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“A Warning from the Grave”: Dr. Negasso Gidada’s 2014 Prophecy on the Addis Ababa Master Plan – and Why It Was Ignored
As Ethiopia reels from the aftermath of the 2014 Oromo protests, a newly surfaced document reveals that one of the Constitution’s architects had foreseen the catastrophe – and offered a roadmap to avoid it. His advice went unheeded.
By Our Staff Reporter
In May 2014, just weeks after violent protests erupted across Oromia over the “10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan,” Dr. Negasso Gidada – a key intellectual and co-architect of Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution – sat down to write a sobering analysis. He titled it: “A Tragic Consequence of the ‘10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan’: A Warning for the Future.”
The document, now circulating widely, reads like a dispatch from a man who saw the storm coming. In it, Dr. Negasso dissects the historical grievances, constitutional failures, and political miscalculations that ignited the unrest – and warns that if the root causes were not addressed, the federal system itself could unravel.
Nearly a decade later, his words carry a haunting resonance. The protests that began in Adaamaa University on April 29, 2014, spread to dozens of towns, leaving dozens dead, property destroyed, and ethnic tensions inflamed. The government’s response – a mix of repression and belated appeasement – did little to quell the anger. And, as Dr. Negasso predicted, the underlying issues remain unresolved.
A City Built on Conquest, a Constitution Unfulfilled
Dr. Negasso begins by grounding the crisis in history. Addis Ababa, founded in 1887 by Emperor Menelik and Empress Taitu around the hot spring of Finfinnee, was established on land that belonged to the Oromo of Shawa. He cites British envoy Harris, who in 1844 witnessed King Sahle Sellasie’s forces – armed with European guns – “destroy the Oromo life and resources,” burning homes, capturing women, and slaughtering men. The Oromo of Gulalle, he notes, still remember leaders like Tufa Mona and Birraatuu Goolee who died in those wars.
This historical memory, he argues, is not ancient grievance – it is living pain. And it has been compounded by three modern failures:
1. The Constitution of 1995, which promised Oromia a “special interest” in Addis Ababa (Article 49/5) but never defined it in law.
2. The 2003/2004 decision to move Oromia’s capital to Adaamaa, which sparked student protests and led to mass expulsions and imprisonments.
3. The broken promises of 2005, when OPDO, after losing the election, re-declared Finfinnee as the capital and vowed to build Oromo cultural centres and language schools in the city’s ten districts – none of which materialised.
“Nine years have passed,” Dr. Negasso wrote, “and nothing from the decisions and promises were implemented.”
The Master Plan: A Spark on Dry Tinder
When the “Integrated Master Plan” – which proposed integrating surrounding Oromo towns into Addis Ababa – was publicly announced in March 2014, it struck at this accumulated trauma. The plan was presented as a development initiative, but for Oromo farmers on the city’s fringes, it meant eviction. For Oromo intellectuals, it meant the erasure of their territorial rights. For the youth, it was the final straw.
“Here lies the root cause of the current incident and the tragic consequence,” Dr. Negasso wrote.
The protests were swift and fierce. They began at Adaamaa University, then spread to Haroo Maayaa, Dire Dawa, Bale, Guji, and beyond. By the time Dr. Negasso penned his note, the death toll was mounting – two students killed in a TV room explosion at Haroo Maayaa, others thrown into rivers, and reports of mutilation and ethnic violence. Security forces responded with live fire, and the government issued statements defending the plan while blaming “outside forces.”
A Constitutional Crisis in Plain Sight
Dr. Negasso’s most incisive contribution is his legal analysis. He walks through the Constitution article by article, showing how both the ruling party and nationalist forces were undermining it.
He quotes Article 49/5: “The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa… shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.” That law, he notes, has never been enacted.
He cites Article 40/4, which guarantees peasants the right to land and protection from eviction – a right routinely violated in the suburbs of Addis.
And he warns that if the Constitution is not respected, the federal system could collapse into ethnic conflict. “The end result could also mean the disintegration of Ethiopia which no one of us wants to see.”
What He Prescribed – and What Was Ignored
Dr. Negasso did not merely diagnose; he offered a cure. His recommendations were clear:
· Apologise for the failures: the unfulfilled constitutional provision, the broken promises, the violence by security forces.
· Investigate human rights violations by both state and individual actors, and bring perpetrators to justice.
· Immediately implement Article 49/5 – define Oromia’s special interest, demarcate the boundary, and affirm the jurisdiction of surrounding towns.
· Stop hate propaganda from both “Ethiopianist” and “Oromummaa” camps.
· Launch a national dialogue on the Constitution, the national question, land policy, federalism, and the role of the media.
“We can only try to mend the damage by taking corrective measures based on what we have learnt from the mistakes done,” he wrote.
The Unheeded Warning
Dr. Negasso concluded his note with a plea: “If we want to live together and save our people and country, we should either respect the Constitution as it is or create a situation in which it could be amended and ratified by the people through a referendum.”
The TPLF-led government did neither. The master plan was shelved – but the underlying issues were never resolved. The protests of 2014 would echo in the 2015 elections, and again in the 2016–2018 Oromo uprisings that ultimately reshaped the country’s political landscape.
Dr. Negasso Gidada passed away in 2019. But his note from May 2014 remains a haunting artifact – a warning written in ink, delivered from the grave, and largely ignored by those who had the power to act.
Today, as Ethiopia navigates yet another national dialogue, his words serve as a stark reminder: tragedy is not inevitable, but it is the price of constitutional neglect.
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This feature is based on Dr. Negasso Gidada’s unpublished note dated May 2014, titled “A Tragic Consequence of the ‘10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan’: A Warning for the Future.”
Finfinnee in the Heart of Oromia*: The Founding of Addis Ababa as a Colonial Project
How Menelik II’s garrison towns and the establishment of Ethiopia’s capital city reshaped Oromia, displacing the Oromo people and cementing a system of political and economic control that endures today
FINFINNEE, OROMIA — The bustling streets of Addis Ababa, known to the Oromo as Finfinnee, tell a story of power, conquest, and displacement that remains largely hidden beneath the city’s modern veneer. This is not merely the capital of Ethiopia; it is the heart of a colonial project that began in the late 19th century and continues to shape the lives of millions.
The founding of Finfinnee was not an act of urban planning in the conventional sense. It was the culmination of a deliberate strategy of conquest and control, a military project disguised as a city, designed to secure the domination of the Ethiopian Empire over the Oromo people, the largest ethnic group in the Horn of Africa. As one historical account describes, the city was originally a katama – a military encampment or royal camp, with its neighborhoods laid out “mirroring an army on the march” . This military logic was not accidental; it was the foundation upon which the entire colonial structure was built.
The Strategy of the Katama
The establishment of garrison towns, or katamas, was a central feature of Emperor Menelik II’s colonial expansion. Convinced that more could be gained from the permanent exploitation of the Oromo, Menelik began to occupy conquered districts with permanent garrisons of his troops, providing for their administration under a hierarchy of his own officials. As one historical account notes, the creation of these towns was based on a desire to exercise “more effective control over the Oromo” and to escape interference from rival powers . These were strategically and politically secured regions, designed to serve as nerve centres for the Ethiopian colonial system .
From the mid-19th century, Menelik developed garrison towns such as Ankobar, Dabra Berhan, and Angolala. The last of these was burned by the Oromo in 1868, but was recovered by Menelik. He also developed Leche, Feqre Gimb, Enaware, Tamo, and Warra Illu, where he installed 40,000 soldiers in 1870. The Wallo Oromo attacked and destroyed Warra Illu that same year, but it was rebuilt. This pattern of Oromo resistance and Ethiopian colonial reassertion continued as northern Oromia gradually fell into Ethiopian hands .
Following the submission of northern Oromia, Menelik turned his attention to the Tulama Oromo, who were the residents of Finfinnee and its surroundings. The desire to exercise more effective control led him, in the latter part of 1878, to move to the mountain of Wacaca, where he dug the foundation for a new town, which he named Entoto (later called Old Entoto). In 1882, he transferred his settlement to a place called Dildila, later named New Entoto. These settlements were created by evacuating or enslaving the Oromo living there. After strengthening his army and accumulating massive firearms, Menelik built Addis Ababa on the place known by the Oromo name Finfinnee, between 1886 and 1887 .
The Founding of Finfinnee
The site of Finfinnee was originally chosen by Empress Taytu Betul in 1886, who was attracted by the hot springs in the area . The local Oromo tribes had their lands confiscated, and many were displaced . In its first years, the city was more like a military encampment than a town, with the emperor’s palace surrounded by the dwellings of his troops and retainers . As historian Getahun Benti argues, “From its earliest days, Addis Ababa was the staging station for the economic exploitation and political control of the conquered provinces of which Oromia was the largest” .
The major portion of the Oromo land on which the capital city was founded was divided among thirty-one Ethiopian officials . Army commanders were given large plots of land on which they established their respective camps for their relatives, followers, and war captives. While most Oromos were evicted and forced to migrate to far places, others were permanently marginalised and turned into servants and labourers . Through the proclamation of October 27, 1907, Oromo land became a commodity to be sold and bought, giving Ethiopian and European landlords a great deal more security of tenure .
Making Addis Ababa the centre of commerce, bureaucracy, and employment, the Ethiopian government attracted people from different parts of the world and Abyssinia proper to this city, while the Oromo people were marginalised, segregated, and dehumanised in rural and urban areas alike. The people in the city mainly obtained their food and income from the surrounding Oromos; military commanders, soldiers, and followers depended on the tribute and tax mainly collected from the Oromo people .
Consolidating the Colonial System
The garrison towns gradually evolved into the major geopolitical centres for practising political domination, wealth and capital accumulation, and religious and cultural dissemination . From these garrison centres, Ethiopian soldiers and colonial administrators were dispatched to impose colonial rule on Oromos through subjugation, enslavement, and expropriation of the basic means of production such as land, cattle, and other valuable resources .
Several non-garrison towns emerged in eastern and western Oromia with the development of trade and communication networks. As rail service was introduced, the towns of Aqaqi, Bishoftu, Mojo, Adama, Walanchiti, Metahara, Awash, Mieso, Afdem, Gota, Munesa, and Dire Dhawa flourished. While Oromos were evicted from their urban lands and forced to migrate to rural areas, Abyssinians were encouraged to migrate to cities and towns in Oromia .
The colonisation of Oromia, the development of transportation and communication systems, and the establishment of Addis Ababa and garrison towns facilitated the development of the Ethiopian institutional milieu and created “the integrating nucleus of the colonial economic system” in Oromia, with the collusion of the capitalist world economy. Commodities and food products produced by Oromo labour flowed to and were concentrated in Addis Ababa and other urban centres for local consumption and international markets .
A Legacy of Dispossession
The consequences of this colonial urbanisation are profound. The Ethiopian colonial structure has limited the access of Oromo urban residents, who are a minority in their own cities and towns, to institutions and opportunities such as employment, education, health, mass media, and other public services. The Oromo have been prevented from developing autonomous institutions, organisations, culture, and language, and have been subordinated to the institutions and organisations of the Habasha colonial settlers in their own cities, towns, and homeland .
The Ethiopian state elites and urban communities in Oromia remain determined to maintain the existing political and economic order, investing meagre available resources in building unproductive institutions, such as the army, security infrastructure, and colonial bureaucracy. The Abiy monologue, which he calls a national dialogue, is seen by many as an integral part of the Ethiopian colonial project .
Today, millions of Oromos are exposed to fatal diseases, famine, and massive poverty in Oromia cities and urban centres. Since state-terrorism, poverty, famine, and ethnonational challenges are increasing, and since the major world powers have a role in shaping these problems, they have a moral and political responsibility to become capable of mediating these processes and developing procedures and criteria by which these conflicts must be solved fairly and democratically before it is too late .
Finfinnee’s founding is etched in Oromo collective memory as a site of violent conquest. The legacy of Finfinnee is therefore inseparable from trauma, subjugation, and displacement.
*From Asafa Jalata “Oromian Urban Centers: Consequences of Spatial Concentration of Pinational Ethiopia,” Journal of Oromos Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2, January 2011, pp. 39-74.
The Gumaa Reconciliation Process
Gumaa is a sophisticated indigenous institution for resolving blood feuds, aiming to restore social harmony and reintegrate an offender back into the community. The process follows several key stages:
1. Collective Responsibility: The killer’s entire lineage is held corporately liable for the act. The group, not just the individual, is responsible for compensation and initiating the purification ritual. The goal is to restore social ties, not just punish an individual.
2. Negotiation & Compensation: Elders from both sides negotiate a “blood price” (gumaa), traditionally paid in cattle. The amount is determined by the nature of the offense (intentional vs. unintentional) and the severity of the injury, but does not vary based on the age or sex of the victim.
3. The Purification Ritual: This highly symbolic ceremony serves to cleanse the offender and the community.
· Preparation: The offender arrives with face covered, wearing the clothes from the day of the murder, symbolizing their unclean state.
· The Sacrifice: A lamb is sacrificed. The parties stand facing each other, signifying readiness to forgive and be forgiven.
· Symbolic Acts: Elders guide the parties to place their hands inside the sacrificed animal’s stomach to shake hands, symbolizing the “washing away” of the sin. The offender’s face is then uncovered, old clothes are removed, and new ones are put on, marking full reintegration.
4. Covenant & Reintegration: The process often concludes with a waadaa (covenant). The ritual concludes with a shared meal, publicly signifying the end of the feud and the offender’s full return to the community.
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The Irreecha Thanksgiving Festival
Irreecha is a vibrant bi-annual festival of thanksgiving, renewal, and unity, deeply rooted in the Oromo worldview.
· Timing and Types: It is celebrated twice a year:
· Irreecha Malkaa: Celebrated in September/October at lakesides or rivers to thank Waaqa for the end of the rainy season and the coming harvest.
· Irreecha Tulluu: Celebrated in Spring (around March) on hilltops to pray for rain and blessings for the upcoming planting season.
· Key Rituals and Symbols:
· Fresh Grass and Flowers: Participants carry freshly cut green grass and flowers to the sacred site, symbolizing fertility, life, and renewal.
· Water: Rituals are performed near bodies of water considered holy and pure. The grass is dipped in the water, and participants may sprinkle themselves with it as a blessing.
· Prayers and Songs: The festival features communal prayers, songs, and dances led by Qaalluu elders or Abba Gadaa leaders. It is a time to thank Waaqa for blessings and ask for peace (nagaa) and prosperity for the year ahead.
· Prohibitions: Participants are forbidden from attending with resentment or hatred in their hearts.
· Social and Cultural Significance: Beyond its religious roots, Irreecha is a powerful symbol of Oromo identity, unity, and cultural pride. It fosters social bonds and reinforces collective identity. While rooted in Waaqeffannaa, it is now celebrated by many Oromo people regardless of their religion.
The 8th Conference of Judicial Officers of the South-West Shewa Zone
Strengthening the Judiciary through Service, Integrity and Professional Excellence
Waliso, Oromia — The 8th Conference of Judicial Officers of the South-West Shewa Zone was officially held in the town of Waliso, under the theme: “We Will Work with a High Spirit of Service to Provide the Public with Pure, Efficient and Acceptable Judicial Services!”
The conference, which brought together judges and legal professionals from across the zone, served as an important platform to evaluate court performance, discuss challenges, and chart a path toward improved service delivery. It concluded with a recognition ceremony honouring judicial officers who had recorded outstanding achievements .
Focus on Quality and Efficiency
During the conference, a key presentation was delivered under the title “Causes for the Cancellation and Improvement of Cases: The Reality of the Courts of the South-West Shewa Zone and the Direction of Solutions” . This session sparked in-depth discussions among the participants, highlighting the commitment of the judiciary to learning from past shortcomings and enhancing the quality of its rulings .
The theme of the conference reflects a broader reform effort to ensure that the judiciary is not only independent but also responsive to the needs of the public. As noted in previous judicial gatherings in Oromia, the primary goal is to improve access to justice and strengthen public trust in the legal system .
Participants and Attendance
The event was attended by a wide range of judicial and administrative officials, including:
- Judges of the Zonal Courts ;
- Representatives from the Oromia Supreme Court ;
- Judicial officers from neighbouring zones and city courts;
- Heads of sector offices from the zone and the town of Walisoo;
- Court administrators and other legal professionals .
The broad representation underscores the coordinated efforts across different levels of the judiciary to align practices and share experiences. Previous zonal conferences, such as those in Jimma and other parts of Oromia, have similarly focused on utilising technology and improving the quality of judicial services .
Recognition of Excellence
One of the highlights of the conference was the presentation of certificates of recognition to judges and court officials who had demonstrated exemplary performance. This practice is common in Oromia’s judicial sector reforms and aims to motivate legal professionals to uphold the highest standards of integrity and service.
The recognition was part of a broader effort to strengthen the rule of law and ensure that the judiciary remains a pillar of justice in the region. Recent reports, however, have also highlighted the difficulties facing the judiciary, including incidents of judges being unlawfully arrested and intimidated, underscoring the importance of such gatherings to reaffirm judicial independence.
Conclusion
The successful conclusion of the 8th Conference of the Judicial Officers of the South-West Sheba Zone reflects a renewed commitment to a judiciary that is accessible, transparent and accountable. In the face of security and administrative challenges, the spirit of service and integrity shown by judicial officers is a beacon of hope for a just and fair legal system .
The Two Humiliations of TPLF: A Reflection on Power, Pride, and the Oromo Awakening
In the shifting sands of Ethiopian politics, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front has suffered wounds that time has not healed—and the Oromo people remain the central characters in this unfolding drama
In the annals of Ethiopian political history, few organizations have risen as high or fallen as dramatically as the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). For nearly three decades, it dominated the political landscape of the Ethiopian Empire, ruling with an iron fist while projecting an image of revolutionary legitimacy. Yet today, the TPLF finds itself nursing wounds that history will not allow it to forget—wounds inflicted not by foreign enemies but by the very people it sought to subjugate.
The reflection of Abba Ebba offers a searing analysis of what he calls the “two humiliations” of the TPLF—humiliations that, in his view, are inextricably linked to the Oromo people and their awakening. These are not merely military defeats but moral and political reckonings that the TPLF has been unable to accept or process.
The First Humiliation: The Fall of Mekelle
“For 27 years, like the saying ‘the hare’s skin cannot cover the elephant,’ the TPLF tried to stretch its hide over an empire too vast for its frame. In the final hour, it was the sons and daughters of Oromo—the Qeerroo and Qarree—who stood before tanks with empty hands and brought down the regime. They made the TPLF retreat to Mekelle, dragging its ill-gotten wealth behind it. This is the first humiliation that remains unhealed to this day.”
The 2018 Oromo protests were not merely a political uprising—they were a seismic shift in the Ethiopian political landscape. The Oromo youth, known as the Qeerroo and Qarree, rose in a wave of popular resistance that the TPLF could not contain. The protests were decentralized, leaderless, and yet remarkably unified in their demands for justice, equality, and an end to the TPLF’s domination .
The TPLF, which had ruled Ethiopia for 27 years, was forced to abandon power and retreat to its northern stronghold of Mekelle. This was not a defeat by a rival military force but a collapse in the face of unarmed civilian resistance. The humiliation was profound and, according to Abba Ebba, has never been truly accepted by the TPLF leadership.
“The TPLF was defeated by the popular wave that ignited from one end of Oromia to the other—a wave that was part of the Oromo liberation struggle. This is an undeniable truth. The Oromo is an elephant; when it tramples, it crushes. The TPLF was forced to swallow this reality, whether it liked it or not.”
The Second Humiliation: The Retreat to Mekelle
The second humiliation followed the first. After initially retreating to Mekelle, the TPLF sought to reassert its influence on the national stage. It formed alliances with various forces—including some within the Amhara political spectrum—and attempted to challenge the Prosperity Party government.
However, this effort ended in another defeat. The TPLF was forced to retreat once again to Mekelle, leaving behind its ambitions and its allies, having consumed itself in the fires it had ignited. This second retreat, Abba Ebba argues, is the other humiliation that remains raw and unprocessed .
“When the TPLF was about to return to Addis Ababa, it found itself burned by the fire it had started. It was forced to retreat to Mekelle—another humiliation that has not faded.”
The Unlearned Lesson
Despite these humiliations, the TPLF has not learned its lesson. Instead, it continues to prepare for a new war, this time under the cover of the Prosperity Party government’s own challenges. After four years of uninterrupted military preparation, the TPLF is once again positioning itself for conflict .
Abba Ebba warns that this preparation is driven by a desire for revenge—a desire to settle scores with the Oromo people who, in the TPLF’s view, are responsible for its humiliations. “Under the cover of the Prosperity Party government, the TPLF is seeking to take revenge on our people for its past humiliations.”
The Unnecessary Price
Abba Ebba poses a pointed question: why must the Oromo people pay the price for the TPLF’s ambitions? Why must Oromia become a battlefield for conflicts that are not of its making?
“The TPLF did not need to travel 600 kilometres into the heart of the country, into the breadbasket of Ethiopia—Oromia. It could have declared Eritrea-style independence when the Derg fell, and it could do so today. All it needs is to settle its accounts and secure the consent of its people.”
The TPLF’s refusal to accept defeat has left the Oromo people caught between multiple threats. On one hand, there is the TPLF’s continued military preparations and its desire for revenge. On the other, there are forces like Fano and other armed groups that have also targeted Oromo communities.
The Oromo Elite’s Responsibility
Abba Ebba also points a finger at the Oromo elite, accusing them of failing to fulfill their responsibilities. The Oromo people, who have paid the heaviest price in the struggle against the Ethiopian Empire, now face a dual threat: the TPLF’s revanchism and the Oromo elite’s failure to protect the gains of the struggle.
“The Oromo elite has failed to protect the historic victory achieved by the Oromo popular struggle. It has also failed to protect the constitutional right to self-determination—the right to democracy, justice, and self-rule—from being undermined.”
This failure, Abba Ebba argues, has allowed the Oromo people to be marginalized and treated with suspicion by their neighbours. The Oromo elite’s failure to step up has left the people vulnerable to manipulation and exclusion.
A Call to Vigilance
Abba Ebba concludes with a call to the Oromo people:
“Our people must prepare themselves for the danger of the approaching war and actively monitor the situation. The war that is being prepared—whether by TPLF or by the Fano forces—poses a threat to the next generation of Oromo. Decisive action must be taken to find a lasting solution.”
He insists that Oromia must not become a doormat for the ambitions of others. “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
A Historical Warning
The reflection of Abba Ebba is not merely a commentary on contemporary politics—it is a historical warning. It reminds the Oromo people that the TPLF, despite its humiliations, has not abandoned its ambitions. The two humiliations remain unhealed, and the TPLF continues to seek revenge.
But the reflection also carries a message of hope and resolve. The Oromo people, having risen once, can rise again. The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
Conclusion
The two humiliations of the TPLF are more than military or political defeats—they are symbolic wounds that the organization has not been able to accept. The TPLF’s refusal to learn from its past has left the Oromo people facing a renewed threat. But the Oromo people, having already demonstrated their power, are not powerless.
As Abba Ebba declares: “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
The Debate Over Finfinne: Citizenship, Nationality, and the Right to Self-Determination
In Ethiopia’s complex federal system, the status of the capital city has become a flashpoint for competing visions of identity, rights, and constitutional interpretation
FINFINNE, ETHIOPIA — A provocative statement by Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa has reignited debate over the status of Finfinne (Addis Ababa) and the rights of its residents, challenging what he describes as “baseless” calls for the city’s self-determination while affirming the constitutional framework that places it within Oromia.
“Finfinne is one of the cities of Oromia” , Dr. Tsegaye asserts, grounding his argument in Ethiopia’s federal constitution and the regional constitution of Oromia . The statement has drawn both support and criticism in a country where the status of the capital city remains a sensitive political issue.
A City of Many Peoples
Finfinne, with its population estimated at between 3 and 4 million, is a microcosm of Ethiopia’s remarkable diversity. People from all regions of the country have made the city their home, bringing with them their languages, cultures, and traditions .
“Their coming is a blessing. Their presence is beautiful. It is beauty itself,” Dr. Tsegaye writes, acknowledging the contributions of migrants who have enriched the capital’s social and cultural fabric.
These residents, he emphasizes, are full rights-bearing citizens of both the country and the region. Their rights are guaranteed under Ethiopia’s constitution (Chapter 3), the Oromia constitution, and other relevant laws. State and regional governments are constitutionally obligated to protect and fulfill these rights .
Residents, Not a Nation
Despite the rich diversity of its population, Dr. Tsegaye draws a sharp legal distinction: “The residents of Finfinne are residents, citizens—not a nation.”
While each individual citizen retains their ethnic identity—with many having ties to their regions of origin—the residents of Finfinne collectively do not constitute a “nation” as defined under Ethiopia’s constitutional framework .
The Ethiopian constitution grants the right to self-determination to “nations, nationalities, and peoples,” defined in Article 39(5) as groups with shared culture, language, identity, and a sense of common history . Residents of Finfinne, however diverse, do not meet these criteria as a collective group.
Individual Rights vs. Collective Rights
Dr. Tsegaye draws a crucial distinction between two types of rights:
Individual rights that accrue to all citizens—including the right to education in one’s language, cultural expression, religious freedom, and preservation of identity—are fully guaranteed to residents of Finfinne .
Collective rights—specifically, the right of a group to self-determination—are reserved for groups that constitute “nations” under Ethiopian law. Such groups must meet the constitutional criteria defined in Article 39(5) .
According to Dr. Tsegaye, residents of Finfinne do not meet this constitutional threshold. They are not a “nation” but rather a diverse collection of individuals from various nations. Therefore, any movement seeking self-determination for the city of Finfinne as a collective entity is constitutionally baseless .
As he states, “If they were to be properly settled according to this criterion, they would be Oromo, and their region would be Oromia.”
The Call for Self-Determination
The debate over Finfinne’s status is not merely academic. In recent years, some voices have called for the city to exercise self-determination, either as an independent federal city or through other arrangements.
Dr. Tsegaye characterizes these calls as “baseless and anti-Oromo” . The phrase “anti-Oromo” likely reflects the perspective that these efforts threaten Oromo rights and the territorial integrity of Oromia.
However, the debate cuts multiple ways. Those advocating for Finfinne’s self-determination argue that the city’s residents have distinct interests that may not be fully represented by either the federal or regional government.
The Constitutional Framework
The Ethiopian constitution is one of the few in Africa that explicitly recognizes the right of nations, nationalities, and peoples to self-determination, including the right to secession .
The constitution also establishes Finfinne (Addis Ababa) as a special city, with its status and boundaries determined by the federal government. This has been a source of tension between the federal government and Oromia, with some Oromo nationalists arguing that the city rightfully belongs to Oromia.
Dr. Tsegaye’s argument is grounded in the constitutional text as he interprets it, but the constitution’s provisions on Finfinne’s status have been subject to multiple interpretations.
A Citizen, Not a Nation
The heart of Dr. Tsegaye’s argument is that Ethiopian citizenship must be distinguished from nationality. All Ethiopians are citizens, but they belong to nations, nationalities, or peoples as defined in the constitution. Residents of Finfinne are citizens first, and their ethnic identity is separate from their status as residents of the capital .
In a country where ethnic federalism is both a constitutional principle and a political reality, the distinction matters. It shapes access to resources, political representation, and even legal status.
His final counsel to residents of Finfinne is clear: “Leave this ‘Addis Ababa should determine its own destiny’ noise, and protect your citizenship rights. It is counsel” .
Conclusion
Dr. Tsegaye Ararssa’s intervention enters a contentious and evolving debate with significant political and legal implications. His emphasis on the constitutional text, the distinction between individual and collective rights, and the specific status of Finfinne as a city within Oromia reflects one interpretation of Ethiopia’s complex federal framework.
Yet the status of Finfinne remains one of the most sensitive and unresolved issues in Ethiopian politics. The debate over whether the city is the capital of Ethiopia, the seat of the Oromo people, or something else entirely continues to shape political discourse.
“The residents of Finfinne are residents, citizens—not a nation.”
Why Unity Remains a Constant Theme in the Oromo Freedom Struggle
In the face of colonial domination and systemic oppression, the call for Oromo unity is not just a political slogan—it is a survival strategy, a moral imperative, and the foundation of a centuries-old struggle for liberation
The Oromo freedom struggle is one of the longest-running national liberation movements in Africa. For over a century, the Oromo people have resisted colonial domination, cultural suppression, and political marginalisation within the Ethiopian Empire. Throughout this long and arduous journey, one theme has remained constant: the call for unity.
Unity is not merely a rhetorical device in Oromo political discourse. It is a practical necessity, a moral principle, and a historical lesson that has been learned through generations of struggle. To understand why unity remains so central to the Oromo cause, we must look at the history of oppression, the nature of colonial strategy, and the lessons learned from both successes and failures.
The Colonial Strategy: Divide and Rule
The Ethiopian Empire was built through conquest. In the late 19th century, Emperor Menelik II’s armies, armed with European rifles, swept through the Oromo territories, confiscating land, imposing a feudal system of tribute and forced labor, and suppressing Oromo institutions such as the Gadaa system. The neftegna-gabbar system was not a metaphor—it was a system of land confiscation, tribute extraction, and forced labour that persisted for generations .
“When Menelik’s armies swept through what is now Oromia in the 1880s and 1890s, they did not arrive as liberators. They arrived with rifles purchased from European powers, with a feudal ideology that viewed the southern peoples as pagans to be civilised and their land as empty territory to be claimed” .
To maintain control over a conquered population that vastly outnumbered the colonisers—Oromos comprise roughly 35% of Ethiopia’s population —the imperial state employed a classic colonial strategy: divide and rule. Oromo society was fragmented, regional differences were exploited, and some Oromo elites were co-opted into the colonial administration. This strategy of fragmentation served the coloniser’s interests by preventing the emergence of a unified Oromo national consciousness .
The suppression of Oromo unity was not incidental to colonial rule—it was essential to it. A united Oromo nation posed an existential threat to the colonial system. This is why successive Ethiopian governments have sought to undermine Oromo unity, whether through direct repression or through the co-optation of Oromo elites into the state structure .
The Birth of National Consciousness
The 1960s marked a turning point in Oromo political consciousness. Oromo intellectuals and artists began to articulate their dissatisfaction with socio-economic deprivation and what was seen by some as ethnic oppression . The Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association (MTA), founded in the 1960s, represented one of the first organised attempts to build Oromo unity across regional and clan divisions .
The Haile Selassie government, recognising the threat posed by this emerging unity, crushed the MTA. Its destruction was the immediate catalyst for the founding of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in the early 1970s . The establishment of the OLF represented a decisive shift: for the first time, a unified political organisation was created to lead the Oromo struggle for self-determination .
“The effort to bring together a few Oromo nationalists of diverse backgrounds from all over Oromia” to establish the OLF was itself an act of unity . The founders understood that only through a unified national movement could the Oromo people overcome the colonial system.
The Weapon of Culture
Oromo culture has been a powerful force for unity. While the Ethiopian state banned the Oromo language from public contexts and prevented it from being printed, Oromo musicians and artists developed creative forms of cultural resistance that sustained Oromo identity and consciousness .
“Afaan Oromo song (music) was used as the most powerful form of chimerical power in speaking across age, class, region, sex, power, and even ideology in resisting the domination of Imperial rule while striving to sustain common Oromo unity” .
Oromo musical icons such as Ali Birra, Abitaw Kebede, Nuho Gobana, Umar Suleyman, Ebbisa Adunya, and Kadir Said played an indispensable role in creating a social space wherein the Oromo struggle for equality and self-emancipation is articulated and debated . Songs like Haacaaluu Hundeessaa’s Maalan Jiraa became anthems of resistance, weaving together stories of pain and pride, hope and despair, and reminding Oromos of their shared identity and destiny .
“It is here, in this reservoir of songs, in the unruly dances and heart-breaking ballads, that one finds the story of the Oromo nation and its struggle for self-determination, not in the official archives and historiographies of the Ethiopian state” .
These artists became targets of state repression because their songs threatened the colonial order by building Oromo unity and consciousness .
Lessons from History
The Oromo people have a long memory of both the costs of disunity and the power of unity. The 16th-century Oromo campaigns, which successfully reclaimed territories from both Christian and Islamic imperial forces, were made possible by the sophisticated organisation of the Gadaa system—a system built on unity of purpose and collective action .
“The successes of the Oromo were not due to sheer numbers or migratory luck—but stemmed from an internally sophisticated and morally grounded civilisational system anchored in the Gadaa democratic order” .
Factors such as the Gadaa system, age-set institutions (Cibra), the unifying goal of reclaiming ancestral land (Galma), spiritual conviction (Kaawoo), and inclusive sociopolitical integration (Moggaasaa) all contributed to Oromo military success .
Conversely, the weakness of the Oromo movement has often been attributed to disunity. As one analysis notes, within the Oromo nationalist movement there are “lots of varieties, units, political agendas, and goals” . This diversity, while reflective of the Oromo people’s richness, has at times been exploited by the state to undermine the movement.
The recognition that disunity serves the coloniser is a constant theme in Oromo political discourse. “The colonizers and their agents have vilified and attacked” the OLF “to make the Oromo society leaderless” . A leaderless, fragmented society is easier to control.
Unity in Contemporary Struggles
The theme of unity remains urgent today. Recent efforts by the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) to establish a “Transitional National Unity Government of Oromia” reflect this ongoing imperative . These groups have called on “all genuine Oromo forces, regardless of their method of struggle, to resolve their political differences and galvanize their unity” .
The call for unity is not merely political—it is a response to the dire situation facing the Oromo people. Across all 22 zones of Oromia, conflict between government forces and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) has led to arrests, beatings, displacement, mass burning of civilian houses, and other atrocities . The Oromo people face a crisis that demands unified action .
Yet the path to unity is not simple. The Oromo nation is divided by class, region, religion, and political orientation. As one analysis notes, “the Oromo nation is not a monolith. It is divided by class” . At the top is the Oromo comprador bourgeoisie—elites integrated into the state structure who benefit from the existing system . At the bottom is the Oromo working class—peasants, agricultural labourers, industrial workers, unemployed youth, and the urban poor .
This class division has led to a recognition that “nationalism alone cannot deliver what the Oromo masses actually need” . The Oromo peasant displaced from their land does not care whether the displacer is Amhara or Oromo—the displacement is the same . The Oromo worker paid starvation wages does not care whether the boss is based in Addis or abroad—the exploitation is the same .
This insight has led some to argue that the Oromo struggle must move beyond nationalism to class politics, building alliances with other oppressed peoples across Ethiopia . “Your ally is the Amhara worker who also wants land. Your ally is the Tigrayan worker who also wants a living wage” .
The Role of the Gadaa System
The Gadaa system continues to be a source of unity for the Oromo people. Its principles of regular rotation of leadership, checks and balances, and consensus-building mechanisms are considered “one of the most sophisticated pre-capitalist socio-political systems ever developed” . The Gadaa system is not merely a cultural artefact—it offers lessons in democratic governance that are relevant to the contemporary struggle .
“A liberated Ethiopia would not erase Oromo culture. It would draw on it. It would recognise that the Gadaa system offers lessons in democratic governance that the European liberal tradition cannot teach” .
The revival of the Gadaa system and the celebration of the Irreechaa festival have become powerful symbols of Oromo unity and cultural renaissance.
Conclusion
Unity remains a constant theme in the Oromo freedom struggle because it is both a necessity and a lesson learned through generations of experience. The colonial state has sought to divide the Oromo people because a united Oromo nation poses an existential threat to the colonial system. The Oromo people have learned, through both victory and defeat, that unity is the foundation of successful resistance.
But unity is not merely a political strategy—it is a moral principle rooted in the Oromo worldview. The concept of Safuu, the moral order that maintains balance and harmony, applies to the Oromo nation as well. Disunity is a breach of Safuu, a disruption of the natural order that brings suffering to the community .
As the Oromo struggle continues, the call for unity remains urgent. Whether through political organisation, cultural expression, or class solidarity, the Oromo people must find ways to overcome the divisions that have been imposed upon them and build the unity necessary for genuine liberation.
“The full restoration of the Oromo people’s freedom and rights is essential for lasting peace” . And that restoration will only be achieved through unity.
The struggle for Oromo liberation is the struggle for Oromo unity. And the struggle continues.
Borana National Park: A Sanctuary of Endangered Wonders in Southern Oromia
Home to rare zebras, endemic birds, and volcanic mysteries, this protected area stands as a beacon of biodiversity and cultural heritage
BORANA ZONE, OROMIA — Deep in the southern reaches of Oromia, where the highlands give way to vast savannas and the horizon stretches endlessly toward the Kenyan border, lies one of the country’s most extraordinary natural treasures. Borana National Park, established in 2017, is a protected area of immense ecological significance, spanning 45,366 square kilometres across the Borana Zone of Oromia and extending into the Liben Zone of the Somali Region.
The park sits roughly 565 to 570 kilometres south of Addis Ababa along the road to Moyale, with the town of Yabelo serving as the primary gateway and headquarters, located approximately 10 kilometres from the main entry points. Its conservation blocks—Yabello, Saarite, Dire Dida Soda, Danbala Dibayu, and Gammedo Mountain—encompass open acacia grasslands, rolling savannas, and the dramatic volcanic crater lake of El Sod.
A Refuge for Rare Species
Borana National Park is perhaps best known as one of the few places on Earth where two zebra species coexist: the endangered Grevy’s zebra and the more common Burchell’s zebra. The Grevy’s zebra, distinguished by its narrower stripes and larger size, has experienced dramatic population declines across its range. In Ethiopia, aerial surveys in the 1990s revealed a sharp drop in numbers, with only approximately 130 individuals counted nationwide by 2003. The park’s conservation efforts focus on repopulating zebra species and protecting their habitat from threats such as drought and overgrazing.
Beyond zebras, the park shelters a remarkable diversity of wildlife. Visitors may encounter Beisa oryx, Grant’s gazelle, greater and lesser kudu, gerenuk, cheetahs, leopards, and ostriches. The park is home to 327 plant species and 40 mammal species, making it a biodiversity hotspot in the Horn of Africa.
A Paradise for Birdwatchers
For bird enthusiasts, Borana National Park is nothing short of legendary. Over 280 bird species have been recorded, including several rare and endemic birds that exist nowhere else on Earth. Among the most remarkable is the endangered Ethiopian bush crow (Zavattariornis stresemanni), a charismatic corvid confined to a distinct climate pocket in the Borana zone.
The Ethiopian bush crow, also known as Stresemann’s bush-crow, is a pale grey bird measuring approximately 28 centimetres long. It prefers open short-grass savannas of grazed pasturelands with scattered stands of taller trees, particularly acacia species. With a range extending only 160 kilometres from north to south and less than 100 kilometres from east to west, the species is extremely vulnerable to habitat loss and climate change. Recent severe droughts in 2021, 2022, and early 2023 have raised fears that the species may face extinction much earlier than previously predicted.
Other rare birds found in the area include the white-tailed swallow and Prince Ruspoli’s turaco, which can be spotted in the nearby Arero forest.
The Volcanic Crater of El Sod
One of the park’s most unique attractions is El Sod, a volcanic salt-crater lake whose name means “the house of salt”. This inactive volcano, approximately 1.8 kilometres wide, contains a black lake that holds a deposit of raw salt crystals beneath its dark, slimy waters.
For centuries, the Borana herders have harvested salt from El Sod, a tradition steeped in legend. According to local lore, a shepherd discovered the crater a thousand years ago after noticing his ox had become physically different from the rest of the herd after tasting the salt. Today, a cooperative of expert salt extractors continues this ancient practice, producing three distinct qualities of black salt, with the finest, called ilkole, used in cooking.
The extraction process is arduous and requires exceptional skill. Miners descend a narrow 2.5-kilometre path, dropping 340 metres to the crater lake. When water levels recede at the end of the rainy season, experienced divers submerge to dig up the muddy salt, which is then washed, crushed, and dried in the sun. This salt remains largely unknown outside the Borana area and neighbouring communities.
Challenges and Conservation
Despite its ecological significance, Borana National Park faces numerous threats. Recurrent and severe droughts, exacerbated by climate change, are disrupting the delicate ecological balance that sustains the park’s wildlife. Invasive species, overgrazing by livestock, and road collisions also pose significant challenges.
The Ethiopian bush crow, with its highly restricted climatic requirements, is particularly at risk. Studies suggest that the species requires very specific average temperatures between 15 and 30 degrees Celsius, making it extremely vulnerable to the temperature fluctuations brought about by climate change. Researchers have called for urgent species-specific action plans at the national level to address the ever-increasing conservation challenges.
A Place of Wonder
Borana National Park is more than a protected area—it is a living testament to the natural and cultural heritage of the Oromo people. Its landscapes, from the acacia-dotted savannas to the volcanic crater of El Sod, tell stories of ancient traditions, endangered species, and the enduring relationship between the Borana people and their environment.
As the park continues to face the pressures of climate change and human activity, its preservation remains a shared responsibility. Whether for the rare Grevy’s zebras, the endangered Ethiopian bush crow, or the timeless salt harvest of El Sod, Borana National Park stands as a sanctuary of wonder in the heart of southern Ethiopia.
“Borana National Park is home to Booqee Sadeen, three maar lakes that were introduced as the main tourist attraction, including El Sod which is known for providing access to mineral water and salt varieties for the locals”.
Reclaiming the Dawn: The Renaissance of Waaqeffannaa Civilisation
After centuries of suppression, the Oromo people’s ancient faith is rising from the shadows to reclaim its place in the spiritual and cultural landscape of the Horn of Africa
In the sprawling, colourful tapestry of Ethiopian cultural heritage, few stories are as compelling as the centuries-long journey of the Oromo people’s indigenous faith. For millennia, Waaqeffannaa—the belief in a single, supreme Creator—served as the spiritual bedrock of a proud, pastoral people who structured their lives around the principles of truth, balance, and harmony with nature.
Yet for over a century, this faith was forced underground, hidden from the public eye, its practitioners marginalised, and its sacred sites endangered. Today, however, a powerful renaissance is unfolding. Waaqeffannaa is not merely surviving—it is being reborn. This is the story of a faith that refused to die, and the people who are reclaiming their spiritual birthright.
The Ancient Foundations
Waaqeffannaa is the indigenous, monotheistic religion of the Oromo people of Ethiopia and parts of Kenya. It centres on the worship of Waaqa—the One True God—the creator and sustainer of life, often referred to as Waaqa Tokkicha . The name itself derives from Waaqa, meaning “believing in Waaqa, following Waaqa, and directing one’s life toward Waaqa” .
This faith predates the arrival of Christianity and Islam in the Horn of Africa, representing the Oromo people’s “own ancient and authentic faith” . It is a sophisticated spiritual system, defined by several core pillars :
- Ayyaana (Divine Spirits): Manifestations or intermediaries of Waaqa, linked to natural forces like rivers and mountains.
- Uumaa (Sacred Nature): A deep reverence for the environment, with trees like the sacred Odaa (sycamore fig), water, and land holding immense spiritual significance.
- Safuu (Moral Order): An ethical framework of truth (dhugaa) and balance that guides human behaviour and aligns it with the divine will .
- Rituals and Ceremonies: Led by spiritual leaders (Qallu and Qallitti), these include thanksgiving prayers and the famous Irreechaa festival at lakesides .
A Faith Suppressed, Not Destroyed
The survival of Waaqeffannaa is a story of resilience. For generations, the faith was systematically marginalised by successive Ethiopian governments and the influence of missionary religions . It was driven underground, its adherents pressured to convert, and its sacred sites neglected.
As the Oromo spiritual tradition known as Wayyuu explains:
“Waaqeffannaa was suppressed but not abolished… Waaqeffannaa was hidden but not destroyed. It was hidden because the people abandoned Waaqeffannaa and began to live under oppression.”
Despite this suppression, the faith survived—not as a public institution, but as an “enduring spiritual memory” preserved in the hearts, traditions, and hidden practices of those who refused to forget . Today, an estimated 1 to 1.5 million Oromo actively follow the faith, while many more who identify as Christians or Muslims continue to maintain Waaqeffannaa beliefs and practices .
The Struggle for Sacred Sites
The renaissance of Waaqeffannaa is intrinsically linked to the struggle for its physical spaces. For centuries, colonial and religious interventions have led to the erasure of these vital sites . One such place is Andoodee Tumaa, a sacred Oromo ritual site in the Akaki district, near Finfinne (Addis Ababa).
This site was a crucial part of the Tuulamaa Oromo Gadaa law-making process, where laws were proclaimed to the public every eight years . However, the site now faces an existential threat. The systematic expansion of Addis Ababa, driven by a controversial Master Plan that was halted only after a youth-led struggle, has encroached upon Andoodee Tumaa, shrinking it to a fraction of its original size. A water supply facility has been constructed in this sacred location, with further encroachment from a newly constructed church .
The threat is symbolic of a wider issue: the erasure of Oromo spiritual geography. But the local community remains steadfast. As one assessment notes, “The Oromo people have never accepted the abandonment of their sacred ritual sites, despite facing heavy suppression” . The fight to preserve sites like Andoodee Tumaa is not just a battle for land; it is a battle for cultural memory.
The Heartbeat of the Renaissance: Irreechaa
If the sacred sites are the geography of the renaissance, the annual festival of Irreechaa is its heartbeat.
Irreechaa is a thanksgiving festival, held to thank Waaqa for rain, harvest, and the gift of life . The ritual of Irreechaa, which includes prayers at water bodies, simultaneously affirms the distinctiveness of the Oromo while connecting them to broader ancient African cultural traditions . Once a forbidden event, Irreechaa has undergone a dramatic transformation. It has evolved from a suppressed celebration to a recognised element of national cultural heritage .
Today, it is a major public celebration, symbolising Oromo unity and identity . Tens of thousands of people, predominantly from the Oromo ethnic group, gather annually, often at Lake Hora Arsadi, dressed in traditional white attire to express their gratitude . While the festival is a joyful assertion of an identity suppressed for over a century, it has also become a stage for political expression . The 2016 festival, which was met with a violent crackdown, became a catalyst for political change that ultimately ushered in the current prime minister .
This evolution reflects the growing public recognition of Oromo culture, facilitated by national policies, the work of activists, and the resurgence of Waaqeffannaa itself .
A Philosophical Renaissance
The resurgence of Waaqeffannaa is also a philosophical revival. Oromo intellectuals and activists are working to reclaim the faith as part of a broader cultural identity, to lift the “darkness” that has hidden its truth for so long . Strategies for this cultural preservation include documenting oral traditions, integrating Waaqeffannaa into educational curricula, and advocating for official recognition of its religious rights .
This renaissance is a movement to restore the spiritual and moral principles that have guided the Oromo for millennia. It is a reclaiming of Safuu—the justice and balance that is fundamental to the Oromo worldview . The ultimate message is one of hope. As the Wayyuu tradition declares:
“The day the darkness that has hidden the truth of Waaqeffannaa is lifted, goodness will spread across this land. When humanity returns to the truth of Waaqa, all people will rejoice.”
Conclusion: Reclaiming the Dawn
The renaissance of Waaqeffannaa civilisation is a testament to the resilience of a people and their faith. It is a story of reclaiming an identity, of reviving sacred practices and spaces, and of giving voice to a spiritual heritage that has been hidden for too long.
It is not merely about reviving a religion; it is about the survival and flourishing of the Oromo people’s soul. The dawn of this new era promises to restore not just a faith, but also the principles of truth, justice, and harmony that form the bedrock of a truly liberated people.
Yaa’ii Dhaddacha Baldhaa: Historic Gadaa Assembly Restores Sacred Traditions and Issues Major Rulings
The Sikkoo Mandoo Gadaa Council convenes in East Bale Zone, addressing issues of traditional marriage, illegal migration, and cultural preservation
BALEE ZONE, OROMIYA — The ancient grounds of Dhaddacha Baldhaa in Rayitu district, East Bale Zone, have become the centre of a historic gathering as the Sikkoo Mandoo Gadaa Council convenes for the Yaa’ii (Gadaa Assembly). The assembly, which marks the formal reopening of the Dhaddacha Baldhaa seat, has issued six major rulings covering marriage customs, illegal migration, cultural preservation, and community security.
The Restoration of Dhaddacha Baldhaa
“Yaa’iin Gadaa Sikkoo Mandoo Godina Baalee Bahaa Aanaa Raayituu, Dhaddacha Baldhaatti geggeeffamaa jiruun dhaddachi Baldhaan deebi’ee banamuu hordofee luba Gadaa shanan Dhaddachatti deebisuun murtiiwwan gurguddoo ja’a lallabe.”
The Yaa’ii Gadaa of Sikkoo Mandoo, taking place at Dhaddacha Baldhaa in Rayitu district, has restored the Dhaddacha Baldhaa seat and appointed five Gadaa priests to the assembly. The council has issued six major rulings that will guide the Oromo community of Sikkoo Mandoo.
“Murtiwwaan gurguddoon lallabaman kunis, Dhaddachi Baldhaan deebi’ee akka banamu akkasumas dhaddachoota Sikkoo Mandoo hunda deebisuu, fuudhaaf heeruma ilaalchisee gabbarri hafuu akka qabuufi kanneen biroos lallabameera.”
The major rulings announced include the restoration of the Dhaddacha Baldhaa, the revival of all Sikkoo Mandoo Gadaa assembly seats, and guidance on traditional marriage practices.
Ruling on Traditional Marriage and Rituals
“Fuudhaaf heeruma ilaalchisee gabbarri hafuu akka qabu…”
The council reaffirmed that traditional marriage rituals must be properly observed, preserving the cultural practices that have guided Oromo society for generations. This ruling underscores the importance of maintaining the sacred customs of the Gadaa system, including the proper observance of marriage ceremonies.
Addressing Illegal Migration
“Godaansa seeraan alaa ilaalchisee; karaa seeraan alaa dargaggoonni abdii egeree ta’an faddaalaan gowwomfamanii biyyaa bahaa jiran akka hafuufi xiyyeeffannoon irratti hojjatamuu akka qabu ergaan darbe.”
On the issue of illegal migration, the council emphasized that efforts should be made to prevent young people from being misled by false promises and leaving the country illegally. It called for increased attention to the root causes of illegal migration and for young people—who are the hope of the future—to remain in their homeland.
Preserving Oromo Identity and Culture
“Uumanni Oromoo Arsii uummata safuu, safaffannaa aadaafi duudhaa mataa ofi qabu waan ta’een seenaafi eenyumaa isaa ganamaa eeggatee jiraachuu akka qabu lallabamee jira.”
The assembly declared that the Oromo people of Arsii are a nation with their own moral code, cultural practices, and traditions, and must preserve their history and original identity. This ruling reinforces the importance of cultural continuity and the transmission of Oromo values to future generations.
Security and Peacebuilding
“Nageenyaan walqabatee; nageenya waaraa lafa qabsisuuf hunduu nagaaf dursaa kennee, Waamichaa abbootii Gadaafi Abbootii Siinqeetti dhagahee garaa nagaatti dhufuu akka qabu lallabameera.”
Regarding security, the council called on all community members to prioritize peace, to heed the call of Gadaa leaders and Siinqee elders, and to embrace peace. The assembly emphasized that security is a collective responsibility requiring the participation of all members of the community.
Environmental Protection
“Gama eegumsaa qabeenya uumatiin immoo biqiltoowwaan akka dhabamaniifi kan dhaabaman immoo akka kunuufaman lallabamee jira.”
In the area of environmental protection, the council ruled that existing trees must not be destroyed and that newly planted trees must be nurtured and protected. This ruling reflects the Oromo people’s deep commitment to environmental stewardship, rooted in the principles of the Gadaa system and the sacred duty to protect creation.
A Framework for the Future
“Murtiwwaan kunneen aadaafi duudha Oromoota Sikkoo Mandoo biratti waggoota saddeetiif kan tajaajiluudha.”
These rulings will guide the Oromo community of Sikkoo Mandoo for the next eight years, aligning with the Gadaa system’s eight-year cycle. The decisions made at Dhaddacha Baldhaa will shape the cultural, social, and environmental practices of the community for a full Gadaa cycle.
The Significance of the Gathering
The Yaa’ii Gadaa at Dhaddacha Baldhaa is a testament to the resilience and continuity of the Oromo Gadaa system. It demonstrates that despite historical challenges, the Oromo people continue to govern themselves, preserve their culture, and address contemporary issues through their traditional institutions.
The assembly addressed the full spectrum of community life:
- Cultural preservation through the restoration of traditional practices
- Social justice through rulings on marriage and community relations
- Security through calls for peace and collective responsibility
- Environmental protection through the stewardship of natural resources
- Youth engagement through efforts to prevent illegal migration
A Call to the Community
The council issued a call to all Gadaa leaders and Siinqee elders to continue their work of guiding the community and promoting peace. The assembly also urged community members to support the rulings and to work together to ensure their implementation.
Conclusion
The Yaa’ii Gadaa of Sikkoo Mandoo at Dhaddacha Baldhaa marks a significant moment in the ongoing revitalization of Oromo cultural institutions. The six major rulings issued by the assembly provide a comprehensive framework for community life, addressing marriage practices, migration, cultural preservation, security, and environmental protection.
As the Oromo people continue their journey of cultural revival and self-determination, gatherings such as the Yaa’ii at Dhaddacha Baldhaa play an essential role in maintaining the continuity of the Gadaa system and ensuring that Oromo traditions remain a living, breathing force in the lives of the people.
“Walumaagalatti Yaa’ii Gadaa Sikkoo Mandoo yeroo amma Baalee Bahaa, Aanaa Raayituutti gaggaeeffame jiru murtiiwwaan gurguddoon Aadaafi Duudha Oromoo cimsan kan dabarsee yoo ta’u murtiwwaan kunneen aadaafi duudha Oromoota Sikkoo Mandoo biratti waggoota saddeetiif kan tajaajiluudha.”
The Dhaddacha Baldhaa stands once again as a centre of Oromo governance and culture, guiding the people toward a future rooted in tradition and hope.
