers who have lost their lives, and to all those who are determined to build a future of peace, justice, and security for our people.
Legal Foundations of Finfinne’s Special Status: A Review of Federal and Regional Laws
Examining the Constitutional and Statutory Provisions Recognizing Oromia’s Special Interest in the Capital
By Dhabessa Wakjira
(Melbourne-11 August 2026) The question of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is not merely a matter of political debate or historical narrative. It is also a matter of law. Over the past four decades, a series of federal and regional legal instruments have recognized and codified the unique relationship between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital.
From the transitional period following the fall of the Derg to the present day, Ethiopian law has acknowledged that Finfinne, by virtue of its location within the State of Oromia, gives rise to a “special interest” for Oromia—an interest that encompasses social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters . This legal framework, while contested in its implementation, provides a constitutional foundation for the Oromo people’s claim to their historical capital.
Federal Legal Instruments: The Constitutional and Statutory Framework
A. Proclamation No. 7/1984: Establishing National Regional Self-Governments
The legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne predates the 1995 Constitution. In the transitional period following the fall of the Derg regime, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia enacted Proclamation No. 7/1984 to establish National Regional Self-Governments.
Article 3(1) of this proclamation identified the Oromo people as one of the nations, nationalities, and peoples entitled to establish a regional self-government, designated as “Region 4.” Critically, Article 3(4) of the proclamation stated that the “special national interests and political rights of Oromo” over Harari (Region 13) and Addis Ababa (Region 14) would be protected .
This provision represented the first formal legal acknowledgment of Oromia’s special claim over the capital following the collapse of the unitary state. It recognized that the city’s location within Oromia created a unique relationship that could not be ignored, even as the city was designated as a separate administrative entity.
B. The FDRE Constitution, Article 49(5): The Constitutional Recognition
The most significant legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is enshrined in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution, adopted in 1995.
Article 49(5) states:
“The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa, regarding the provision of social services or the utilization of natural resources and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Ababa within the State of Oromia, shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.”
This provision was the product of extensive debate during the Constitutional Assembly. The legislative history reveals that the Oromo representatives argued for the inclusion of this clause on several grounds:
- Geographical reality: Finfinne is located within the State of Oromia.
- Historical connection: The city was established on Oromo land and is the heart of Oromia.
- Practical necessity: The city’s expansion affects surrounding Oromo farming communities.
- Constitutional identity: The city serves as Oromia’s capital and is deeply connected to Oromo identity .
The clause was approved with 507 votes in favour and only 6 against, demonstrating broad consensus on the principle of Oromia’s special interest.
C. Addis Ababa City Administration Charter Proclamation No. 87/1989
The first charter for the Addis Ababa City Administration, Proclamation No. 87/1989, provided detailed provisions on the relationship between the city and Oromia.
Article 33 of this proclamation established four key elements of Oromia’s special interest:
- Boundary Determination: The city’s boundary shall be delimited jointly by the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government.
- Seat of Government: The Oromia Regional Government has the right to establish its seat in Addis Ababa.
- Access to Services: Social services provided by the City Administration to Addis Ababa residents shall also be accessible to residents of neighbouring Oromia communities, who shall be entitled to benefit from those services on an equal footing.
- Consultation on Development: The City Administration shall undertake development activities affecting Oromia only in consultation and agreement with the Oromia Regional Government.
This charter represented a significant legal acknowledgment of the practical interdependence between the city and its surrounding region .
D. Amended City Charter Proclamation No. 311/1995 and No. 361/1995
Subsequent amendments to the City Charter, including Proclamation No. 311/1995 and Proclamation No. 361/1995, modified the framework for the relationship between the city and Oromia.
Article 62 of these proclamations, concerning the relationship between the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government, provided that:
- The City Administration shall maintain a relationship based on fruitful cooperation with Oromia.
- In accordance with Article 49(5) of the Constitution, Oromia’s interest shall be respected. The particulars shall be determined by agreement between the City Administration and the Regional Government or by a law enacted by the House of Peoples’ Representatives.
Article 5 of these proclamations, concerning the city’s boundaries, departed from the earlier charter. It provided that the boundary shall be delimited by agreement between the City Administration and Oromia or pursuant to the decision of the Federal Government—a provision that allowed for federal determination of boundaries without necessarily requiring the consent of the Oromia Regional Government .
This shift represented a legal narrowing of Oromia’s special interest compared to the 1989 charter, a development that has been a source of ongoing tension.
Regional Legal Instruments: The Oromia Constitutional Framework
A. The Oromia Transitional Constitution (1984)
The first constitution of the Oromia National Regional State, enacted in 1984 through Proclamation No. 2/1985, established the fundamental identity of the region.
This historic document, adopted by the newly established Oromia Council following popular elections, declared:
- Article 55: The name of the region shall be Oromia.
- Article 57: The working language of the region shall be Afaan Oromoo, written in the Latin script.
- Article 58: The capital city of the region shall be Finfinne.
This constitution represented the first formal assertion of Oromo self-governance and affirmed Finfinne as the heart of Oromia.
B. The Oromia Constitution (1987)
The second Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 1/1987, reaffirmed the region’s identity and capital following the transition to a civilian government.
Article 6 of this constitution confirmed that Finfinne is the capital city of the Oromia Regional State, maintaining the continuity of the region’s constitutional identity.
C. The Amended Oromia Constitution (1994) and Proclamation No. 94/1997
The third Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 46/1994 following the political reforms of 1993, introduced a significant change: Article 6 declared that the capital of Oromia would be Adama.
This change was made following Proclamation No. 35/1992, which had designated Adama as Oromia’s capital effective July 1992. However, this decision was met with widespread public opposition and protest.
Following the 1997 elections, the Oromia Regional Government, responding to popular demand, returned its seat to Finfinne without preconditions. Subsequently, Proclamation No. 94/1997, adopted by the Oromia Council, amended the constitution to restore Finfinne as the capital of Oromia.
Article 2(3) of this proclamation formally declared that the capital of Oromia shall be Finfinne, reversing the 1994 amendment. This decision reflected the deep historical and cultural connection between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital .
The Ongoing Debate: Implementation and Contestation
While the legal framework recognizing Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is well-established, its implementation has been a source of persistent tension.
The Special Interest Council
The draft proclamation on Oromia’s special interest in Addis Ababa contemplates the establishment of a Joint Council composed of delegates from both the City Government and Oromia Regional State . However, legal experts have noted shortcomings in the draft, including the postponement of determining key details such as the number of members, structure, mandates, and tenure—matters that should be clearly defined in the establishing legislation .
The 2014 Master Plan Controversy
The 2014 Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan, which proposed expanding the city’s boundaries by 1.1 million hectares into surrounding Oromia districts, ignited widespread protests and led to hundreds of deaths. Critics argued that the plan was centrally imposed without prior consultation or participation of the Oromia Regional Government, in violation of constitutional principles .
The Failure to Fully Implement Article 49(5)
Legal commentators have noted that the concept of “special interest” was intended to imply a form of ownership and the immunity of the Oromo people from eviction from the city . However, successive federal governments have been accused of failing to implement the constitutional provision meaningfully, instead pursuing policies that marginalize Oromo communities in and around the capital .
Conclusion: A Legal Framework Awaiting Implementation
The legal instruments examined in this article reveal a consistent pattern: from the transitional period to the present day, Ethiopian law has recognized Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne. The FDRE Constitution, the City Charters, and the Oromia Constitutions all acknowledge the unique relationship between the city and the region that surrounds it.
However, legal recognition alone is insufficient. The gap between the law on paper and its implementation in practice has been a source of ongoing tension and conflict. The failure to fully implement Article 49(5), the controversies over boundary expansions, and the inadequate representation of Oromo interests in the governance of the capital have all contributed to the perception that Oromia’s constitutional rights are being violated.
The path forward lies in the genuine implementation of the constitutional and legal framework—through joint administrative mechanisms, meaningful consultation, and the protection of Oromo communities affected by the city’s expansion. As one legal commentator has noted: “The concept of special interest entered the Ethiopian legal lexicon to ensure that the Oromo people, whose land was taken to establish the capital, would not be excluded from the benefits of the city’s existence” . Fulfilling this vision requires not only legal recognition but also political will.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Seerri haa raawwatamu!
This feature article is based on a review of federal and regional legal instruments and is dedicated to all those who seek the full implementation of Oromia’s constitutional rights in Finfinne.
For the Cause of Finfinne: Entering Finfinne Itself Is Better Than Entering the Forest
A Reflection on Strategy, Presence, and the Path Forward for Oromo Liberation
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the long and arduous struggle for Oromo liberation, the question of strategy has always been central. For decades, the Oromo people have employed various methods of resistance—armed struggle in the forests, political advocacy in the diaspora, and mass protests in the streets. Each has its place and its purpose. But there is a principle that deserves careful consideration:
“Dhimma Finfinneetiif bosona seenuu caalaa Finfinneedhuma seenuutu karaa filatamaadha.”
“For the cause of Finfinne, entering Finfinne itself is better than entering the forest.”
This is not a dismissal of armed struggle or the sacrifices made by those who have fought in the forests. It is a strategic reflection on the nature of the struggle for Finfinne and the most effective means of achieving justice for the Oromo people’s ancestral capital.
The Significance of Finfinne
Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is not just any city. It is the historical and spiritual heart of the Oromo people. It is the place where the Oromo people lived for generations before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire. It is the site of their cultural heritage, the cradle of their language, and the symbol of their historical presence in the region.
For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not a bargaining chip. It is not a political football to be kicked around by competing interests. It is their ancestral homeland, and their connection to it is inseparable from their identity.
The struggle for Finfinne is therefore not just a political struggle—it is a struggle for the very soul of the Oromo nation. It is a struggle for recognition, for justice, and for the restoration of a people’s connection to their land.
The Forest and the City: Two Strategies
Historically, the Oromo liberation movement has employed two primary strategies: armed struggle in the forests and political organizing in the cities. Both have their strengths and limitations.
The Forest Strategy
Armed struggle has been a vital part of the Oromo resistance. The Oromo Liberation Army (WBO) has fought bravely against successive Ethiopian regimes, and their sacrifices have inspired generations. The forest has been a sanctuary for those who could not operate openly, a place where resistance could be sustained even in the darkest times.
However, the forest strategy has limitations. It is physically demanding, resource-intensive, and often results in heavy casualties. It can also be geographically remote from the centers of political power, limiting its direct impact on urban populations and decision-makers.
The City Strategy
The city strategy—entering Finfinne itself—offers a different approach. It recognizes that the struggle for Finfinne cannot be won solely in the forests. It must be waged in the city itself, among its residents, in its institutions, and in its political life.
Entering Finfinne means:
- Building a presence in the city’s political and civic institutions
- Organizing communities within the city
- Advocating for Oromo rights in the urban space
- Challenging the narrative that denies Oromo history
- Demanding recognition of Finfinne’s Oromo heritage
- Participating in governance to shape the city’s future
This strategy recognizes that Finfinne is not just a piece of land to be claimed from the outside—it is a living city with millions of residents, a complex political landscape, and a role as Ethiopia’s capital. Engaging with the city directly is essential for achieving justice.
Why Entering Finfinne Matters
1. Presence Is Power
In politics, presence is power. If the Oromo people are absent from Finfinne’s political and civic life, their voice will not be heard. Entering Finfinne means being present where decisions are made, where policies are shaped, and where the future of the city is determined.
2. The City Is the Symbol
Finfinne is not just a city—it is a symbol. It is the symbol of Oromo dispossession and the symbol of Oromo resistance. To enter Finfinne is to reclaim that symbol. It is to assert that the Oromo people have a rightful place in their ancestral capital.
3. The City Is the Center of Power
Finfinne is the seat of the Ethiopian government, the African Union, and numerous diplomatic missions. It is the center of political and economic power in Ethiopia. To influence the future of Finfinne, the Oromo people must be present at the center of that power.
4. The City Is a Space for Organizing
Finfinne is home to millions of people, including a significant Oromo population. It is a space for organizing, for building alliances, and for creating a movement that can effect change from within. By entering Finfinne, the Oromo people can build a movement that is rooted in the city itself.
5. The City Is the Future
The future of Finfinne will be shaped by those who are present in the city. If the Oromo people are absent, others will shape that future. Entering Finfinne ensures that the Oromo people have a say in what that future looks like.
The Path Forward
The principle that “entering Finfinne is better than entering the forest” is not a rejection of armed struggle. It is a call to recognize that the struggle for Finfinne must be waged on multiple fronts. It must include:
- Political organizing in the city
- Advocacy for Oromo rights in national and international forums
- Legal action to challenge unjust policies
- Cultural preservation to maintain Oromo heritage in the city
- Economic empowerment to build Oromo prosperity
- Public awareness to educate residents about Finfinne’s history
- Participation in governance to shape the city’s future
This multi-front approach recognizes that the struggle for Finfinne is not just about the past—it is about the present and the future. It is about ensuring that the Oromo people have a rightful place in their ancestral capital and that the city reflects the diversity and history of the Oromo nation.
A Call to Action
The time has come for the Oromo people to enter Finfinne—not as visitors, but as participants. Not as outsiders, but as rightful inhabitants. Not as supplicants, but as citizens with equal rights.
Entering Finfinne means:
- Registering to vote in the city’s elections
- Participating in civic organizations that shape the city’s life
- Advocating for Oromo rights in the city’s institutions
- Building businesses that create jobs and prosperity
- Educating residents about Finfinne’s Oromo history
- Demanding recognition of Oromo heritage in the city’s public spaces
This is not an easy path. It requires patience, persistence, and courage. But it is a path that offers a real chance for lasting change.
Conclusion: A New Chapter in the Struggle
The Oromo people have fought for Finfinne for generations. They have sacrificed their lives, their freedom, and their dreams. They have entered the forests, faced the guns, and endured the prisons. But the struggle is not over.
“Dhimma Finfinneetiif bosona seenuu caalaa Finfinneedhuma seenuutu karaa filatamaadha.”
“For the cause of Finfinne, entering Finfinne itself is better than entering the forest.”
This is a call to a new chapter in the struggle—a chapter of presence, participation, and engagement. A chapter where the Oromo people enter the city they love and claim their rightful place in it.
Let us enter Finfinne. Let us build a future where the Oromo people are recognized, respected, and empowered in their ancestral capital. Let us create a city that reflects the beauty, diversity, and resilience of the Oromo nation.
Finfinne is Oromo.
Entering Finfinne is the path forward.
The struggle continues.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Finfinnee haa seennu!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who have fought for Finfinne and to those who will continue the struggle in the city itself—the heart of the Oromo nation.
Passing the Torch with Honour: A Night of Unity and Generational Strength at Guyyaa Yuubota 2026 in Minnesota
Oromo Elders and Youth Come Together to Celebrate a Legacy of Resilience and Hope in St. Paul
By Maatii Sabaa
(St. Paul, Minnesota — 11August 2026)-In a powerful display of intergenerational unity and cultural pride, the Oromo community in Minnesota came together for Guyyaa Yuubota 2026, a celebration that was more than just an event—it was a profound ceremony of respect, remembrance, and the sacred passing of the torch from one generation to the next.
The event, held in the heart of “Little Oromia,” saw Oromo elders, leaders, and youth gather side by side, reinforcing the unbroken chain of identity and struggle that defines the Oromo people. It was an evening where the wisdom of the past met the energy of the future, and where the torch of liberation was passed respectfully, deliberately, and with immense pride.
A Ceremony of Blessings and Song
The proceedings at Guyyaa Yuubota opened in accordance with ancient Oromo tradition, with the solemn recitation of the Eebba Manguddoo—the Great Blessing—and the singing of the Faaruu Alaabaa, the Oromo national anthem. These rituals, which call upon Waaqa (God) for peace, prosperity, and success, served as a spiritual foundation for the work that followed.
The atmosphere was one of reverence and unity. Oromo oral literature, encompassing forms such as eebba (blessings) and faaruu (songs of praise), has sustained the community across generations, and on this night, it was on full display.
Passing the Torch: The Role of Elders and Youth
The central theme of the evening was the respectful transfer of responsibility and knowledge from the elders to the youth. The elders, who witnessed the early days of the struggle, sat alongside youth who were born in the diaspora, forging an intergenerational bond that strengthens the community’s resilience.
This tradition is a cornerstone of Oromo culture. The elders are the custodians of history, the guardians of the Gadaa principles, and the living memory of the struggle for liberation. By passing the torch to the youth, they ensure that the flame of Oromummaa (Oromo identity) continues to burn brightly.
As one community leader observed, the Oromo carry their ancient Gadaa principles with them into the future, no matter where they are in the world. This occasion was a testament to that enduring spirit—a reminder that the Oromo identity is not just about remembering the past, but about actively engaging with the present and building for the future.
The Significance of Minnesota’s “Little Oromia”
The choice of Minnesota for such a significant gathering is deeply meaningful. Over the past three decades, Minnesota has earned the affectionate title of “Little Oromia” for hosting one of the largest Oromo populations outside of East Africa. The state has become a sanctuary and a springboard for Oromo activism, where culture thrives through language, music, faith, and political organization.
The Oromo community centers in the Twin Cities have become hubs for organizing and celebration, making them the ideal setting for an event that bridges generations and honors the past while looking toward the future.
Looking to the Future: Consistency and Determination
The evening was not only about honoring the past but about setting a course for the future. The message to the youth was clear: consistency and determination remain the foundation of lasting progress and success. In the long and often brutal struggle for Oromo self-determination, it is the day-in and day-out commitment of a people who refuse to be erased that sustains the movement.
Conclusion: A Legacy Secured
Guyyaa Yuubota 2026 in Minnesota was a resounding success, a beautiful reminder of the strength of the Oromo people when they stand together. It was a night where the elders’ blessings were received with humility, and the youth’s energy was embraced with hope. The torch has been passed, and it is held high.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo elders who have paved the way and the youth who carry the torch forward.
Revitalizing Oromo History: Recognizing Errors and Gaps in Oromo Historiography-Part Three
A Critical Examination of the Challenges Facing Oromo Historical Studies
By Hailu Gonfa
This article is not intended as a concluding statement, but rather as a starting point for further research and discussion. It is my hope that historians, scholars, and all those interested in Oromo history will engage with these reflections, deepen the analysis, and contribute to the vital work of revitalizing Oromo historiography.
3.1. Revitalizing History Is Not Simply About Uncovering the Hidden
When we speak of revitalizing Oromo history, the first thought that often comes to mind is uncovering what has been hidden, forgotten, or misrepresented. This is necessary and important. But the work of revitalization must also be viewed from another perspective. It requires us to honestly examine the errors, gaps, contradictions, and failures within our own historical record.
A people who selectively remember only what glorifies them, while hiding what does not flatter them, have not truly revitalized their history. A people who examine their history in its entirety—drawing strength from its achievements and learning from its mistakes—are the ones who move forward with wisdom. Revitalization is not an exercise in self-praise; it is an exercise in self-knowledge. And self-knowledge requires knowing not only what elevates us, but also what diminishes us.
3.2. Oromo History Must Not Be Written Only by Outsiders
One of the major gaps in Oromo historiography is that for a long time, much of the research and writing about Oromo history has come from external perspectives. This is not to say that outsiders should not study Oromo history—on the contrary, external scholarship has made significant contributions. However, when a people’s history is interpreted primarily by outsiders, that people risks learning about themselves only through the eyes of others.
It is therefore essential to strengthen and support Oromo historians, scholars, writers, linguists, cultural experts, Gadaa researchers, and political and legal scholars. Oromo people must research, write, and engage in scholarly debate about their own history. This is not a rejection of others—it is the assertion of one’s own voice in matters that concern one’s own identity.
3.3. The Gap in Documentation
If a people wishes to pass their history on to future generations, they must document it. The Oromo people possess a rich oral tradition—history, proverbs, poetry, songs, stories of heroes, place names, customs, and social memory are all preserved in the oral tradition. However, oral transmission is vulnerable to change, loss, and distortion over time.
The great task awaiting the current generation is the transition from oral tradition to written and digital documentation. This includes written texts, audio recordings, video documentation, photographs, maps, digital archives, and books. What we document today will be the foundation upon which future generations will build their understanding of who they are.
3.4. Blending Personal Memory and Historical Evidence
One challenge in historical research is the mixing of personal memory with evidence-based history. A person may remember what they heard, saw, or were told by their elders. But to verify that such memory constitutes accurate history, it must be cross-referenced with other sources.
Revitalized Oromo history must move from “This is what I heard” to “What is the evidence?” Evidence may include government archives, ancient manuscripts, books, university research, oral testimonies, place names, archaeological findings, documentaries, personal recollections, and both internal and external sources. All must be examined together.
3.5. History as More Than Heroism
In Oromo historiography, there is sometimes an excessive focus on heroes and heroism. Heroes are important. A people must know and honour their heroes. But to build a people’s history solely around heroes is to impoverish it. A people’s history includes farmers, mothers, youth, teachers, professionals, traders, elders, artists, scholars, health workers, soldiers, and all the diverse builders of society.
A revitalized Oromo history must be a history of the people, not merely a history of heroes. Heroism belongs to a few; history must embrace the many.
3.6. Avoiding the Narrowing of Oromo History to the Struggle for Liberation
Another gap that sometimes appears in Oromo historiography is the tendency to define Oromo history primarily, or even exclusively, through the lens of political and armed struggle. The struggle is an important part of Oromo history, but it is only one part.
The Oromo people possess a rich Gadaa system, a deep philosophy, social institutions, culture and ethics, language, agricultural expertise, economic practices, conflict resolution mechanisms, environmental knowledge, and a vibrant literary and oral tradition. A revitalized Oromo history must ask not only “Who did the Oromo fight?” but also “How did the Oromo live? How did they govern themselves? How did they resolve conflicts? What did they create?”
3.7. The Danger of “We Are Always Right, They Are Always Wrong”
One of the great pitfalls in national historiography is the tendency to view oneself as always right and others as always wrong. This approach prevents genuine learning from history. The Oromo people have had relationships with many communities—relationships of cooperation, conflict, exchange, intermarriage, political alliance, and cultural borrowing.
To reduce all of this to a simple binary of “good versus evil” is to distort history and impoverish our understanding. A revitalized history must ask “What happened? Why did it happen? Who did what? What was the outcome?” This is the transition from myth-making to historical inquiry.
3.8. The Gap of Historical Context
Every historical event must be examined within its own time and place. It is a mistake to judge the past by the standards of the present. What a people thought, did, and believed a hundred years ago may have been shaped by conditions very different from our own. A proper understanding of Oromo history requires examining events within their own political, economic, social, environmental, and relational contexts.
3.9. Internal Diversity Within Oromo History
The Oromo people are spread across a vast territory with diverse regions, clans, dialects, cultures, and experiences. Sometimes, the history of one group is presented as the history of all Oromo, or the history of one group is separated from others. A revitalized historiography must avoid both errors: it must not minimize the history of any region, and it must not deny the diversity that exists. The correct path is to acknowledge our diversity while building a shared history.
3.10. Distinguishing Between Struggle and Its Mistakes
A struggle may have a just cause, but that does not mean every action taken in its name is just. This is an important and mature insight. In revitalizing Oromo history, we must distinguish between the goal, the method, and the outcome. The goal may be just, but the method chosen to achieve it may be flawed. This requires us to ask: What succeeded? What failed? What can we learn? What must we not repeat?
This is not about condemning individuals or groups—it is about learning from the past so that future generations do not repeat the same mistakes.
3.11. The Gap of Women in Oromo History
When writing Oromo history, it is easy to focus on those who held political or military power. But Oromo women have played a vital role in social, economic, cultural, family, educational, and peacebuilding life. A revitalized history must ask: “Where are the Oromo women in our history?” It must document the stories of mothers, farmers, teachers, professionals, artists, scholars, leaders, and community participants. Without women, the history of the Oromo people is incomplete.
3.12. Youth’s Role in History-Making
History often focuses on the elders and heroes of the past. But the younger generation also plays a role in history. Oromo youth must not only learn history—they must also research, write, and document it. Using digital technology, they can create digital archives, podcasts, documentaries, short videos, historical maps, e-books, websites, and research papers. Oromo history must move from the library and the academy into the digital age.
3.13. The Gap of Language and Translation
It is essential to write and document Oromo history in Afaan Oromoo, because the language carries the culture, thought, ethics, and worldview of the people. But it is also important to translate Oromo history into Amharic, English, other Ethiopian languages, and international languages. This ensures that Oromo history is not only for Oromo people, but is accessible to neighbours, scholars, and the wider world.
3.14. Separating History from Contemporary Politics
Historical research is sometimes influenced by the politics of the present. People may interpret the past in ways that serve their current political interests. This can distort historical scholarship. Oromo historiography must strive to be free from political manipulation and based on rigorous social science research. History should not be written simply to praise or attack a particular individual, group, or government. It should be written to provide truth, evidence, and lessons for future generations.
3.15. Learning from Errors Is Not Weakness
When a people openly acknowledges its historical errors, that is not a sign of weakness. On the contrary, it is a sign of maturity. A people who learn from their mistakes are less likely to repeat them. Hiding our failures does not strengthen us—understanding them does. Let us honour our heroes, but also learn from their errors. This is the foundation of mature historiography.
3.16. New Principles for Revitalizing Oromo History
If we are to revitalize Oromo history, we must agree on several guiding principles:
- Evidence-Based: What we say must be supported by evidence, or we must seek it.
- Balanced: We must not mix good and bad indiscriminately, but examine both.
- Self-Critical: We must not fear criticizing ourselves.
- Comparative: We must examine multiple sources and compare them.
- Respectful of Diversity: We must include the histories of diverse regions, clans, genders, and generations.
- Independent of Political Agendas: History should not serve the political interests of a single moment.
- Generational: We must not only research history but pass it on in an understandable way.
- Forward-Looking: We must learn from the past and use it to build the future.
Conclusion: Revitalization as Self-Knowledge
Revitalizing Oromo history is not simply about uncovering what has been hidden. It is about looking at everything—what brings us pride and what brings us shame, what strengthens us and what weakens us, what succeeded and what failed. A people who only praise their history do not know themselves. A people who only condemn their history lose confidence in themselves. But a people who know their history honestly, draw strength from what is good, learn from what is wrong, and build for the future—that is a mature people.
A revitalized Oromo history must move from self-praise to self-knowledge, from self-knowledge to self-criticism, from self-criticism to learning, from learning to renewal, and from renewal to building the future.
By openly examining the errors and gaps in Oromo history, we do not diminish the Oromo people. We do not flee from historical truth. Because a people who know their history honestly are the only ones who can guide their history toward a path of growth and modernity.
In the next section—Part Four: “Oromo History in the Construction of Ethiopia” —we will explore what role the Oromo played in Ethiopian history, what they contributed, what they lacked, and what they must build.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Seenaan Oromoo haa haaromfu!
Dogoggora keenya irraa haa barannu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Hailu Gonfa and is dedicated to all those committed to the honest, rigorous, and balanced revitalization of Oromo history.
The Lion Who Fell Fighting: Remembering Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu (1943–1992)
By Daandii Ragabaa (Adapted into a feature story based on various sources)
His name means “Lion” in Oromo. And like a lion, Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu lived with courage, fought with conviction, and died with his boots on—somewhere in the forests of western Oromia, in 1992. Three decades later, his grave remains unknown. But his story, carried by oral tradition and fragmentary records, refuses to be buried.
A Humble Beginning in Wallagga
Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu was born in 1943 in Billo, a town in the Bonayya district of East Wallagga, within the Waamaa region. According to those who knew him, he grew up in a typical Oromo farming community, at a time when the imperial government of Haile Selassie exercised firm control over the land and its people.
As a young man, he left his birthplace and moved to Finfinnee (Addis Ababa), where he lived for about 15 years as an adolescent. There, he entered school. But his education was interrupted by a different calling.
The Soldier with the Striking Physique
Contemporary accounts describe Jaal Lammeessaa as tall and physically impressive. It was this very stature that drew the attention of military recruiters. Under the imperial regime, he was selected to join a special unit known as “Kubur-Zabanya” and “Faxino-Darash” (likely special police or commando forces). Within the latter, he became known as “Faxino-Daraash Shalaqaa” and served under the command of General Tadesse Birru.
He proved to be an exceptional soldier. His superiors reportedly praised his dedication, and he rose to become a respected non-commissioned officer.
Joining the Machaa Tulema Association
The Machaa Tulema Association was founded as a development and civic organization, but it quickly became a political vehicle for Oromo nationalism. General Tadesse Birru was one of its key leaders. When the association began recruiting members, Jaal Lammeessaa was among those selected.
Initially, the organization’s goal was to work within the system—to address Oromo grievances through legal means. But as General Tadesse and others concluded that the imperial regime had no intention of recognizing Oromo rights, they shifted toward a more radical path. Jaal Lammeessaa became a trusted operative within the association’s secret military wing.
The Failed Plot Against Emperor Haile Selassie
On October 23 (Ethiopian calendar), the Emperor’s birthday, a plot was hatched to assassinate Haile Selassie during the annual celebrations at the site known as “Addabaaba’ii Minlik” (Menelik Square). General Tadesse Birru assigned four commandos to carry out the attack, selecting them for their courage and loyalty.
The four were:
· Lammeessaa Boruu (from the Faxino-Darash unit)
· Camadaa Sobbooqaa
· H/Mariyam Diimaa (from Kubur-Zabanya)
· Fixumaa Hiikisaa
They prepared extensively. But the plot was betrayed. Informants within the government learned of the plan just before it could be executed. The commandos were arrested.
When Jaal Lammeessaa was searched, a bomb intended for the Emperor was found on him. He was tortured severely. According to surviving members of the Machaa Tulema Association, his ribs were broken, and he suffered long-term disability from the interrogation. Despite the brutality, he refused to betray the organization’s deeper secrets—though under extreme duress, some information was extracted.
First Imprisonment and Release
Following the failed plot, General Tadesse and several others were sentenced to death. Jaal Lammeessaa received a five-year prison sentence. After serving his term, he was released. Upon release, he immediately rejoined his former commander, General Tadesse Birru, who had been transferred to Galamso in eastern Oromia. There, they continued to discuss the struggle for Oromo self-determination.
The Cinema Bombing and Second Arrest
As the Machaa Tulema Association continued its activities, the regime grew more determined to crush it. On December 10, 1959 (Ethiopian calendar), a bomb exploded inside a cinema in Addis Ababa where the film Zorba the Greek was being shown. Thirty-six people were wounded.
The government immediately blamed the Machaa Tulema Association. Propaganda claimed that a member named Maammoo Mazaamir had planted the bomb. The incident was used as a pretext for a massive crackdown. Jaal Lammeessaa was arrested again—this time as part of a sweeping roundup of Oromo nationalists.
He was among nine senior Machaa Tulema figures sentenced to long prison terms, while General Tadesse Birru and Maammoo Mazaamir received death sentences (later commuted or carried out, depending on the account).
Life Under the Derg and the Fourth Arrest
Jaal Lammeessaa spent more than 12 years in prison under the Derg regime that overthrew Haile Selassie in 1974. He was held in police stations and military camps, subjected to repeated interrogations. Yet even in detention, he remained committed to the Oromo cause.
After the Derg fell in 1991, Jaal Lammeessaa was released. He joined the Oromo Liberation Front (ABO – a reference to the OLF) and became a member of its central committee, working in the economic department. He lived in Wajjira Gullaallee, continuing his activism.
The Final Battle and Disappearance
In 1992, following a split within the transitional government of Ethiopia (the “Ce’umsaa” or transitional period), Jaal Lammeessaa and other Oromo fighters moved toward western Oromia. They joined ongoing armed confrontations against government forces (referred to as “Wayyaanee” – a term for the Ethiopian military or allied militias).
According to the source, Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu fell in battle near the Jimma Horroo area in Wallagga region. He was killed in armed combat. His body was never recovered, and to this day, the exact location and circumstances of his death remain unknown.
Legacy: The Unknown Grave, the Known Sacrifice
Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu was 49 years old when he died. He left behind three children: Mosisa Lamessa Boru, Lense Lemessa Boru and Tsegaye Lemessa Bouru. He is remembered as a devoted fighter who gave his entire adult life to the Oromo national struggle. From the imperial era through the Derg and into the transitional government, he never wavered.
The biography ends with a poetic refrain:
“The fighter may fall. He may pass away. But Jaal Lammeessaa’s blood was not shed in vain. He has grown for us the plant of freedom.”
His grave may be lost to history. But for those who keep his memory, Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu remains one of the lions of Oromo resistance—a man who turned his back on personal safety and government favor, and chose instead the uncertain path of the forest and the battlefield.
—
*This feature story is based exclusively on various sources of the Oromo-language biography written by Daandii Ragabaa. It is presented as a journalistic adaptation of that source and does not constitute an endorsement of armed struggle or any political organization. The factual claims rest with the original author.
Revitalizing Oromo History: The Gadaa System as a Source of Democratic Thought
Beyond Culture — Gadaa as a Living Philosophy of Governance, Accountability, and Coexistence
By Hailu Gonfa
As I promised in the first part of this series on “Revitalizing Oromo History,” this second installment delves deeper into the Gadaa system—not merely as a cultural artifact, but as a profound source of democratic principles, governance, and social philosophy that holds invaluable lessons for the Oromo people today.
For too long, Gadaa has been reduced to folklore, song, dance, and ceremonial dress. But to confine Gadaa to the realm of culture alone is to miss its essence. Gadaa was—and remains—a system of governance, law, power-sharing, accountability, and conflict resolution. It is a philosophy of life that offers timeless wisdom on how to organize society, distribute power, and build lasting peace.
2.1. Gadaa Is Not Just Culture
When we speak of Gadaa, we often reduce it to traditional clothing, songs, ceremonies, or rites of passage. These are indeed elements of Gadaa, but they represent only a fraction of its meaning. To see Gadaa only as culture is to miss the forest for the trees.
Gadaa was a comprehensive system of governance that encompassed:
- Leadership and administration — How society was organized and governed.
- Law and justice — How rules were made, interpreted, and enforced.
- Power-sharing — How authority was distributed and transferred.
- Accountability — How leaders were held responsible for their actions.
- Deliberation and decision-making — How collective decisions were reached.
- Conflict resolution — How disputes were mediated and peace restored.
- Resource distribution — How resources were allocated and managed.
To study Gadaa is not merely to study Oromo history; it is to study a sophisticated political and social system that functioned for centuries. It raises fundamental questions: How did a people organize governance long before modern states? Who ruled? How were rulers checked? How were laws made? How was power transferred? How were conflicts resolved?
These are questions that remain relevant today.
2.2. What Is Democracy?
Democracy is often reduced to elections. But elections are only one part of democracy. True democracy encompasses:
- Public participation — The involvement of citizens in decision-making.
- Deliberation — The exchange of ideas and arguments.
- Consensus-building — The search for common ground.
- Accountability — The responsibility of leaders to the people.
- Rule of law — The supremacy of law over individuals.
- Human rights — The protection of fundamental freedoms.
- Limits on power — The prevention of tyranny and abuse.
When we examine Gadaa through this lens, we find striking parallels. Gadaa featured public deliberation, collective decision-making, accountable leadership, and a system of checks and balances. It offered a model of governance that, while distinct from modern democracy, shared many of its core principles.
However, we must be cautious. Gadaa is not identical to modern democracy. And not all modern democracy is derived from Gadaa. The two systems emerged in different historical contexts and reflect different societies. But the parallels are significant enough to merit serious study.
The goal is not to claim that Gadaa was “better” or “worse” than modern democracy, but to understand its principles, learn from its strengths, and apply its lessons to the challenges of today.
2.3. Power Was Never Concentrated in One Person
One of the greatest dangers in any political system is the concentration of power in the hands of a single individual or group. Power, when unchecked, tends to corrupt. When held too long, it becomes tyranny.
In Gadaa, power was never absolute.
Power was distributed, limited, and transferred regularly. It was tied to:
- Time — Power was held for a fixed period.
- Law — Power was exercised within legal boundaries.
- Social roles — Power was shared among different groups and institutions.
- Collective responsibility — Leaders were accountable to the community.
This is a profound lesson: Good governance does not depend solely on good leaders; it depends on a good system. A system that limits power, distributes authority, and holds leaders accountable is more important than the personal qualities of any individual leader.
The Gadaa system understood this. It did not rely on the virtue of a single ruler; it created institutions and processes that prevented the abuse of power.
2.4. Limiting Power: A Lesson from Gadaa
True democracy asks a fundamental question: “Who checks the one who holds power?”
If the answer is “no one,” then democracy is in danger. The Gadaa system offers a powerful answer: power was checked by time, law, social roles, and collective institutions.
- Power was temporary. Leaders served for a fixed term and could not extend their rule arbitrarily.
- Power was bound by law. Even the most powerful leaders were subject to the laws and customs of the community.
- Power was shared. Leadership was distributed among different groups and generations, preventing domination by a single faction.
- Power was accountable. Leaders were expected to answer to the community and could be removed if they failed.
The lesson is clear: Power is not a personal possession; it is a public trust. It carries responsibility, not privilege.
2.5. Deliberation Is the Foundation of Decision-Making
In any society, decisions made without deliberation—without discussion, debate, and the exchange of ideas—may be executed quickly, but they often lack legitimacy and sustainability.
In Gadaa, deliberation was central to decision-making.
- Issues were discussed openly.
- Diverse opinions were heard.
- Consensus was sought.
- Decisions were made collectively.
But deliberation is not just about speaking. It is about listening. It is about considering different perspectives, seeking common ground, and building collective ownership of decisions.
This is a vital lesson for today: Democracy is not just about majority rule; it is about listening to minorities. The loudest voice is not always the right one. The smallest voice deserves to be heard.
2.6. Consensus: From Democracy to Peace
In any society, the existence of diverse opinions is not a problem. The problem arises when diversity of opinion becomes conflict, and conflict becomes chaos.
In Gadaa, reconciliation, deliberation, consensus, and peace were central values. The system understood that unity is not the absence of disagreement, but the ability to manage disagreement peacefully.
Consensus is not a sign of weakness; it is a sign of political maturity. It requires patience, listening, compromise, and a commitment to the common good.
The lesson is clear: Victory is not measured by defeating an enemy, but by bringing that enemy into a relationship of mutual respect and coexistence.
2.7. The Supremacy of Law
Good governance is not defined by the quality of the ruler, but by the supremacy of the law. When the law is applied differently to rulers and to the ruled, injustice prevails.
In Gadaa, law, ethics, and accountability were intertwined. Law was not a tool of the powerful; it was a framework for justice that applied to all.
The lesson is profound: Freedom is not the absence of limits; it is the presence of just limits. True freedom exists within a framework of law, accountability, and mutual respect.
2.8. Reconciliation and Justice
Conflict is inevitable in any society. The question is how it is resolved.
In Gadaa, reconciliation was central to conflict resolution. It was not about forgetting or ignoring harm; it was about:
- Acknowledging the truth — Recognizing the harm that was done.
- Seeking accountability — Holding those responsible to account.
- Repairing relationships — Restoring trust and social bonds.
- Preventing recurrence — Addressing the root causes of conflict.
This is a powerful model for today: reconciliation is not a soft option; it is a demanding process that requires truth, justice, and a commitment to rebuilding relationships.
2.9. Leadership and Accountability
A leader is not merely someone who holds power; a leader is someone in whom the people have placed their trust. This trust is not unconditional.
In Gadaa, leaders were expected to:
- Listen to the people
- Respect the law
- Be accountable for their decisions
- Use power for the public good
- Step down with dignity at the end of their term
The lesson is clear: Leadership is a service, not a privilege. A good leader is not someone who commands obedience, but someone who earns trust and exercises power with accountability.
2.10. The Transfer of Power
One of the greatest challenges in any political system is the peaceful transfer of power. When leaders cling to power as if it were personal property, they create instability.
In Gadaa, the transfer of power was institutionalized and ritualized. It was seen not as a loss, but as a natural and necessary part of the political cycle.
The lesson is clear: Power is not for individuals; it is for the community. The ability to transfer power peacefully is a sign of a mature political system.
2.11. Participation and Inclusion
Governance cannot be separated from the people. People are not passive subjects; they are active participants in their own governance.
In Gadaa, participation was not limited to elites. Different groups—families, clans, age sets, and leaders—had roles and responsibilities in the system.
The lesson is clear: Democracy is not just something that happens in parliament; it must be practiced in families, schools, communities, and every sphere of life.
2.12. A Critical Examination of Gadaa
To revive Oromo history, we must not romanticize Gadaa. We must examine it critically.
- What were its strengths? Its participatory governance, accountability mechanisms, and peaceful conflict resolution.
- What were its limitations? The exclusion of certain groups, particularly women, from full participation in decision-making.
A critical examination of Gadaa does not diminish its value. On the contrary, it gives us a more complete and honest picture of our history—and a richer source of lessons for today.
2.13. Gadaa as a Source of Ideas
The danger is that Gadaa becomes a symbol, a flag, or a costume—something we wave but do not think about. If we want to learn from Gadaa, we must ask the hard questions:
- How do we limit power?
- How do we hold leaders accountable?
- How do we make decisions through deliberation?
- How do we resolve conflicts through reconciliation?
- How do we transfer power peacefully?
- How do we make law supreme?
- What do we pass on to future generations?
These are not just historical questions. They are questions for today and tomorrow. Gadaa offers a starting point for answering them.
2.14. Gadaa and Modern Democracy
We should not isolate Gadaa from the world, nor should we uncritically adopt foreign models. The way forward is to combine:
- Our own experience — The wisdom of Gadaa.
- Global knowledge — Insights from democratic theory and practice.
- Scientific inquiry — Rigorous research and analysis.
Gadaa + Global Democracy + Scientific Inquiry = A Path Forward.
2.15. Is Gadaa Oromo Property or Human Property?
This is a profound question. Gadaa is Oromo history and heritage. But the values embedded in it—deliberation, reconciliation, accountability, limits on power—are universal human values.
Gadaa is Oromo heritage. But its lessons are not for Oromo alone. And at the same time, universalizing Gadaa does not erase its Oromo identity.
The challenge is to honor Gadaa as Oromo history while sharing its wisdom with the world.
2.16. A Message to the New Generation
To the Oromo youth of today:
Do not reduce Gadaa to song, dance, or costume. Carry its ideas.
- See power as accountability, not privilege.
- See deliberation as strength, not weakness.
- See consensus as victory, not surrender.
- See diversity as wealth, not conflict.
- See law as supreme, not individual will.
- See leadership as service, not domination.
- See history as learning, not nostalgia.
If you do this, Gadaa will not be a relic of the past; it will be a living guide for the future.
Conclusion: Revitalizing History, Building the Future
Gadaa is not just about remembering the past. It is about engaging with the questions of today and tomorrow. Oromo history is not a museum; it is a living source of ideas, values, and lessons.
The new generation of Oromo must carry Gadaa forward—not as a heritage to be preserved in isolation, but as a philosophy to be applied in the modern world.
Let us not worship our history; let us study it critically. Let us not only celebrate our heroes; let us also learn from their accountability. Let us not only remember our victories; let us also learn from our defeats.
This is how we revitalize Oromo history. This is how we build the future.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Gadaan haa jabaattu!
Seenaan Oromoo haa haaromfu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Hailu Gonfa and is dedicated to all those who are committed to revitalizing Oromo history, studying the Gadaa system with honesty and rigor, and applying its lessons to the challenges of today.
Irreechaa: The Oromo Thanksgiving — A Celebration of Creation, Renewal, and Gratitude
Honouring Waaqa Through Ancient Rituals of Rain, Peace, and Fertility
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the heart of the Oromo nation, a sacred tradition unfolds each year—a celebration that connects the living to their creator, their ancestors, and the natural world that sustains them. Irreechaa is more than a cultural festival; it is the spiritual heartbeat of the Oromo people, a profound expression of thanksgiving to Waaqa (God) for the gift of life, the renewal of the seasons, and the promise of abundance.
As the Oromo people gather at sacred sites—atop mountains, along riverbanks, and around the shores of lakes—they carry bunches of fresh grass and flowers, symbols of creation and gratitude. They sing, they pray, and they reaffirm their faith in the one universal creator. This is Irreechaa: the Oromo Thanksgiving Day.
The Oromo Belief in One God: Waaqa Tokko
The Oromo people are one of the indigenous peoples of East Africa, with a rich cultural heritage that stretches back millennia. Central to their worldview is a profound and unwavering belief in monotheism—the belief in one God, whom they call Waaqa.
The Oromo are not fetishists. They do not worship the forces of nature; rather, they see in them the manifestations of Waaqa’s power and wisdom. The Oromo people hold this faith so deeply that any expression of doubt regarding the unity of God is met with strong protest. For the Oromo, there is and will always be but one God—Waaqa Tokko—the unique, universal creator and master of all existence.
This belief is the foundation upon which the Irreechaa ceremony is built. It is a celebration not of nature itself, but of the creator whose wisdom and power are revealed through nature’s beauty, fertility, and renewal.
The Gadaa System and Qaalluu Institution: The Framework of Irreechaa
To fully understand Irreechaa, one must understand the broader cultural and political systems of the Oromo people, particularly the Gadaa system and the Qaalluu institution.
The Gadaa system is a millennia-old democratic governance structure based on generational age sets, egalitarian principles, and rotating leadership. It has been recognized by UNESCO as part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. The Qaalluu institution, on the other hand, is the spiritual authority that maintains harmony between society, nature, and the spiritual realm.
Irreechaa is intimately connected to both. The Qaalluus (spiritual leaders) and the Abbaa Malkaas (lineal chiefs of the areas) are at the top hierarchies of the ritual. The Qaalluus give instructions and directives regarding the location and timing of the ritual, ensuring that it is conducted in accordance with ancient traditions.
The Philosophy of Irreechaa: Life, Death, and Resurrection
Irreechaa is not merely a ritual; it is a comprehensive philosophical worldview that reflects the Oromo people’s understanding of existence.
The ceremony embodies a profound admiration for the miraculous spiritual powers of Waaqa and the living secret of generation. The ever-greenness and productivity of plants, the regeneration of life, the replacement of the old by the new, and the death and resurrection of fruits are seen as manifestations of Waaqa’s wisdom.
According to this belief, all is accomplished by the will of Waaqa.
The cycle of seasons—the death of vegetation in the dry season and its resurrection with the rains—is likened to the cycle of life itself. It reflects a philosophy of life after death, of renewal, and of hope.
Historically, this worldview is believed to have originated from the ancient Cushitic people living along the Nile Valley. While the Oromo Waaqeffannaa is not identical to the religious practices of these ancient peoples, it shares a common origin in the Nile Valley Cushitic civilization.
The Two Major Irreechaa Celebrations
The Irreechaa ritual ceremony is conducted at different places and times, governed by its own system and portrayed by its own ritual practices. By and large, it takes place at two major areas:
1. Irreechaa Tulluu — The Mountain Celebration
Irreechaa Tulluu is the ritual ceremony conducted at the top of mountains. It is performed at the beginning of the spring season, usually in the month of March.
For three months prior, the land has endured the harshness of the dry season (bona) . Both people and cattle suffer from drought, shortage of water, and scarcity of grasses. It is during this time of hardship that the Oromo people gather on the mountain tops to pray to Waaqa to send rain, to bring relief, and to restore life to the land.
The mountain tops are solitary places characterized by moisture conducive for praying. This ritual ceremonial practice is said to have closely related to the worship practiced by ancient settlers of peoples of the Nile Valley.
2. Irreechaa Malkaa — The Riverbank Celebration
Irreechaa Malkaa is celebrated immediately after the end of the rainy season, in the middle of September (Fulbaana). It is a time of transition—when the darkness and fog of the rainy season give way to the brightness of spring (Birraa) .
This ritual ceremony is accomplished not only along the banks of rivers but also around lakes and their vicinities. The most famous of these celebrations takes place at Hora Arsadi, near Bishoftu town, a site of profound historical and cultural significance.
This Irreechaa holiday is sometimes known as Ayyaana Birraa (the Birraa holiday). It is the time when relatives, families, and clans, separated by rivers and floods during the rainy season, are able to meet and reconnect.
The Significance of Hora Arsadi
Hora Arsadi, the iconic site of Irreechaa Malkaa, is located adjacent to Bishoftu town, not far from Oda Nabe—one of the Oromo religious, political, and historical centers of ancient times.
The name “Hora Arsadi” is derived from a man named Arsadi, who is said to have belonged to the Liban lineage. The site is a sacred space, where the Oromo people gather annually to give thanks, to pray, and to renew their connection to Waaqa and to each other.
At this site, the Abbaa Malkaas and the Abbaa Gadaas have vital participatory roles. Communities carrying bunches of lovely grasses and flowers in their hands—symbols of creation and abundance—praise, bless, and pray to Waaqa.
The Rituals of Irreechaa
The Irreechaa ceremony is a rich tapestry of song, dance, prayer, and community fellowship.
Carrying the Bunch of Grasses and Flowers
Participants hold in their hands fresh grass and flowers—symbols of the creation they are praising. This act embodies the essence of Irreechaa: “Uumamaan uumaa raajjeeffanna” —we pray and admire the creator having creations in hands.
After the thanksgiving songs are sung, the bunches of flowers and grasses are laid over, symbolizing the offering of gratitude to Waaqa.
The Songs of Irreechaa
The songs of Irreechaa are deeply moving and spiritually charged. The women, decorated in Caaccuu (beads) cultural suits and holding Siiqqee (cultural slender sticks), sing the melody:
“Maareyoo! Maareyoo…!”
The men, holding Harooressa (male sticks), respond with:
“Irrechoo yaa irrecha malkaa roobaafi nagaa…”
This call and response is a prayer for rain, peace, and fertility—for the well-being of the community and the promise of abundance.
The Return Home
After the prayers, all participants return to their villages, accompanying the Abbaa Malkaa and their clan leaders. The journey back is marked by joy, fellowship, and the reaffirmation of community bonds.
Children and Youth Celebrations
Children with peer groups sing seasonal and love songs. This is the season when young people select their partners, give and receive gifts, and express their best wishes to one another through cultural songs. It is a time of hope, renewal, and the celebration of life.
The Cultural and Spiritual Meaning of Irreechaa
Irreechaa embodies the core values of Oromo culture and spirituality:
1. Gratitude to the Creator
The ceremony is an act of thanksgiving, acknowledging that all life and abundance come from Waaqa.
2. Renewal and Hope
Irreechaa marks the transition from hardship to hope, from the scarcity of the dry season to the abundance of spring.
3. Community and Unity
The celebration brings together families, clans, and communities, reinforcing the bonds of kinship and solidarity.
4. Connection to Nature
The use of fresh grass and flowers symbolizes the Oromo people’s deep connection to the natural world and their role as stewards of creation.
5. Peace and Reconciliation
Irreechaa is also a time for reconciliation—for mending relationships, resolving conflicts, and fostering peace within the community.
Irreechaa in the Modern Era
Today, Irreechaa has grown beyond its traditional boundaries. The annual celebration at Hora Arsadi now draws hundreds of thousands of Oromo people from across Ethiopia and the diaspora. It has become a powerful expression of Oromo identity, unity, and cultural pride.
The ceremony has also garnered international recognition. It serves as a reminder of the Oromo people’s rich cultural heritage and their enduring connection to their land, their faith, and their traditions.
In the diaspora, Oromo communities in cities like Minneapolis, Seattle, Melbourne, and Toronto have also begun to celebrate Irreechaa, ensuring that the tradition continues across borders. These celebrations preserve cultural identity, connect younger generations to their heritage, and create spaces for community bonding.
A Call to Preserve and Celebrate
As the Oromo people continue to navigate the challenges of the modern world, Irreechaa remains a source of strength, hope, and identity. It is a reminder of who they are, where they come from, and the values that unite them as a people.
Irreechaa is more than a holiday—it is a way of life. It is a philosophy of gratitude, a celebration of creation, and a reaffirmation of faith in the one universal creator.
As the participants gather at Hora Arsadi and other sacred sites, they carry not just bunches of grass and flowers, but the hopes, prayers, and dreams of an entire nation.
Irreechoo yaa irrecha malkaa roobaafi nagaa!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Irreechaa haa jabaattu!
Waaqa haa galatannu!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo people—past, present, and future—who carry the spirit of Irreechaa in their hearts, and to the generations yet to come who will continue this sacred tradition.
Finfinne: A Question of Law, Governance, and Political Will
Moving Beyond History to Constitutional and Administrative Solutions
By Birhanu Lenjiso (PhD)
The debate surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—has long been entangled in competing historical narratives, emotional appeals, and identity politics. But at its core, the question of Finfinne’s status is not primarily historical or geographical. It is a question of law, governance, and political will.
Finfinne is the capital of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. It serves as the seat of the federal government. But it is also a city located within the boundaries of Oromia, and this geographical reality carries constitutional implications that cannot be ignored. The distinction between the city’s role as a federal capital and its regional location must be clearly understood if we are to find a sustainable solution.
The Constitutional Framework: A City Within Oromia
Finfinne did not become the capital of Ethiopia because it lacked an owner. It became the capital because the Oromo people—the rightful owners of the land—consented to its role as the seat of the federal government. This consent was formalized in the Ethiopian Constitution, which recognized Oromia’s “special interest” in the city concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters.
This constitutional recognition is not a declaration of Oromo ownership in the exclusive sense. Rather, it acknowledges a practical reality: the city is located within Oromia, and its daily functioning and development depend on resources, infrastructure, and cooperation from surrounding Oromo communities.
Two distinct dimensions must be clearly distinguished:
- The city’s regional status — its location within Oromia and its relationship with the surrounding communities.
- The city’s federal status — its role as the capital of Ethiopia and the seat of the federal government.
Both dimensions are legitimate and must be respected. The challenge is to find a governance framework that honours both.
The Oromo Position: A Clear and Legitimate Demand
The Oromo people’s demand regarding Finfinne is clear and straightforward: Finfinne should remain the capital of Ethiopia, but its administration should be placed under the jurisdiction of Oromia.
This demand is rooted in the following considerations:
- Geographical Reality: Finfinne is surrounded by Oromia and is an integral part of the Oromo homeland.
- Historical Connection: The area known as Finfinnee has been inhabited by Oromo people for generations and holds deep cultural significance.
- Constitutional Recognition: The Constitution recognizes Oromia’s special interest in the city, a provision that has never been fully implemented.
- Practical Necessity: The city’s development and the well-being of surrounding communities are interconnected and require coordinated governance.
The Oromo position is not a rejection of Finfinne’s role as the federal capital. It is a demand for constitutional implementation, administrative justice, and practical cooperation.
The Importance of Legal and Administrative Clarity
The debate over Finfinne should not be reduced to competing historical claims or identity-based appeals. While history and geography provide important context, the core question is one of law and governance.
What is the legal status of Finfinne?
How should its relationship with Oromia be governed?
How can the constitutional provisions regarding Oromia’s special interest be implemented?
These are the questions that demand answers. Repeatedly invoking historical grievances or geographical arguments without addressing the legal and administrative dimensions does not move the debate forward. It only complicates the process and deepens divisions.
Separating History, Law, Politics, and Identity
To make progress on the Finfinne question, we must develop the discipline of separating different dimensions of the issue:
- History: The historical connection between the Oromo people and the land on which Finfinne was built is a fact. It is not a question—it is a reality that must be acknowledged.
- Geography: The city is located within Oromia. This is a geographical fact, not a political claim. It has implications for governance, resource sharing, and administrative cooperation.
- Constitutional Law: The Constitution recognizes Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne. This is a legal provision that requires implementation. How this implementation should occur is a matter of legal interpretation and political negotiation.
- Politics: The demand for administrative control over Finfinne is a political question. It is subject to debate, negotiation, and compromise. It is not a historical or geographical inevitability—it is a matter of political will and constitutional interpretation.
- Identity: Finfinne holds deep cultural and symbolic meaning for the Oromo people. This identity dimension must be respected, but it should not dominate the legal and administrative discussions.
By separating these dimensions, we can engage in a more productive and less emotionally charged debate.
The Need for a Framework Agreement
The Finfinne question will not be resolved through unilateral declarations or zero-sum demands. It requires a framework agreement that addresses the following key issues:
- Constitutional Implementation: How can Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne be implemented in practice? What joint administrative mechanisms are needed?
- Administrative Relations: How should the federal government, the Oromia regional government, and the city administration coordinate their activities?
- Resource Sharing: How should the city’s resources—including land, water, and infrastructure—be managed in a way that benefits both the city and surrounding communities?
- Development Planning: How can urban expansion and development be planned in a way that respects the rights and interests of affected communities?
- Citizen Participation: How can all residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—participate in the governance of the city?
Such an agreement must be based on mutual respect, constitutional fidelity, and a commitment to justice.
The Danger of Historical Simplification
One of the greatest obstacles to resolving the Finfinne question is the tendency to reduce complex issues to simplistic historical claims.
Those who argue that Finfinne is simply “Oromo land” or that it is simply “Ethiopian capital” are missing the point. The city is both. It is the capital of Ethiopia and the historical heart of Oromia. These two truths are not contradictory—they are complementary.
The challenge is to create governance arrangements that honour both truths. This requires moving beyond historical claims and engaging in practical, constitutional discussions.
A Call for Pragmatism and Cooperation
The Finfinne question has been debated for decades. It has been the source of conflict, protest, and political tension. It has divided communities and strained relationships. But it does not have to be a source of endless conflict.
A sustainable solution requires:
- Acknowledgment of Historical Facts: The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne must be acknowledged. This is not a concession—it is an acknowledgment of reality.
- Respect for Constitutional Provisions: Oromia’s special interest in the city, as recognized in the Constitution, must be implemented. The Constitution is not a suggestion—it is the supreme law of the land.
- Political Will: The federal government and the Oromia regional government must engage in good-faith negotiations to find a mutually acceptable governance framework.
- Focus on Practical Solutions: The debate should focus on practical questions of governance, resource sharing, and administrative coordination—not on abstract claims of ownership or identity.
Conclusion: A Path Forward
The Finfinne question is ultimately a question of law and governance. It is about how the city should be administered, how resources should be shared, and how the relationship between the city and surrounding communities should be governed.
The Oromo people’s demand—that Finfinne remain the capital of Ethiopia while its administration is placed under Oromia—is a legitimate political claim. It is rooted in constitutional provisions, historical realities, and practical considerations. It deserves to be taken seriously.
But the resolution of this question will not come from historical debates or identity-based appeals. It will come from good-faith negotiations, constitutional implementation, and a commitment to justice.
Let us focus on the law.
Let us focus on governance.
Let us focus on practical solutions.
Let us build a future where Finfinne serves as a city for all Ethiopians while honouring its historical and constitutional relationship with Oromia.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Oromia fi Finfinne walitti haa qabatan!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dr. Birhanu Lenjiso and is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and lasting solution to the question of Finfinne.
A Historical Reflection on the Betrayal of Abiishee Garbaa: Lessons for the Oromo Struggle Today
How Deception, Diplomacy, and Divide-and-Rule Tactics Defeated a Leader—and What the Oromo Liberation Army Must Learn
By Dinknesh Dheeressaa
As I observe the events unfolding in our midst today, I am reminded of a painful chapter in Oromo history—the story of Abiishee Garbaa, a leader whose fate was sealed not by the strength of his enemies on the battlefield, but by their cunning, deception, and manipulation of Oromo unity.
This is not merely a tale of the past. It is a mirror held up to the present. The same tactics that brought down Abiishee Garbaa are being employed today against the Oromo people and their liberation struggle. The question we must ask ourselves is: Have we learned the lessons of history?
The Historical Context: Abiishee Garbaa and the Gojjam Invasion
According to the authoritative book “Seenaa Abiishee Garbaa fi Gootota Oromoo Biroo” by Ginbaar Nagaraa Kumsaa (2013), the story of Abiishee Garbaa is one of betrayal, deception, and the tragic fragmentation of Oromo unity .
In the years 1854/55, following the death of Garbaa Huruubaa—the ruler of Horro and Abiishee’s father—the region fell into political turmoil. No new leader had been appointed to rule Horro, and this power vacuum was exploited by the Gojjam forces. They crossed the Mormor River through Amuru and launched a devastating campaign against the Horro people .
Abiishee, compelled to defend his people and claim his father’s legacy, mobilized his forces. He gathered the Qondaaltota (warriors) of Horro and successfully repelled the Gojjam invaders. Despite multiple attempts, the Gojjam forces could not defeat Abiishee in direct military confrontation .
But they did not need to.
The Tactics of Deception: Divide, Bribe, and Betray
Unable to defeat Abiishee through conventional warfare, the Gojjam forces turned to a different strategy: division and deception.
They exploited internal rifts within the Horro leadership. One of Abiishee’s own commanders, Soorii Galaa, who had opposed Abiishee’s leadership, defected to the enemy. Soorii Galaa fled to Gojjam, where he was received and employed. He then conspired to betray his people, using his insider knowledge to undermine Oromo resistance .
This pattern is all too familiar. As the Oromo proverb says: “Soogiddaan soogidda cabsu” —”Salt breaks salt.” The enemy does not always need to destroy you from the outside. Often, they find someone from within to do the work for them.
The Gojjam forces used a combination of modern weaponry, espionage, bribery, and deception. They pitted Oromo leaders against each other, spreading rumours, creating alliances based on false promises, and exploiting personal ambitions and grievances to shatter the unity of the Oromo people .
The Role of Qadiidaa Wannabee: False Diplomacy and Betrayal
The most infamous act of deception was the role of Qadiidaa Wannabee. Unable to defeat Abiishee through force, the Gojjam forces enlisted Qadiidaa to lure Abiishee into a trap through the promise of peace. Qadiidaa went to Abiishee, swore oaths of friendship, and assured him that the Gojjam forces were sincere in their desire for reconciliation .
Abiishee, believing in the promise of peace, agreed to meet the Gojjam forces at a location they had prepared. He set out without his weapons—unarmed, trusting in the word of Qadiidaa.
But it was a trap.
As Abiishee entered the camp of the Gojjam forces, the Amhara forces, who had been lying in wait, surrounded him. Soorii Galaa—the defector—served as the translator. Abiishee was disarmed and taken captive .
The Humiliation and Tragic End
Abiishee was not given a warrior’s death. Instead, he was subjected to unspeakable humiliation. He was bound with heavy wooden yokes—the same yokes used to bind oxen. He was paraded and forced to walk to Gojjam. Stripped of his dignity, his clothing, and his freedom, he was led like an animal before his enemies.
According to the account, when Abiishee realized the depth of the deception and the humiliation he had been forced to endure, his grief and rage were so overwhelming that he chewed off his own fingers in despair .
This tragic ending is a searing reminder: when unity is broken, when trust is misplaced, when the enemy’s diplomacy is a mask for violence, the price is catastrophic.
The Relevance of History: The Oromo Liberation Army Today
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is not just a historical curiosity. It is a lesson for the Oromo Liberation Army (WBO) today. As the armed wing of the Oromo struggle, the WBO faces challenges that echo the past:
1. The Danger of Deception and False Diplomacy
Today, the Ethiopian government and its allies are skilled in the same tactics that defeated Abiishee. They offer peace, dialogue, and reconciliation—but often, these are merely tools for disarmament and control. The legacy of Qadiidaa Wannabee lives on. Abiishee’s mistake was trusting the word of an enemy who offered peace while preparing to destroy him.
The WBO must remain vigilant. Not every hand extended in peace is sincere. Some are reaching for a weapon.
2. The Need for Unity
Abiishee’s downfall was accelerated by division within his own leadership. The defection of Soorii Galaa and the internal conflicts among the Horro commanders fractured their resistance. The enemy exploited these divisions masterfully.
The WBO must guard against internal fragmentation. The Oromo struggle is a collective effort, and unity is its greatest strength. As the Oromo saying goes: “Tokkummaan jabina” —”Unity is strength.”
3. The Power of Knowledge and Preparation
Abiishee’s defeat was also a failure of intelligence and preparation. He underestimated his enemies, overestimated their sincerity, and failed to anticipate the trap they had set.
The WBO must prioritize intelligence, strategy, and preparation. The enemy is often more cunning than they appear. Knowledge of history, awareness of tactics, and readiness for deception are essential weapons in the struggle.
The Broader Lesson: History Must Not Be Forgotten
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is part of the larger history of Oromo resistance—a history that has been systematically suppressed and erased. As one historian notes, studies focusing on the history of Oromo heroes like Abiishee Garbaa are relatively scarce, and the historical narratives have often been shaped by external perspectives .
Recovering and teaching Oromo history is therefore a political act. It is an act of resistance against the erasure of Oromo identity and memory. It is a way of ensuring that the mistakes of the past are not repeated.
The book “Seenaa Abiishee Garbaa fi Gootota Oromoo Biroo” is one such effort to reclaim that history. By telling the stories of Oromo heroes, it provides the younger generation with the knowledge they need to continue the struggle with wisdom and determination.
A Call to Action: Learn from the Past, Build for the Future
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is a cautionary tale. It reminds us that the struggle for Oromo liberation is not only a battle against external enemies but also against internal divisions and naivety.
Today, the Oromo Liberation Army and the broader Oromo movement face challenges that require wisdom, unity, and vigilance. The Ethiopian government continues to use the same tactics of divide-and-rule that were employed against Abiishee. False diplomacy, offers of peace, and political manipulation are still weapons in their arsenal.
The lesson is clear: the enemy does not always come with guns. Sometimes they come with promises.
The WBO and all Oromo people must learn from the mistakes of the past. They must:
- Study history to understand the tactics of their enemies.
- Remain united and guard against internal division.
- Be vigilant in the face of false diplomacy.
- Prepare strategically for both political and military challenges.
Conclusion: Honouring the Memory of Abiishee Garbaa
Abiishee Garbaa was a leader who fought bravely to defend his people and his land. He was defeated not by a stronger enemy on the battlefield, but by betrayal, division, and deception. His story is a tragedy—but it is also a lesson.
As Dinknesh Dheeressaa reminds us: “The wounds of history are not just memories; they are warnings. They tell us what we must not do again.”
The Oromo struggle has been marked by many such tragedies. But each tragedy has also produced heroes, martyrs, and lessons. If we honour the memory of Abiishee Garbaa, we must do so by learning from his story—by ensuring that the same mistakes are not repeated.
Let us learn from the past so that the future may be free.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Seenaa haa barannu!
WBO haa jabaattu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dinknesh Dheeressaa and is dedicated to all those who continue to struggle for Oromo liberation and who seek wisdom from the lessons of history.
