The Price of Silence: A Reflection on Inaction and the Tragedy of Our People
We Knew This Was Coming — Yet We Chose to Stay Silent
By Koste Abdiisaa
If we had shown even 1% of the outrage we have expressed over the past two days three, four, or five years ago—when Fano killed hundreds of innocent Oromos in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and elsewhere—perhaps these killings would not have happened.
We knew this was coming. The signs were everywhere. The warnings were clear. Yet we chose to remain silent. We chose to look away. We chose to believe that the storm would pass us by.
But storms do not pass by those who refuse to prepare. They break over them.
The Warning Signs We Ignored
For years, the enemies of the Oromo people have been methodically preparing for this moment. While we argued among ourselves, they were opening training camps in our backyard. While we engaged in name-calling and petty divisions, they were building security structures and training hundreds of people to carry out their plans.
We saw it happening. We heard the reports. We knew that innocent farmers—our farmers—were being killed in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and countless other places. And what did we do?
We expressed outrage on social media. We posted our anger, shared our grief, and then went back to business as usual.
Our collective inaction allowed this to continue. Our silence gave them permission to proceed. Our failure to act was an invitation for more violence.
The Consequences of Inaction
This is not about hindsight. This is about foresight—and our failure to use it. We cannot pretend that these killings were unexpected. We knew what was coming. We had every warning. But we failed to act.
And now, the consequences are here.
The killing of our innocent farmers is not just a tragedy—it is a judgment on our collective failure to protect our own. It is the result of years of political naivety, misplaced priorities, and a refusal to confront the reality of the threat we faced.
We were good at crying after the fact. We were good at expressing outrage on social media after tragedies happened. But we were very poor at recognizing threats early on, listening to those who recognized them, and preparing ourselves to face them.
The Deeper Outrage
Like many of you, I am outraged by the killing of our innocent farmers. But I am even more outraged by our inaction—our lack of political awareness, our failure to recognize and respond to such cruelty for so long.
What is even more troubling is that some of our so-called political entities—those who claim to speak for us—continue to seek alignment with those responsible. They act as if there is still some humanity left in them to appeal to. They still hope for dialogue with those who have shown, time and again, that they have no interest in peace, only in domination.
This is not leadership. This is delusion.
And we, as a people, have allowed it. We have allowed ourselves to be led by those who refuse to see the enemy for what they are. We have allowed ourselves to be distracted by petty divisions while our people are being slaughtered.
The Beginning, Not the End
Let us not pretend that this is the end. This is the beginning. The attacks will continue. The killings will escalate. And if we do not act now—with unity, determination, and clarity—the tragedies we see today will seem small compared to what is coming.
I fear that we may still fail to act in a timely manner. I fear that we will continue to cry and express outrage for a week, and then return to normal life. I fear that we will continue to do what we seem to be good at: mourning after the fact, but never preparing for what lies ahead.
A Call to Look Within
If this senseless killing of our people does not make us angry enough to question our collective inaction, then perhaps we need to look within ourselves and ask: What kind of society have we become?
Have we become a people who only react after the damage is done? Have we become a people who prioritize social media outrage over real action? Have we become a people who are more concerned with who is right than with what is right?
We must ask ourselves these questions. And we must answer them honestly.
The Path Forward
We cannot change the past. The blood that has been spilled cannot be unspilled. But we can change the future. We can act now—today—to ensure that these tragedies do not continue.
This requires several things:
- Unity: We must put aside our petty divisions and unite as a people. Our enemies are united; we must be even more united.
- Awareness: We must wake up to the reality of the threat we face. We must recognize the signs and act before it is too late.
- Action: We must support those who are willing to sacrifice and risk their lives to defend our people. We must build the structures and institutions necessary to protect ourselves.
- Accountability: We must hold our political entities accountable. We must demand that they prioritize the defense of our people over their own political ambitions.
- Resilience: We must be prepared for the long fight ahead. This is not a battle that will be won in a day. It requires patience, courage, and an unwavering commitment to our people.
Conclusion: Enough Is Enough
The killing of our innocent farmers is a crime against humanity. But our collective inaction is a crime against ourselves.
We cannot afford to continue down this path. We cannot afford to remain silent while our people are being slaughtered. We cannot afford to wait until the next tragedy to express our outrage.
Enough is enough.
Let us honor the memory of those who have been killed by resolving to act—not just with words, but with deeds. Let us build a future where our people are safe, our land is protected, and our dignity is restored.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Nagaan haa jabaatu!
This reflection is dedicated to the innocent Oromo farmers who have lost their lives, and to all those who are determined to build a future of peace, justice, and security for our people.
The Kuni-Muktar Mountain Nyala Sanctuary: A Hidden Gem of Oromia
A Haven for Wildlife and Nature Lovers in East Hararghe
By Malbaa Olaanaa
(ONA, Chiro, 13 August 2026)-Nestled in the breathtaking highlands of East Hararghe, near the town of Chiro, lies one of Oromia’s most remarkable natural treasures—the Kuni-Muktar Mountain Nyala Sanctuary. This protected area, established in 1989 to rescue the endangered mountain nyala from the brink of extinction, is a sanctuary not only for wildlife but also for the spirit of conservation.
A Sanctuary Born of Urgency
The Kuni-Muktar Sanctuary was created with a singular purpose: to protect the mountain nyala (Tragelaphus buxtoni), one of Ethiopia’s most iconic and endangered antelope species. The mountain nyala is endemic to Ethiopia, found only in the highlands of the country, and its population has been severely threatened by habitat loss and poaching.
In 1989, recognizing the urgent need to safeguard this majestic animal, the Ethiopian government established the sanctuary to provide a safe haven for the species. Today, the sanctuary covers an area of approximately 230 square kilometers, with altitudes ranging from 2,300 to 3,075 meters above sea level. The landscape is dominated by Afromontane forests, open grasslands, and dense thickets—a perfect habitat for the mountain nyala and other wildlife.
A Landscape of Beauty and Biodiversity
The Kuni-Muktar Sanctuary is a stunning example of Ethiopia’s natural beauty. The area is characterized by rolling hills, deep valleys, and lush vegetation that changes with the seasons. The Afromontane forests are home to a rich diversity of plant species, many of which are endemic to the region.
The sanctuary is also a haven for a wide variety of wildlife. In addition to the mountain nyala, visitors may encounter:
- Bushbuck
- Warthogs
- Olive baboons
- Colobus monkeys
- Spotted hyenas
- Leopards (rarely seen)
- A rich diversity of bird species
The sanctuary is a paradise for birdwatchers, with numerous endemic and migratory species calling the area home. The combination of stunning landscapes and abundant wildlife makes the sanctuary a must-visit destination for nature enthusiasts.
The Mountain Nyala: A Conservation Success Story
The mountain nyala is a symbol of Ethiopia’s unique biodiversity. This majestic antelope, with its spiral horns and striking markings, is one of the most sought-after species for wildlife enthusiasts. The establishment of the Kuni-Muktar Sanctuary has played a crucial role in the conservation of this species, providing a protected environment where the population can recover.
Efforts to protect the mountain nyala have been bolstered by community involvement and international conservation partnerships. Local communities have been engaged in conservation efforts, recognizing the importance of protecting the sanctuary for future generations.
A Destination for Nature Lovers
The Kuni-Muktar Mountain Nyala Sanctuary is not only a critical conservation area—it is also a stunning destination for those who appreciate nature. Visitors can explore the sanctuary’s diverse landscapes, enjoy the breathtaking views, and observe wildlife in their natural habitat.
The sanctuary offers opportunities for:
- Wildlife viewing
- Birdwatching
- Hiking and nature walks
- Photography
- Cultural tours in nearby communities
Challenges and the Path Forward
Despite its importance, the Kuni-Muktar Sanctuary faces ongoing challenges. Habitat encroachment, poaching, and climate change continue to threaten the delicate balance of the ecosystem. Additionally, limited resources and infrastructure pose challenges for effective management and conservation efforts.
However, the sanctuary represents a beacon of hope for conservation in Oromia and Ethiopia as a whole. By raising awareness, supporting conservation initiatives, and promoting sustainable tourism, we can help protect this incredible natural treasure for generations to come.
How to Visit
The sanctuary is located near the town of Chiro in East Hararghe Zone. Visitors can reach the sanctuary by road from major cities such as Finfinne (Addis Ababa) and Dire Dawa. The best time to visit is during the dry seasons (October to March), when the weather is pleasant and wildlife viewing is optimal.
Conclusion: A Treasure Worth Protecting
The Kuni-Muktar Mountain Nyala Sanctuary is a testament to the beauty and biodiversity of Oromia. It is a place where nature thrives, where endangered species find refuge, and where visitors can connect with the natural world in a profound way.
As we look to the future, it is our collective responsibility to protect this sanctuary and ensure that it remains a haven for wildlife and a source of inspiration for generations to come.
Qunnii-Muktar haa jabaattu!
This feature news is dedicated to all those working to protect Oromia’s natural heritage and preserve the beauty of the Kuni-Muktar Mountain Nyala Sanctuary.
The Silence Over Wollega: A Cry for the Voiceless in Ethiopia’s Forgotten War
In the sprawling highlands of western Ethiopia, a humanitarian catastrophe is unfolding with alarming speed. The East Wollega Zone of the Oromia region has become a crucible of ethnic violence, where armed groups clash, and the conflict’s brutal arithmetic is calculated not in strategic gains, but in civilian bodies . As fighting intensifies, a dangerous fog of war has descended, making it nearly impossible to separate fact from propaganda. Yet, amid the chaos, one truth is devastatingly clear: it is the innocent civilians who are suffering the most.
The atrocities have been staggering, with conflicting reports creating a confusing narrative. The Oromo Media Network (OMN) and Oromia News Agency (ONA)report, citing eyewitnesses, that 30 Oromo civilians were killed in recent attacks. Meanwhile, sources aligned with Fano counter that the Oromia Special Forces (OSF) are responsible for the deaths of 30 Amhara civilians. This deadly blame game, where both sides accuse the other of systematic slaughter, obscures a grim reality: entire communities are being erased, with homes torched and livestock stolen.
A Storm of Violence
The situation in East Wollega is defined by a complex and deadly ecosystem of armed actors. The Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) is engaged in operations against the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), which the government labels a terrorist group. However, the violence is compounded by the presence of the Fano militia, an Amhara nationalist force that has expanded its operations from the Amhara region into Oromia. The ENDF has even claimed that Fano and the OLA have coordinated attacks against government forces in the zone, a claim that, if true, suggests a shifting of alliances in an increasingly chaotic conflict.
Residents on the ground paint a picture of indiscriminate brutality. They describe attacks by Fano militants, who they accuse of going “from house to house” to shoot civilians, killing even a district court judge in his own home . Other accounts detail horrific acts of violence against Amhara civilians. A report by the BBC Amharic service documented a massacre in Gida Ayana Woreda, where residents blamed the Oromia Special Forces for killing 19 people and burning hundreds of homes . One survivor, a pregnant woman whose husband was killed in front of her, described the attackers saying, “Your children are the ones fighting the federal government. You support Fano”. This statement reveals a terrifying logic: civilians are being targeted not as individuals, but as members of an ethnic group deemed to be supportive of the enemy.
The Weaponization of Identity and History
This conflict is deeply rooted in historical grievances and land disputes. Over the decades, waves of Amhara settlers moved into Western Oromia, leading to long-standing tensions over land and political power . This has created an environment where armed groups can exploit ethnic identity for support, framing the violence as a struggle for liberation or territorial expansion. Fano’s actions are reportedly driven by an ideology that seeks to reclaim parts of Wollega as historically Amhara land, an expansionist goal that, critics argue, echoes dangerous nationalist myths seen in other global conflicts .
A Humanitarian Catastrophe Ignored
The numbers of displaced are staggering. The Dorcas aid organization reported that conflict in the East Wollega border areas has displaced over 22,000 people in a single wave of violence . These displaced families are fleeing to relative safety in towns like Debre Birhan in the Amhara region, often finding themselves living in crowded, unsanitary conditions with little access to food, water, or healthcare . In 2021 alone, more than 88,000 civilians were forcibly displaced from Western Oromia, a figure that has certainly grown in the years since .
The international response has been conspicuously muted. As the cry for help echoes from the highlands—”Where is the UN? Where is Human Rights Watch?”—the calls for justice and protection from civilians are met with silence . The victims, caught between warring factions, are pleading for the bravest journalists and human rights advocates to become their voices.
As one desperate resident lamented, “Are we not citizens? Why do we suffer from hunger and thirst? We’ve reached a point where we regret being alive” . It is a tragic testament to the failure of the international community to protect the most vulnerable.
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The call for help from East Wollega is urgent. The world must not look away.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali Celebrates the Energy and Potential of Young Ethiopians
By Abdi Milkessa
(Finfinne, 12 August 2026) -Ethiopia’s youth are not just the leaders of tomorrow—they are the architects of today. With the country’s demographic composition showing that young people make up the largest segment of the population, this is not merely a statistic—it is a tremendous opportunity to secure prosperity and lasting development for the nation.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali has called on the youth to be the engine of change, the driving force behind transformation, and the solid pillars of Ethiopia’s sovereignty.
The Youth: A Force for Positive Change
In a recent message, the Prime Minister emphasized that Ethiopian youth are guided by noble goals and a clear vision for the future. They are the primary motor of transformation in our society—the unshakable pillars upon which the nation’s sovereignty rests.
Today’s youth are writing a new chapter in the history of Ethiopia. They have turned away from harmful legacies of the past—unproductive traditions, unnecessary rivalries, and destructive conflicts. Instead, they are focusing on development, progress, and the fight against poverty.
A Government Committed to Youth Empowerment
The “Prosperity Party” government is working with dedication and commitment to strengthen the comprehensive participation of youth in all spheres of life. The role of youth in leadership and decision-making is being reinforced, recognizing that the future of Ethiopia depends on the active engagement of its young people.
Key priorities include ensuring equal opportunities for all young people, strengthening youth leadership roles in governance and society, promoting comprehensive participation in economic, social, and political life, and building a nation where young people can thrive and contribute fully.
A Call to Action: Building Our National Vision Together
The Prime Minister has called upon all youth to engage actively in the development of our nation, to work with love and dedication for the prosperity of Ethiopia, to reject division and conflict while embracing unity and progress, and to embrace innovation and creativity to build a brighter future.
Conclusion: The Youth Are Our Hope
Ethiopia’s youth are the heartbeat of the nation, the hope of the future, and the strength of the present. Their energy, creativity, and commitment will shape the destiny of our people for generations to come.
Ethiopia Prevails!
Youth is Power!
Change is Now!
This feature article is dedicated to all the youth of Ethiopia—the architects of a brighter future!
Oromia Cannot Be Imagined Without Its Youth!
The Driving Force of Our Nation’s Future
By Daandii Ragabaa
Oromia’s youth are not just the leaders of tomorrow—they are the builders of today. The demographic reality of our people reveals a powerful truth: the youth constitute the largest segment of our population. This is not merely a statistic—it is a tremendous opportunity to secure freedom, prosperity, and lasting sovereignty for our nation.
The Oromo youth are the engine of change, the architects of a new dawn, and the unshakable pillars of our sovereignty!
The Youth: A Force for Positive Change
The young people of Oromia are writing a new chapter in the history of our nation. They are:
- Purpose-driven — Guided by noble goals and a clear vision for the future.
- Change-makers — The primary motor of transformation in our society.
- Sovereignty defenders — The solid pillars upon which our nation’s independence rests.
Today’s youth have turned away from the harmful legacies of the past—unproductive traditions, unnecessary rivalries, and destructive conflicts. Instead, they are focusing on development, progress, and the fight against poverty.
A Government Committed to Youth Empowerment
The government is working with dedication and commitment to strengthen the comprehensive participation of youth in all spheres of life. The role of youth in leadership and decision-making is being reinforced, recognizing that the future of Oromia depends on the active engagement of its young people.
Key priorities include:
- Ensuring equal opportunities for all young people.
- Strengthening youth leadership roles in governance and society.
- Promoting comprehensive participation in economic, social, and political life.
- Building a nation where young people can thrive and contribute fully.
A Call to Action: Building Our National Vision Together
Our national vision cannot be realized without the active participation of every young person. We call upon all youth to:
- Engage actively in the development of our nation.
- Work with love and dedication for the prosperity of Oromia.
- Reject division and conflict — embrace unity and progress.
- Embrace innovation and creativity — build a brighter future.
Conclusion: The Youth Are Our Hope
Oromia’s youth are the heartbeat of the nation, the hope of the future, and the strength of the present. Their energy, creativity, and commitment will shape the destiny of our people for generations to come.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Dargaggootni Oromoo haa jabaatan!
Oromia haa jabaattu!
This feature article is dedicated to the youth of Oromia—the architects of a brighter future!
The Separation of Finfinne from Oromia: A Validation of Historical Injustice
Recognizing the Truth, Rejecting the Erasure of History
By Maatii Sabaa
Finfinne was not created as a city disconnected from the Oromo people. It was built on Oromo land, rooted in Oromo history, and shaped by Oromo identity. To deny this truth is not just a distortion of history—it is a continuation of the very injustice that has defined the relationship between the Oromo people and the Ethiopian state for over a century.
The Historical Reality That Cannot Be Erased
Finfinne is not a city that was separated from the Oromo people by accident or through natural progression. It was systematically taken through conquest, dispossession, and the deliberate erasure of Oromo identity.
For generations, the Oromo people have been subjected to:
- Land dispossession — The systematic removal of Oromo communities from their ancestral lands.
- Identity suppression — The denial of Oromo language, culture, and heritage.
- Political marginalization — The exclusion of Oromo voices from decisions that affect their lives.
- Systematic oppression — The use of state power to displace and silence the Oromo people.
These historical processes cannot be ignored. To present Finfinne as a city with no historical connection to Oromia is to erase the painful reality of what the Oromo people have endured.
Covering Historical Injustice with Political Decisions
The attempt to separate Finfinne from Oromia through political maneuvering is not a solution—it is an attempt to legitimize a historical wrong. Time does not make injustice just. Oppression does not become acceptable simply because it has been sustained over generations.
To separate Finfinne from Oromia today is to:
- Validate the displacement of Oromo communities from their ancestral land.
- Legitimize the erasure of Oromo identity and history.
- Deny the sacrifices of those who fought for justice.
- Perpetuate the cycle of marginalization and exclusion.
This is not justice. This is the continuation of a historical crime dressed in new political language.
The Cost of Injustice: Sacrifice and Struggle
The Oromo people have paid an immeasurable price for their connection to Finfinne. Countless lives have been lost. Generations have been imprisoned, exiled, and displaced. The struggle for justice has been marked by:
- Martyrs who gave their lives for the land.
- Political prisoners who endured torture and imprisonment.
- Refugees who were forced to flee their homeland.
- Communities that were systematically broken and scattered.
The central goal of this struggle has always been the restoration of rights, dignity, and justice. To ignore this sacrifice is to dishonor the memory of those who fought and died for what is rightfully Oromo.
A Call to Reject Historical Revisionism
The separation of Finfinne from Oromia is not a neutral administrative decision. It is an act of historical revisionism—an attempt to rewrite the past to serve political interests in the present.
Finfinne cannot be understood without Oromia. The city’s history, culture, and identity are inseparable from the Oromo people. To deny this is to deny the truth of history itself.
The Oromo people will not accept the erasure of their history. They will not accept the legitimization of their dispossession. They will not accept the rewriting of the past to serve the interests of the powerful.
The Truth Will Endure
History cannot be erased by political decisions. Sacrifice cannot be silenced by administrative decrees. Justice cannot be measured by bureaucratic convenience.
Finfinne is Oromo.
The truth of its history will endure.
The struggle for justice will continue.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Seenaan Oromoo hin dagatamu!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who have sacrificed for the truth and justice of the Oromo people.
Honouring the Daughters of Oromia: A Celebration of Strength, Beauty, and Resilience
Recognizing the Pillars of Our Community — Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the heart of the Oromo nation, there exists a force that is as powerful as it is beautiful—the daughters of Oromia. They are the carriers of culture, the guardians of tradition, and the voices of resilience that echo across generations. Today, we pause to honour three remarkable women who embody the spirit of Oromo womanhood: Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo. ❤️
The Daughters of Oromia: A Legacy of Strength
Oromo women have always been the backbone of their communities. From the ancient traditions of the Gadaa system to the modern struggles for justice and recognition, they have stood firm, unyielding, and courageous. They have raised children, preserved culture, and fought for the dignity of their people.
The phrase “Shamarran Oromiyaa” —the daughters of Oromia—carries within it the weight of history and the promise of the future. It is a title of pride, honour, and responsibility. It speaks of women who refuse to be silenced, who refuse to be erased, and who refuse to accept anything less than justice for their people.
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa: A Beacon of Courage
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa is a name that resonates with strength and determination. As a daughter of Oromia, she has exemplified the qualities of leadership, resilience, and unwavering commitment to the Oromo cause. Her story is one of courage in the face of adversity—a testament to the power of a woman who refuses to bow to oppression.
Her contributions to the Oromo community, whether through activism, cultural preservation, or community organizing, have left an indelible mark. She stands as a role model for young Oromo women, showing them that their voices matter and that their dreams are valid.
Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo: A Voice for Justice
Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo is a name that has become synonymous with the fight for Oromo rights and dignity. Her unwavering commitment to justice and her fearless advocacy have inspired countless others to join the struggle. She has spoken truth to power, refusing to be intimidated by those who seek to silence the Oromo voice.
Her work has touched the lives of many, from the villages of Oromia to the diaspora communities around the world. She has reminded us that the struggle for justice is not just a political fight—it is a deeply personal one, rooted in the love for one’s people and one’s land.
Jaal Mergitu Argo: A Pillar of Resilience
Jaal Mergitu Argo represents the resilience that defines Oromo women. In the face of challenges that would break others, she has remained steadfast, drawing strength from her culture, her community, and her faith. Her journey is a reminder that resilience is not just about enduring hardship—it is about rising above it and building a better future.
Her contributions to the Oromo community, whether through education, advocacy, or cultural preservation, have been invaluable. She has shown that Oromo women are not just participants in the struggle—they are leaders, innovators, and the architects of a brighter future.
The Power of Oromo Womanhood
The stories of Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo are not just their own—they are the stories of countless Oromo women who have contributed to the resilience and strength of the Oromo nation. They remind us that Oromo women are not just victims of oppression—they are agents of change, builders of community, and the heart of the struggle.
In Oromo culture, women have always held a special place of honour. The Siiqqee institution, for example, has been a powerful symbol of women’s agency and a mechanism for ensuring gender balance and social justice. This tradition is not just a relic of the past—it is a living practice that continues to inspire Oromo women today.
A Call to Celebrate and Honour
As we honour these three remarkable women, let us also honour all the daughters of Oromia—past, present, and future. Let us celebrate their strength, their beauty, and their resilience. Let us recognize their contributions to the Oromo nation and their role in shaping a future of justice, dignity, and self-determination.
To the daughters of Oromia: You are the heartbeat of the nation. You are the carriers of culture, the guardians of tradition, and the voices of hope. Your strength inspires us, your courage emboldens us, and your love sustains us.
Conclusion: A Legacy That Endures
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo represent the best of what it means to be a daughter of Oromia. Their contributions to the Oromo cause, their commitment to justice, and their unwavering resilience are a testament to the power of Oromo womanhood.
Shamarran Oromiyaa — The daughters of Oromia — will always be the strength of the nation.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo — you are honoured!
This feature article is dedicated to all the daughters of Oromia who have contributed to the struggle for justice, dignity, and self-determination. Your legacy will endure for generations to come.
The Spark That Lit a Fire: The Macha-Tulama Association and the Birth of Modern Oromo Consciousness
By Our Senior Correspondent
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In the early 1960s, Ethiopia was a nation of silence. Political parties were banned. Open dissent was crushed. The empire of Haile Selassie I, with its ancient Amharic-speaking elite, governed through a system of centralized control that left little room for the voices of its largest ethnic group—the Oromo.
Yet, in the cramped offices of Addis Ababa, three small self-help groups began to meet. The Jibat and Macha, the Metta Robii, and the Tulama Shawa associations had been formed to provide modest social relief to Oromo communities. But in 1963, these three organizations merged into something far more significant. They became the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association—Waldaa Wal-gargaarsa Maccaa fi Tuulamaa—and in doing so, they ignited a fire that would reshape Oromo history forever.
A Name That United a People
The association took its name from two of the major Borana Oromo clans: Machaa and Tulema. But its vision was far broader than any single clan. It was designed to embrace all Oromos, irrespective of religion or region, and even welcomed non-Oromo nationalities who accepted its objectives. Its founders were a remarkable group: Hail Mariam Gamada, a lawyer; Alemu Qixxeesa, a retired colonel; Mamo Mezemer; and others who had been educated in the imperial system but had “subsequently rediscovered their culture”.
The most prominent leader was Tadesse Birru, a former general in the Ethiopian police force and territorial army. A Shewa Oromo who had been fully integrated into Amhara culture, his Oromo origins were not apparent to many until he began to champion the cause of his people. His conversion was a powerful symbol: a man who had risen to the highest ranks of the imperial establishment, turning his back on privilege to fight for his own people.
Two Levels of Purpose
The association operated on two distinct levels. The first was practical and visible: it built schools, health clinics, roads, and water supplies across Oromia. It constructed churches and mosques for believers who had none. It provided financial and legal assistance for the disabled and unemployed.
But the second objective was political—and far more dangerous. In an era when political parties were forbidden, the Macha-Tulama Association became a vehicle for Oromo nationalism. It was the first movement to articulate Oromo grievances in a public, organized manner. It championed “the social, educational, cultural and political rights of the Oromo people”. It politicized the masses and, through its dynamic Youth Wing, produced revolutionary literature that circulated underground. Its very existence marked “the public rise of Oromo nationalism”.
The Threat to Empire
The association’s rapid growth was breathtaking. At its height, it claimed as many as 200,000 members. It expanded “very rapidly all over Oromiyaa as a Pan-Oromo movement”. It was most successful in the south, particularly in Arsi, where Oromos had been relegated to the status of tenants on their own land after being conquered by Menelik’s forces.
For the imperial government, this was an existential threat. The Ethiopian state accused the association of committing “acts of terror” in an effort to suppress the developing Oromo National Movement. The repression was swift and brutal.
The Crackdown
In 1966, the Macha-Tulama Association was banned. Its leaders were arrested, imprisoned, and some were executed. Tadesse Birru, Mamo Mezemir, Alemu Kitessa, and others were imprisoned and killed for their humanitarian and political activities. The association was banned during the imperial regime, again under the Derg, and once more in 2011 under the EPRDF regime. It was accused of “threatening Ethiopia’s unity—an unfounded claim,” according to its current president.
Yet the organization refused to die. It survived underground, and its members continued to organize. The suppression of the Macha-Tulama Association became “an immediate reason for the birth of” a more militant organization. In 1974, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was formed, largely from the underground cells of the Macha-Tulama Association.
A Legacy That Endures
Today, the Macha-Tulama Association—now officially known as the Mecha and Tulema Self-Help Association—continues its work. It regained its legal status in 2019. It celebrated its 60th anniversary in 2024, a testament to its resilience.
Its current president, Diribi Damuse, has outlined the association’s ongoing humanitarian efforts: supporting internally displaced people from Western Oromia, assisting those affected by drought in Borena and Guji, and providing aid to university students and Abba Gada leaders. The association, he emphasized, “has united members from diverse backgrounds, including military, students, intellectuals, and grassroots, including non-Oromo members from Wolayita, Sidama, and other ethnic groups”.
The Unfinished Struggle
The Macha-Tulama Association’s place in Oromo history is secure. It was the first organized, mass-based expression of Oromo identity in the modern era. It bridged the gap between the rural peasantry and the urban intelligentsia. It laid the groundwork for every Oromo political movement that followed.
But its story is also a warning. The association was banned not because it committed violence, but because it united a people. Its leaders were killed not for crimes, but for the crime of demanding dignity. The imperial state, and every regime that followed, understood that a united Oromo people was a threat to centralized power.
As the association continues its work—building schools, feeding the hungry, preserving culture—it carries with it the memory of those who gave their lives. Mamo Mezemir, Tadesse Birru, Alemu Kitessa, and so many others are not just names in a history book. They are the foundation upon which modern Oromo consciousness was built.
The Macha-Tulama Association was the spark. The fire it lit continues to burn.
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Sources: UNHCR Refugee Review Tribunal; Canada Immigration and Refugee Board; Addis Standard; Wikipedia; AfricaBib; Taylor & Francis; Advocacy for Oromia.
The Hour of Need: Forging a Resilient Future for Oromia and Its People
By Maatii Sabaa
The air in Oromia is heavy with a sense of urgency. Across the region and its surrounding areas, a silent tremor of concern is reverberating through the hearts of its people. We are witnessing a pivotal moment in our history, a time fraught with challenges that test the very fabric of our society. The question is no longer if we will act, but when—and how boldly.
As we look at the current state of affairs, it is impossible to ignore the profound anxieties that grip our communities. The safety net that once held our families together is fraying under the weight of economic strain, environmental upheaval, and political instability. We are, to put it plainly, standing on the precipice of a great ordeal. The need for a unified, robust, and relentless response—a determined stand against the tide of adversity—has never been more critical.
This is not merely a time for sorrow; it is a time for strategy. The path forward is not found in despair, but in the deliberate construction of a new paradigm. We must build a fortress of resilience, brick by brick, institution by institution. It is through the creation of resilient systems—in agriculture, education, and governance—that we can effectively combat the crises that threaten to overwhelm us. We need a “fala/ gaachanaa” (shield) that is not just reactive but proactive, designed to protect the most vulnerable and secure the borders of our collective future.
Yet, the ultimate shield for Oromia is not made of steel or stone; it is made of the mind and spirit of its youth. The young men and women of this generation are the architects of tomorrow. To leave them untrained, unmotivated, or disconnected is to invite disaster. Our imperative is clear: we must educate, energize, and organize the Oromo youth.
This is more than a call to action; it is a call to transformation. We must transform our schools into crucibles of critical thinking, our communities into hubs of entrepreneurial energy, and our political spaces into arenas of constructive dialogue. By doing so, we ensure that our youth do not become victims of circumstance, but rather, become the standard-bearers of a proud heritage. They must become the vanguard that carries the torch of Oromia forward, ready to stand as “gaachana” (champions) for their land and their people.
It is a saddening truth that the heritage of the Oromo people—a legacy of resilience, democracy, and cultural richness—is at risk of being eroded. We are custodians of a “Dhaloota qaroo” (a heritage of value), a distinct identity that has survived for millennia. To protect this inheritance is to diversify it; to bring in new voices, new ideas, and new energy. We must ensure that the narrative of our people is written not by our oppressors, but by our own hands, in our own words.
The time for deliberation is over. The foundations of a new era must be laid today. It is not enough to hope for a brighter tomorrow; we must labor for it. Starting today, we must commit to the arduous but noble task of rebuilding. Starting today, we must bridge the divides that separate us. Starting today, we must empower the next generation to take the helm.
The challenges are great, but the spirit of Oromia is greater. Let us meet this moment with the courage it demands. The hour of need is upon us, but it is also an hour of opportunity. Let us rise, unite, and forge a destiny worthy of the sacrifices of our ancestors and the dreams of our children.
The time to start is now.
Legal Foundations of Finfinne’s Special Status: A Review of Federal and Regional Laws
Examining the Constitutional and Statutory Provisions Recognizing Oromia’s Special Interest in the Capital
By Dhabessa Wakjira
(Melbourne-11 August 2026) The question of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is not merely a matter of political debate or historical narrative. It is also a matter of law. Over the past four decades, a series of federal and regional legal instruments have recognized and codified the unique relationship between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital.
From the transitional period following the fall of the Derg to the present day, Ethiopian law has acknowledged that Finfinne, by virtue of its location within the State of Oromia, gives rise to a “special interest” for Oromia—an interest that encompasses social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters . This legal framework, while contested in its implementation, provides a constitutional foundation for the Oromo people’s claim to their historical capital.
Federal Legal Instruments: The Constitutional and Statutory Framework
A. Proclamation No. 7/1984: Establishing National Regional Self-Governments
The legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne predates the 1995 Constitution. In the transitional period following the fall of the Derg regime, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia enacted Proclamation No. 7/1984 to establish National Regional Self-Governments.
Article 3(1) of this proclamation identified the Oromo people as one of the nations, nationalities, and peoples entitled to establish a regional self-government, designated as “Region 4.” Critically, Article 3(4) of the proclamation stated that the “special national interests and political rights of Oromo” over Harari (Region 13) and Addis Ababa (Region 14) would be protected .
This provision represented the first formal legal acknowledgment of Oromia’s special claim over the capital following the collapse of the unitary state. It recognized that the city’s location within Oromia created a unique relationship that could not be ignored, even as the city was designated as a separate administrative entity.
B. The FDRE Constitution, Article 49(5): The Constitutional Recognition
The most significant legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is enshrined in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution, adopted in 1995.
Article 49(5) states:
“The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa, regarding the provision of social services or the utilization of natural resources and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Ababa within the State of Oromia, shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.”
This provision was the product of extensive debate during the Constitutional Assembly. The legislative history reveals that the Oromo representatives argued for the inclusion of this clause on several grounds:
- Geographical reality: Finfinne is located within the State of Oromia.
- Historical connection: The city was established on Oromo land and is the heart of Oromia.
- Practical necessity: The city’s expansion affects surrounding Oromo farming communities.
- Constitutional identity: The city serves as Oromia’s capital and is deeply connected to Oromo identity .
The clause was approved with 507 votes in favour and only 6 against, demonstrating broad consensus on the principle of Oromia’s special interest.
C. Addis Ababa City Administration Charter Proclamation No. 87/1989
The first charter for the Addis Ababa City Administration, Proclamation No. 87/1989, provided detailed provisions on the relationship between the city and Oromia.
Article 33 of this proclamation established four key elements of Oromia’s special interest:
- Boundary Determination: The city’s boundary shall be delimited jointly by the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government.
- Seat of Government: The Oromia Regional Government has the right to establish its seat in Addis Ababa.
- Access to Services: Social services provided by the City Administration to Addis Ababa residents shall also be accessible to residents of neighbouring Oromia communities, who shall be entitled to benefit from those services on an equal footing.
- Consultation on Development: The City Administration shall undertake development activities affecting Oromia only in consultation and agreement with the Oromia Regional Government.
This charter represented a significant legal acknowledgment of the practical interdependence between the city and its surrounding region .
D. Amended City Charter Proclamation No. 311/1995 and No. 361/1995
Subsequent amendments to the City Charter, including Proclamation No. 311/1995 and Proclamation No. 361/1995, modified the framework for the relationship between the city and Oromia.
Article 62 of these proclamations, concerning the relationship between the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government, provided that:
- The City Administration shall maintain a relationship based on fruitful cooperation with Oromia.
- In accordance with Article 49(5) of the Constitution, Oromia’s interest shall be respected. The particulars shall be determined by agreement between the City Administration and the Regional Government or by a law enacted by the House of Peoples’ Representatives.
Article 5 of these proclamations, concerning the city’s boundaries, departed from the earlier charter. It provided that the boundary shall be delimited by agreement between the City Administration and Oromia or pursuant to the decision of the Federal Government—a provision that allowed for federal determination of boundaries without necessarily requiring the consent of the Oromia Regional Government .
This shift represented a legal narrowing of Oromia’s special interest compared to the 1989 charter, a development that has been a source of ongoing tension.
Regional Legal Instruments: The Oromia Constitutional Framework
A. The Oromia Transitional Constitution (1984)
The first constitution of the Oromia National Regional State, enacted in 1984 through Proclamation No. 2/1985, established the fundamental identity of the region.
This historic document, adopted by the newly established Oromia Council following popular elections, declared:
- Article 55: The name of the region shall be Oromia.
- Article 57: The working language of the region shall be Afaan Oromoo, written in the Latin script.
- Article 58: The capital city of the region shall be Finfinne.
This constitution represented the first formal assertion of Oromo self-governance and affirmed Finfinne as the heart of Oromia.
B. The Oromia Constitution (1987)
The second Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 1/1987, reaffirmed the region’s identity and capital following the transition to a civilian government.
Article 6 of this constitution confirmed that Finfinne is the capital city of the Oromia Regional State, maintaining the continuity of the region’s constitutional identity.
C. The Amended Oromia Constitution (1994) and Proclamation No. 94/1997
The third Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 46/1994 following the political reforms of 1993, introduced a significant change: Article 6 declared that the capital of Oromia would be Adama.
This change was made following Proclamation No. 35/1992, which had designated Adama as Oromia’s capital effective July 1992. However, this decision was met with widespread public opposition and protest.
Following the 1997 elections, the Oromia Regional Government, responding to popular demand, returned its seat to Finfinne without preconditions. Subsequently, Proclamation No. 94/1997, adopted by the Oromia Council, amended the constitution to restore Finfinne as the capital of Oromia.
Article 2(3) of this proclamation formally declared that the capital of Oromia shall be Finfinne, reversing the 1994 amendment. This decision reflected the deep historical and cultural connection between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital .
The Ongoing Debate: Implementation and Contestation
While the legal framework recognizing Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is well-established, its implementation has been a source of persistent tension.
The Special Interest Council
The draft proclamation on Oromia’s special interest in Addis Ababa contemplates the establishment of a Joint Council composed of delegates from both the City Government and Oromia Regional State . However, legal experts have noted shortcomings in the draft, including the postponement of determining key details such as the number of members, structure, mandates, and tenure—matters that should be clearly defined in the establishing legislation .
The 2014 Master Plan Controversy
The 2014 Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan, which proposed expanding the city’s boundaries by 1.1 million hectares into surrounding Oromia districts, ignited widespread protests and led to hundreds of deaths. Critics argued that the plan was centrally imposed without prior consultation or participation of the Oromia Regional Government, in violation of constitutional principles .
The Failure to Fully Implement Article 49(5)
Legal commentators have noted that the concept of “special interest” was intended to imply a form of ownership and the immunity of the Oromo people from eviction from the city . However, successive federal governments have been accused of failing to implement the constitutional provision meaningfully, instead pursuing policies that marginalize Oromo communities in and around the capital .
Conclusion: A Legal Framework Awaiting Implementation
The legal instruments examined in this article reveal a consistent pattern: from the transitional period to the present day, Ethiopian law has recognized Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne. The FDRE Constitution, the City Charters, and the Oromia Constitutions all acknowledge the unique relationship between the city and the region that surrounds it.
However, legal recognition alone is insufficient. The gap between the law on paper and its implementation in practice has been a source of ongoing tension and conflict. The failure to fully implement Article 49(5), the controversies over boundary expansions, and the inadequate representation of Oromo interests in the governance of the capital have all contributed to the perception that Oromia’s constitutional rights are being violated.
The path forward lies in the genuine implementation of the constitutional and legal framework—through joint administrative mechanisms, meaningful consultation, and the protection of Oromo communities affected by the city’s expansion. As one legal commentator has noted: “The concept of special interest entered the Ethiopian legal lexicon to ensure that the Oromo people, whose land was taken to establish the capital, would not be excluded from the benefits of the city’s existence” . Fulfilling this vision requires not only legal recognition but also political will.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Seerri haa raawwatamu!
This feature article is based on a review of federal and regional legal instruments and is dedicated to all those who seek the full implementation of Oromia’s constitutional rights in Finfinne.
Advocacy for Oromia 