The Unrelenting Reactionary Force: A Reflection on Ethiopia’s National Dialogue and the Battle for Constitutional Integrity

Confronting the Forces That Seek to Undermine Ethiopia’s Federal Foundation
By Dereje Gerefa Tullu
For over three decades, the Ethiopian Constitution has served as the foundational document upon which the country’s federal system was built. It enshrined the rights of nations, nationalities, and peoples—including the right to self-determination, cultural recognition, and political participation. It was a historic compromise, an attempt to address the historical grievances of marginalized communities and build a new Ethiopia based on equality and justice.
Yet, from the moment it was adopted, there have been forces that have sought to undermine it. These forces—reactionary in their orientation—have never accepted the constitutional order. They have never reconciled themselves to the reality that Ethiopia is a country of diverse nations and nationalities with equal rights. And now, as the national dialogue unfolds, they have emerged once again, more vocal and more aggressive than ever.
This is a reflection on the reactionary forces that have dominated Ethiopia’s political discourse for decades—forces that, under the guise of unity, seek to reimpose a centralized, assimilationist order that has been rejected by the Ethiopian people.
The Assault on the Constitution: Erasing Nations and Nationalities
The reactionary forces have made their agenda clear. They have targeted the very language of the Constitution, particularly the phrase “nations and nationalities” that appears in its preamble. They argue that this language is divisive, that it undermines national unity, that it must be replaced with something more “inclusive”—a term that, in practice, means something far more sinister.
“The phrase ‘nations and nationalities’ bothers me,” they declare. “It should be removed.”
When the ruling Prosperity Party proposed replacing it with “Ethiopian nationalities” —a gesture toward the reactionaries—it was not enough. They demanded more. They insisted that the very recognition of distinct nationalities be erased entirely, replaced by a homogenized “Ethiopian” identity that denies the reality of the country’s diversity.
No one outside the reactionary camp has asked for this. No one has demanded that the Constitution’s recognition of nations and nationalities be removed. This is not a popular demand—it is the agenda of a minority that refuses to accept the constitutional order.
The Attack on Self-Determination: Article 39 Under Fire
If the preamble was the first target, Article 39 of the Constitution—which enshrines the right to self-determination, up to and including secession—has been the primary focus of the reactionary assault.
“Remove the right to secession,” they demand. “Why should the Constitution include such a dangerous provision?”
Despite the fact that the right to self-determination is a fundamental principle of international law, despite the fact that it is recognized in constitutions around the world, the reactionaries have never accepted it. They see it as a threat to their vision of a centralized Ethiopian state.
“We Ethiopians are not interested in secession,” they insist. “We are interested in unity, equality, and brotherhood/sisterhood.”
But if the right to self-determination is not a threat, if it is simply a constitutional safeguard, then why do they want it removed? The answer is clear: because they do not trust the Ethiopian people. They do not believe in democracy. They do not believe that the people, if given the choice, would choose to remain united. They want to deny the people that choice—not because they believe in unity, but because they believe in control.
The Land Question: Undermining Oromo’s Constitutional Rights
The reactionary forces have also targeted Article 49(5) of the Constitution, which recognizes Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters.
“Remove Oromia’s special interest,” they demand. “Why should Oromia have a special interest in the capital?”
They argue that because Finfinne is surrounded by Oromia, and because the city’s daily activities and development depend on resources from Oromia, this constitutional provision is somehow unfair. They have called for the complete removal of any reference to Oromia in the Constitution’s treatment of the capital.
“The national dialogue is completely under the control of Oromia’s Prosperity Party,” they have claimed on social media. “It is rigged.”
Despite the fact that Finfinne has historically been the capital of Ethiopia and the seat of the federal government, the reactionary forces have framed Oromia’s constitutional interests as a threat. They have campaigned relentlessly to delegitimize these provisions and to marginalize the Oromo people in their own capital.
The Land Question: Property, Access, and Control
The reactionary forces have also weighed in on the land question, challenging the constitutional principle that land is the common property of the state and the people. They have demanded that private property rights be expanded to include land—a demand that would fundamentally alter the socio-economic order of Ethiopia.
“Land should be private,” they declare.
When it was suggested that some form of private land ownership could be introduced, the reactionary forces were not satisfied. They insisted that the only reason private land ownership was not already enshrined in the Constitution was the treachery of the previous regime, the EPRDF. They dismissed any attempt at compromise and insisted on the full privatization of land—a demand that would disproportionately benefit the wealthy at the expense of farmers and rural communities.
The Historical Revisionism: A Convenient Amnesia
The reactionary forces have also engaged in historical revisionism. They have argued that Finfinne has always been the capital of Ethiopia, that it has always been the capital of the Shoa region, and that there is nothing exceptional about this arrangement.
“Under the Emperor, Finfinne was the capital of Ethiopia and Shoa. Under the Derg, it was the capital of Ethiopia, the Shoa Province, and the Administrative Region. Under the EPRDF and Prosperity Party, it has been the capital of Ethiopia and Oromia. Nothing has changed.”
But this is a convenient amnesia. The fact that Finfinne has served as the capital is not in dispute. What is in dispute is whether the Oromo people have a constitutional and historical stake in the city. Article 49(5) was not invented by the current regime—it was a product of the EPRDF era, adopted with the consent of all parties.
The reactionary forces have conveniently forgotten that the EPRDF itself faced a crisis when it attempted to revise the capital’s status. The Oromo people protested, and the attempt failed. The current regime itself is a product of that crisis—a crisis that was caused precisely by the refusal to respect Oromo rights.
“If the Prosperity Party does not change Oromia’s capital from Finfinne to something else,” the reactionaries now declare, “then Prosperity Party itself is OLF.”
The Flag: A Symbol of Unity or Division?
The reactionary forces have even gone after the Ethiopian flag, arguing that the star represents nations and nationalities and that this is somehow divisive.
“If the star is meant to represent the equality and unity of the nationalities, then it must be removed,” they insist. “Otherwise, I am willing to go to death.”
When it was suggested that the flag could be discussed as part of the national dialogue, the reactionary forces attacked the dialogue commission and its members for even raising the issue. They accused the Prosperity Party of being willing to “sell out” by even considering changes to the flag.
“The flag is sacred,” they claimed. “Why should it be changed?”
But the flag has been changed before—under the Derg, under the EPRDF, and under the current regime. The Ethiopian flag has always reflected the political order of the time. The reactionaries’ demand that the flag be frozen in amber, that it never change, is not a demand for tradition—it is a demand for control.
The Deception of the Reactionary Forces
The reactionary forces have attempted to frame themselves as defenders of Ethiopian unity. They have attacked the Prosperity Party for being too “soft” on Oromo rights. They have attacked the national dialogue commission for being too “Oromo-dominated.” They have attempted to claim the mantle of Ethiopian nationalism for themselves.
But their actions betray them.
- They refuse to accept the constitutional recognition of nations and nationalities.
- They refuse to accept the right to self-determination.
- They refuse to accept Oromia’s special interest in the capital.
- They refuse to accept the principle of land as common property.
- They have delegitimized the national dialogue before it even began.
They are not defending Ethiopian unity—they are defending their own power. They fear that any recognition of Oromo rights, any acknowledgment of the constitutional order, will diminish their influence. And so they fight tooth and nail to preserve a system that has already been rejected by history.
The Failure of the National Dialogue
The reactionary forces are now attempting to sabotage the national dialogue. They have engaged in a social media campaign to discredit the dialogue commission, to attack its members, and to delegitimize its proceedings.
“The dialogue is a sham,” they have claimed. “It is entirely controlled by Oromia’s Prosperity Party.”
But the reality is different. The national dialogue has brought together a wide range of voices from across Ethiopia. The Oromo representatives, including Qajeelaa Mardaasaa, Sanyii Nagaasaa, and Dr. Saamuel Kiflee, have presented their views. The issues of Finfinne, the capital status, and the constitutional rights of the Oromo people have been discussed.
But the reactionary forces have not accepted the dialogue—they have sought to undermine it. They have attacked the dialogue commission, they have attacked the participants, and they have demanded that the agenda be changed to suit their preferences.
They are not interested in dialogue. They are interested in dictation.
The Need to Confront the Reactionary Forces
The reactionary forces have been allowed to dominate the political discourse for too long. They have been allowed to attack the Constitution, to deny Oromo rights, and to undermine the national dialogue—all in the name of “unity.”
But silence is not a strategy. It is a surrender.
If the reactionary forces are not challenged, they will continue to dominate. They will continue to attack the constitutional order. They will continue to undermine the national dialogue. And they will continue to marginalize the Oromo people and other communities that seek justice and equality.
“If you don’t say ‘enough,’ the reactionary forces will not retreat. They will only grow bolder.”
The time for confrontation is now.
Conclusion: A Choice Between Two Futures
The reactionary forces have made their agenda clear. They want to roll back the constitutional gains of the past thirty years. They want to deny the Oromo people their rights. They want to centralize power and impose a homogenized Ethiopian identity.
But that is not the only future available.
The Oromo people have made their voice heard. They have insisted on the recognition of their rights, the acknowledgment of their history, and the respect of their constitutional position. They have demonstrated that they will not accept a system that denies them justice.
“Finfinne is Oromo. Oromia’s rightful capital must be recognized. The struggle for justice continues.”
The choice is now before the Ethiopian people: Will they allow the reactionary forces to dominate? Will they accept the denial of Oromo rights? Will they embrace a future of equality and justice—or a return to the past?
The time to say “enough” is now.
The time to confront the reactionary forces is now.
The time to build a future of justice and equality is now.
Finfinne is Oromo.
The Constitution must be respected.
The national dialogue must serve the people, not the reactionaries.
The struggle for justice continues.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dereje Gerefa Tullu and is dedicated to all those who continue to struggle for justice, equality, and constitutional integrity in Ethiopia.
Posted on August 9, 2026, in Aadaa, Afaan, Biography, Bokkkuu, Corona, Election, Events, Finfinne, freedom, Grief Support, Gumaa, Kindness, Koronaa, Language, mental health, News, Oromo diaspora, Oromo truth telling, SBO, SBS, Siinqee. Bookmark the permalink. Leave a comment.




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