Category Archives: family violence
A Milestone Achieved: The ABO Diaspora Structure Council Successfully Concludes
A Historic Gathering in Minneapolis Marks a New Chapter for the Oromo Liberation Front’s Global Organization
By Daandii Ragabaa
Minneapolis, MN — August 6, 2026
In a significant development for the Oromo liberation movement, the Korri Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Alaa —the Diaspora Structure Council of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO)—has successfully concluded its proceedings. The event, held in Minneapolis, Minnesota, marks a pivotal moment in the organizational consolidation of the Oromo struggle beyond the borders of Oromia.
The council’s conclusion, announced on August 6, 2026, represents more than a routine organizational meeting. It signals the maturation of the diaspora as a structured, institutional pillar of the liberation movement—a recognition that the struggle for Oromo self-determination is not confined to the homeland but spans continents, uniting Oromo people wherever they reside.
Why Minneapolis? The Heart of the Oromo Diaspora
The choice of Minneapolis as the host city for this historic gathering is no accident. Over the past three decades, Minnesota has become a sanctuary and a springboard for Oromo activism, earning the affectionate title “Little Oromia” for hosting one of the largest Oromo populations outside of East Africa .
From the bustling neighborhoods of Minneapolis to the suburban cities of St. Paul, Oromo culture thrives—through language, music, faith, and political organization. Holding the Diaspora Structure Council here acknowledges the diaspora not as a distant bystander but as a vital pillar of the liberation project .
In this space, the past meets the present. Elders who witnessed the early days of the OLF sit alongside youth born in the West, forging an intergenerational bond that strengthens the movement’s resilience. It is a living classroom where history is taught, grievances are voiced, and hope is rekindled .
The Significance of Institutional Strength
The successful conclusion of the Diaspora Structure Council underscores a central theme that has emerged in the Oromo movement’s recent history: the strength of the institution.
As emphasized at the Oromo New Year celebrations in Edmonton, the focus is increasingly on “jabeenya jaarmiyaa”—the strength of the institution . This represents a mature evolution in diaspora political consciousness: the understanding that liberation requires not just passion or grievance, but organizational resilience, strategic continuity, and the mechanisms required to sustain a movement across decades and continents .
The Diaspora Structure Council’s work, meticulously prepared and executed, was itself a direct, tangible contribution to the struggle. It ensured that “deeggarsii fi tumsi qabsoo bilisummaa akka itti fufiinsa argatu”—that “support and sustenance for the freedom struggle continues to receive continuity” .
The OLF/ABO’s Vision: Building Oromia Without Borders
The successful conclusion of this council aligns with the broader vision of the OLF/ABO leadership, who have consistently emphasized that the work of building Oromia extends beyond Ethiopia’s borders.
As senior OLF leader Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa stated at a February 2026 consultative meeting in Gullallee: “Our foundational organizing must begin at the grassroots level, starting from the village” . This principle applies equally to the diaspora. Wherever Oromos reside—in the villages of Oromia, the refugee camps of Kenya, the community centers of North America and Europe—the work of building Oromo consciousness, organization, and national identity continues .
The council’s successful conclusion demonstrates that the diaspora is not merely a source of financial support or cultural preservation. It is an active, organized, and strategic component of the liberation project.
A Foundation of Truth and Integrity
Throughout its proceedings, the Diaspora Structure Council was guided by the principles that have defined the OLF/ABO’s decades-long struggle. As Abdii Raggaasaa declared: “If we are people of truth, our people will never abandon us under any circumstances. But if we are people of falsehood, even if we hold something, we will lose it” .
This commitment to truth and integrity was central to the council’s work. The diaspora structure is not built on empty rhetoric or political opportunism. It is built on the sacrifice of generations—on the “struggle of blood and bone” that has defined the Oromo liberation movement .
The Cry That Echoes: IUOf!
As the Diaspora Structure Council concluded its work, the hall undoubtedly echoed with the rallying cry that unites Oromo people across continents: “IUOf!” —Victory to the Oromo people .
The abbreviation, derived from the Oromo phrase for victory, resonates across generations, declaring the unshakable belief in the Oromo nation’s future . It is a cry that has been heard in the hidden clearings of Oromia, in the community halls of the diaspora, and now, in the organized structures of the OLF/ABO abroad.
A New Chapter: Consistency and Determination
The flyer circulating for the conclusion of the Diaspora Structure Council carried a powerful mantra: “As always, consistency and determination remain the foundation of lasting progress and success” .
These words are not empty rhetoric. In the long and often brutal struggle for Oromo self-determination, fads and fleeting passions have no place. What sustains the movement is the dogged, day-in and day-out commitment of a people who refuse to be erased. The successful conclusion of the Diaspora Structure Council is the embodiment of this ethic—a ritual of endurance, a moment to recalibrate, to reaffirm, and to recommit .
Consistency means showing up, year after year, regardless of the political winds. Determination means turning setbacks into stepping stones. The OLF/ABO has weathered imprisonment, exile, and state-sponsored repression, yet here it stands, its diaspora structure organized and functioning in the heart of America. That is the quiet power of persistence .
Looking Forward: The Seventh Round and Beyond
The successful conclusion of the Diaspora Structure Council arrives at a crucial moment. As the OLF/ABO prepares for the upcoming 7th round elections, the diaspora structure will play a vital role in mobilization, advocacy, and organizational strengthening .
The council’s work ensures that the diaspora is not a passive observer of political developments in Oromia but an active participant. As one OLF official stated: “OLF is the center of Oromo peace” . The diaspora structure, now successfully organized and concluded, extends that center across the globe.
Conclusion: A Milestone, Not an End
The conclusion of the Korri Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Alaa is not an end but a beginning. It marks the formalization of a structure that will continue to serve the Oromo people’s aspirations for self-determination, dignity, and democratic rights.
As participants departed Minneapolis, the message was clear: the diaspora is organized, the structure is in place, and the work continues. The struggle for Oromo liberation is not confined to the homeland—it is a global movement, sustained by a global community, guided by a global organization.
ABO haa waaru!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Korri Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Alaa
Milkiin Xumurameera
Hag. 08/06/2026
Minneapolis, MN
This feature article is dedicated to all those who built the diaspora structures of the Oromo Liberation Front—from the founders to the newest members—and to the generations yet to come who will carry forward the torch of liberation.
Four Decades of Scholarship, One Enduring Legacy: The Oromo Studies Association at 40
From Exile to Global Recognition — How a Diaspora Institution Reclaimed a People’s History
By Dhabessa Wakjira
The year was 1986. In meeting rooms scattered across the diaspora, in the United States and Europe, a small group of Oromo and non-Oromo scholars gathered with a radical idea . They would build an independent academic home for the study of a people whose history, culture, and very existence had been systematically erased from mainstream scholarship. They would create a space where knowledge about the Oromo could be produced not by outsiders, but on its own terms.
They called it the Oromo Studies Association .
Four decades later, that audacious dream has become something far greater than its founders could have imagined. As the OSA marks its 40th anniversary in 2026, it stands as a global scholarly community spanning continents and disciplines—a testament to the power of knowledge as a form of justice.
The Birth of a Movement: Founding in Exile
The OSA was not born in a vacuum. It was founded in direct response to a crackdown that had led to those campaigning for greater recognition of the Oromo people being murdered, tortured, jailed, or driven out of the country. The founding was a response to a void—a void in which Oromo heritage was not merely absent from academia and state narratives but actively suppressed.
Under successive Ethiopian regimes, the Oromo—despite being the largest ethnolinguistic group in Ethiopia, numbering over 40 million people across the Horn of Africa—were systematically marginalized. They were deprived of their expropriated lands, their freedom through enslavement, their identity, and even the right to speak their own language. In Ethiopia, the history of the Oromo people was effectively written out of the national narrative.
Among the founders was Sisai Ibssa, a scholar-activist whose intellectual journey shaped the trajectory of Oromo studies for decades. Reflecting on the early days, one founding figure recalled attending an international Oromo conference in Berlin in 1984—”It was then that we started to think about organizing an Oromo studies association. A few years later, OSA was formally organized” .
Another towering figure was Professor Asmarom Legesse, whose landmark work Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society (1973) brought the Oromo democratic system to international scholarly attention. Legesse passed away on January 31, 2026, just weeks before OSA’s 40th anniversary year—a loss deeply felt by the community he helped build.
A Full Gadaa Cycle: 40 Years of Scholarship
In Oromo tradition, the Gadaa system operates on eight-year cycles, with a full generational transition spanning forty years. This year’s anniversary is therefore not merely a milestone—it is a symbolic completion of a full Gadaa cycle, representing generational renewal, continuity, and the orderly transfer of knowledge and responsibility.
The OSA’s work over these four decades has been nothing short of transformative:
Before OSA, Oromo heritage was systematically erased. The Oromo language, Afaan Oromoo—the third most widely spoken language in Africa—was banned in schools and public life until 1992, and students were punished for speaking it or using Oromo names. A state ideology of “Ethiopianism” promoted Orthodox Christianity, the Amharic language, and Abyssinian culture as the sole legitimate national identity.
After four decades of OSA scholarship, the Oromo Gadaa system—a millennia-old democratic governance structure based on generational age sets, egalitarian principles, and rotating leadership—has been recognized by UNESCO as part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity . Oromo studies is now a respected field in global academia. And the Journal of Oromo Studies, launched in 1993, has been indexed in Scopus—one of the world’s most prestigious academic databases.
The Journal of Oromo Studies: A Dream Come True
When the first issue of the Journal of Oromo Studies rolled off the presses in the summer of 1993, it was described as “a dream come true” . For scholars who had labored in obscurity, publishing in venues that often dismissed or distorted Oromo realities, the Journal offered something revolutionary: a platform where Oromo scholarship could stand on its own.
The first volume featured foundational essays by scholars like Asafa Jalata, whose work on “The Oromo, Change and Continuity in Ethiopian Politics” helped define the contours of a new field . Over the decades that followed, the Journal would publish research on everything from the Gadaa system to diaspora studies, from economic development to cultural preservation, from historical linguistics to contemporary politics.
Now fully open-access, the Journal publishes articles, research notes, and scholarly book reviews in both English and Afaan Oromoo, welcoming contributions from emerging and established scholars alike . The Journal’s entire archive—decades of scholarship—is now posted to the OSA website, making it available to anyone with an internet connection.
In June 2026, Scopus announced the addition of 242 new journals to its prestigious index. Among them was the Journal of Oromo Studies. For those unfamiliar with the world of academic publishing, Scopus indexing is the gold standard. It places JOS alongside publications from Springer, Elsevier, Wiley, and Cambridge University Press.
As Bonnie Holcomb, the Journal’s Editor-in-Chief, wrote to contributors and advisors: “This publication, and the indexing in Scopus, are notable achievements, all. We have come a long way together” .
Reclaiming Oromummaa: The Core of the Mission
Central to OSA’s four-decade effort is the concept of Oromummaa—a term embodying the collective values, institutions, and worldview of the Oromo people. Once dismissed, Oromummaa has been meticulously restored by OSA scholars through research that has redrawn the map of Horn of Africa studies.
The OSA’s scholarship has focused on three core institutions of Oromo indigenous democracy:
- The Gadaa System: A complex socio-political system featuring an eight-year leadership cycle, checks and balances, and principles of accountability and rule of law. Its global significance was recognized by UNESCO in 2016.
- Siinqee (Siiqee): A women’s institution that ensures gender balance and social justice .
- The Qaalluu: The spiritual authority maintaining harmony between society, nature, and the spiritual realm.
Together, these institutions embody values of democracy, peace (nagaa), and ecological stewardship that OSA argues offer lessons of “global relevance”.
Breaking the Silence: OSA in the Diaspora
For many years, the OSA could not hold its annual meetings on home ground. Meetings were held in the diaspora, usually in the United States. The Association promoted research and scholarship across the full range of Oromo studies, but the doors of Ethiopia remained closed.
Under successive regimes, protesting Oromo people were increasingly subject to widespread repression, arbitrary arrests, detention without charge, enforced disappearance, torture, and even death . Like all authoritarian regimes, the authorities sought to silence protesters, initially targeting intellectuals, journalists, and students. All exiles, international commentators, media representatives, and human rights movements were denied entry to the country—including the OSA.
The most significant change came in 2018 with the election of Dr. Abiy Ahmed, himself an Oromo, to the position of Prime Minister of Ethiopia. As one scholar observed: “He opened the doors of Ethiopia to the Oromo in exile, some of whom had not seen their homeland for 40 years or more, and whose children had never been allowed to set foot on Ethiopian soil“. Even the Oromo Liberation Front operatives were given the green light to fly back into the country.
The 2026 Conference: Honoring the Past, Investing in the Future
The OSA’s 40th Annual Conference, themed “Oromo on the Global Landscape: Honoring Asmarom Legesse as OSA Turns 40,” will be held July 31 – August 2, 2026, in Minneapolis, Minnesota .
The conference will bring together scholars, researchers, students, and community members from across the diaspora and the continent for three days of panels, roundtables, keynote addresses, and community dialogue . It will feature diaspora-connected parallel panels abroad, reflecting the conference’s commitment to centring Oromo communities wherever they are.
An opening night celebration will be held on Friday evening, July 31, at the Oromo Community Centre in Saint Paul—an evening of inspiration, culture, and community, featuring video greetings from former OSA presidents, cultural dance performances, live cultural music, and a delicious meal catered by Dilla Restaurant.
Challenges and the Road Ahead
This hard-won scholarly recognition is not without its challenges. The OSA has warned of “renewed attacks on Oromo scholars and scholarship” from actors seeking to “restore inequitable power relations” . These attacks have evolved from formal complaints accusing scholars of “hate speech” to coordinated social media campaigns that vilify Oromummaa itself as a dangerous ideology.
The OSA’s statement declares: “These attacks do not represent scholarly debate grounded in evidence. Rather, they reflect a politicized rejection of any scholarship that challenges centralized authoritarian narratives” . It draws a stark warning: “History demonstrates that vilification of a people’s identity is often a precursor to mass violence”.
Despite these challenges, the OSA remains committed to its mission. As the Association’s “Who We Are” page states: “We believe that knowledge is a form of justice“.
Conclusion: A Legacy Worth Celebrating
Forty years ago, a small group of exiled scholars dared to imagine a world in which Oromo knowledge was recognized as a contribution to the full breadth of human civilization. Today, that vision is reality .
The Journal of Oromo Studies, indexed in Scopus, stands as a monument to their courage and their persistence. The annual conference, now in its 40th year, brings together a global community of scholars and advocates. The website, with its full open-access archive, makes decades of scholarship available to anyone with an internet connection.
As Bonnie Holcomb wrote, with warmth that reflects decades of dedication: “Congratulations, one and all“.
The celebration is earned. The legacy is enduring. And the work continues.
The 40th Annual Conference of the Oromo Studies Association
July 31 – August 2, 2026
Augsburg University, Hagfors Center
Minneapolis, Minnesota
Details at www.oromostudies.org
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
OSA haa jabaattu!
Four decades of scholarship, community, and the enduring pursuit of justice for the Oromo people.
A Line Crossed: Ambassador Suleiman Dedefo Warns of Eritrea’s Grave Violation of Ethiopian Sovereignty
In the volatile landscape of the Horn of Africa, where alliances shift like desert sands and the embers of conflict never fully cool, a stark warning has been issued. Ambassador Suleiman Dedefo, Ethiopia’s top diplomat, has leveled a serious accusation against Eritrea: that it has committed a “grave violation” of Ethiopia’s sovereignty by sending an armed military delegation across their internationally recognized border into the Tigray region—without the consent of the Ethiopian government.
A Breach of Sovereign Borders
According to Ambassador Dedefo, Eritrea’s military delegation did not merely cross into Ethiopian territory; it was received by forces engaged in active military confrontation with the Ethiopian government—a “gang group” aligned with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). This, he argues, constitutes a direct and reckless act of alliance with a group waging war against Ethiopia.
“It is highly unusual and contrary to established principles of international law for an armed military delegation to cross the internationally recognized border of another sovereign state without the consent of its government,” Ambassador Dedefo stated, framing the incursion not as a diplomatic misstep but as a fundamental breach of the rules that govern relations between sovereign nations.
The Legal Framework: A Violation of the UN Charter
The Ambassador’s words carry the weight of international jurisprudence. Under the United Nations Charter and customary international law, the territorial integrity and political independence of sovereign states are inviolable. An armed incursion by one state into another, particularly to support an armed group hostile to the host government, is widely recognized as an act of aggression.
By receiving Eritrea’s military delegation in territory it does not control, the TPLF-aligned forces have, in Ambassador Dedefo’s view, effectively made Eritrea a party to the conflict. “This amounts to joining the war that TPLF is waging on Ethiopia,” he declared. Such an action erases any pretense of Eritrea acting as a neutral observer or a humanitarian partner—it positions Asmara as a belligerent.
A Reckless Alliance
The implications extend far beyond the battlefield. Ambassador Dedefo characterized Eritrea’s move as a “reckless act of alliance with a mercenary group” that jeopardizes not only Ethiopia’s sovereignty but also the stability of the entire region. In the Horn of Africa, where borders remain contested and historical grievances run deep, an act of this nature threatens to unravel the fragile peace.
By aligning with a group that the Ethiopian government has designated as hostile, Eritrea is gambling with regional security. The message sent to other nations in the region is deeply troubling: that borders can be crossed with impunity, and that external actors may choose sides in a neighbor’s internal conflict without consequence.
The Right to Self-Defense
Perhaps the most significant portion of Ambassador Dedefo’s statement is his assertion regarding Ethiopia’s legal recourse. “Such actions may give rise to Ethiopia’s rights under international law, including those recognized by the UN Charter,” he noted. He went further, stating unequivocally that “Eritrea becomes a legitimate target for any action that Ethiopia could take in self defense”.
This is not merely diplomatic rhetoric. Article 51 of the UN Charter enshrines the “inherent right of individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs.” By framing Eritrea’s actions as an armed incursion in support of a hostile force, Ambassador Dedefo has laid the groundwork for a potential Ethiopian military response—one that would be legally justified under international law.
The Broader Context
Ambassador Suleiman Dedefo is no stranger to the complexities of Ethiopian diplomacy. Having served as Ethiopia’s ambassador to the United Arab Emirates and later as its top envoy to Somalia, he has been at the center of some of the region’s most sensitive negotiations. He has previously warned of external forces creating “political and strategic challenges” to Ethiopian interests and has been a vocal critic of those who threaten the nation’s sovereignty.
His latest warning comes at a time of heightened tensions in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has spoken of “correcting” the historic loss of Red Sea access, a statement that has drawn sharp criticism from Eritrea. Meanwhile, Egypt has deployed troops to Somalia, further complicating an already fraught regional dynamic. Into this cauldron of competing interests, Eritrea’s alleged military incursion adds a volatile new element.
A Line That Cannot Be Uncrosed
Ambassador Dedefo’s words are a clear signal: Ethiopia views Eritrea’s actions as an act of war. Whether this leads to direct military confrontation between the two neighbors remains to be seen. What is certain is that the diplomatic landscape of the Horn of Africa has shifted.
The international community now faces a critical test. Will it condemn Eritrea’s violation of Ethiopian sovereignty and call for de-escalation? Or will it remain silent, allowing the precedent of armed incursion to take root? Ambassador Dedefo has drawn a line in the sand—a line that, once crossed, may prove impossible to uncross.
As the region holds its breath, one thing is clear: the principle of sovereign borders, hard-won over centuries of international law and diplomacy, hangs in the balance. And Ethiopia, through the voice of its ambassador, has made it known that it will not stand idly by while that principle is trampled.
The Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association Speaks: Finfinne, Dirree Dhawaa, and the Unfinished Struggle for Oromo Justice
A Historic Statement on the National Dialogue, Colonial Atrocities, and the Demand for Recognition
By Daandii Ragabaa
In a powerful and historic statement, the Waldaan Walgargaarsa Misoomaa fi Hawaasummaa Maccaa Tuulamaa (Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association) has declared that the issue of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought before the national dialogue not as a genuine attempt at resolution, but as a deliberate effort to undermine and weaken the Oromo people.
The Association has asserted that the old wounds of the past—the wounds inflicted by the Menelik era—remain unhealed. And today, the same forces of dispossession and denial continue to operate, refusing to recognize Oromo rights and refusing to step back from the land that was stolen.
“The wound of Oromo is still not healed,” the Association declared. “Even today, we are witnessing the theft of our ancestral land.”
The Historical Atrocity: Menelik’s Genocide Against the Oromo
The Association’s statement took the Oromo people and the wider world back to a dark chapter in Ethiopian history—the era of Emperor Menelik, when the Oromo people were systematically dispossessed of their land, their dignity, and their lives.
“Menelik committed a great crime against the Oromo people when he separated Finfinne from its Oromo owners,” the Association stated.
The atrocities of that era are well-documented, but the Association has brought them into stark relief by naming specific victims and families who suffered under Menelik’s expansionist campaign:
- Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa was executed by hanging.
- His father, mother, and three children were killed in a brutal and inhumane manner.
- Qajeelaa Dooyyoo and Guraaraa Dooyyoo were also executed, along with their mother, in a similarly horrific fashion.
- Shubbuu Ejersoo had his hands and feet severed before being killed.
- Aaxalee Jaatanii was starved to death in detention—denied food until life was extinguished.
These were not random acts of violence. They were part of a systematic campaign to break the spirit of the Oromo people, to erase their presence from Finfinne, and to establish a new political order built on Oromo suffering.
The Association’s statement serves as a reminder that these crimes were not isolated incidents—they were part of a broader pattern of atrocity committed against the Oromo people who lived on the land now known as Finfinne.
The Legacy of Suffering: Three Generations of Pain
The Association declared that the suffering of the Oromo people over Finfinne has now spanned three generations. From the initial dispossession under Menelik, to the brutal repression under the Derg regime, and now to the present day—the Oromo people have paid a heavy price.
“During the Derg era, many Oromo paid a great price for Finfinne,” the Association stated. “Even today, the wound is still not healed.”
The Association raised a pointed and urgent question:
“As long as this truth exists on this earth, the question of ‘Whose Finfinne is it?’ will always be asked. What has brought us to this point?”
The answer, according to the Association, lies in the persistent refusal of successive Ethiopian regimes to acknowledge Oromo rights. The Association posed a direct challenge to the architects of this injustice:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land and their rights. How can you govern on someone else’s land? What right do you have to claim authority over people who do not belong to you? It would have been better for you to struggle for your own land rather than occupy ours.”
The National Dialogue: A Tool of Deception?
The Association expressed deep concern about the ongoing national dialogue and how the issues of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are being treated within it.
According to the Association, the dialogue is not being used as a genuine mechanism for reconciliation and justice. Instead, it is being manipulated to further marginalize the Oromo people and to legitimize the ongoing dispossession of Oromo land.
“The agenda of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought to the national dialogue to weaken the Oromo people,” the Association declared. “The old politics of the Abyssinian elite continues, refusing to step back from the land that rightfully belongs to Oromo.”
The Association emphasized that the ongoing process is not just disrespectful—it is a violation of basic rights and dignity. The Association described the current situation as “an insult that crosses all boundaries” and declared that “something that did not exist before has now arrived” —a reference to the unprecedented nature of the current assault on Oromo rights.
A Call to Resistance and Unity
In the face of these challenges, the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association issued a clear and urgent call to the Oromo people:
“The Oromo people have not yet paid the price that is required. We must fight.”
The Association’s call to action is not a call to violence—it is a call to resistance, to unity, and to the defense of Oromo rights through every legitimate means available. It is a call to refuse subjugation, to refuse silence, and to refuse to accept the theft of Oromo land as a settled fact.
The Association also addressed the issue of Dirree Dhawaa—the area that has become a symbol of Oromo resistance and a flashpoint of conflict. The Association’s declaration that Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are inseparable from the broader Oromo struggle serves as a reminder that these are not isolated issues—they are part of a continuous thread of resistance that stretches back over a century.
The Symbolism of Dirree Dhawaa
Dirree Dhawaa is more than just a piece of land—it is a symbol of Oromo resilience and a monument to the struggle for justice. It is the site where Oromo people have gathered to demand their rights, where they have faced brutal repression, and where they have continued to return in defiance of all efforts to silence them.
The Association’s statement linking Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa in the same breath is significant. It sends a clear message: the Oromo people will not accept piecemeal solutions. They will not accept partial recognition. They will not accept the suggestion that one part of their historical homeland can be compromised while another is defended.
Both Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are Oromo.
A Historical Challenge to the Ethiopian State
The Association’s statement is not just a declaration of grievance—it is a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Ethiopian state as it currently exists.
By raising the question “Whose Finfinne is it?” —and by insisting that Oromo people have the right to live on their own land with dignity, self-respect, and self-determination—the Association is questioning the foundational narrative upon which the Ethiopian state was built.
The Association’s demand is not for charity or concessions. It is for recognition of historical truth, for justice for past crimes, and for a future in which Oromo people are treated as equals in their own homeland.
The Path Forward: Recognition, Justice, and Peace
The Association’s statement concludes with a clear vision for what must happen:
The wounds of the past must be acknowledged. The atrocities committed against the Oromo people—from the Menelik era to the present—cannot be ignored or forgotten. They must be named, documented, and taught.
Justice must be pursued. Those who committed crimes against the Oromo people must be held accountable. This is not revenge—it is the foundation of lasting peace.
Oromo rights must be recognized. The Oromo people have the right to their land, their language, their culture, and their self-determination. This is not negotiable.
The national dialogue must be genuine. If the dialogue is to be meaningful, it must include a full and honest discussion of Finfinne, Dirree Dhawaa, and all the historical injustices suffered by the Oromo people.
Conclusion: The Struggle Continues
The statement of the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association is a powerful reminder that the struggle for Oromo justice is far from over. The wounds of the past remain open. The injustices of the present continue. And the future remains uncertain.
But one thing is clear: the Oromo people will not give up their land, their rights, or their dignity. They will continue to resist. They will continue to demand justice. And they will continue to remember the sacrifices of those who came before—from Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa to the thousands of unnamed Oromo who have given their lives for Finfinne and for Oromia.
As the Association stated:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land. This struggle has not ended—it continues. And it will continue until justice is done.”
Finfinne is Oromo.
Dirree Dhawaa is Oromo.
Oromia is Oromo.
The struggle continues.
For the memory of Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa, Qajeelaa Dooyyoo, Guraaraa Dooyyoo, Shubbuu Ejersoo, Aaxalee Jaatanii, and all the Oromo martyrs who gave their lives for the land.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Dirree Dhawaa haa jabaattu!
End.
Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo: The Pillars of Oromo Liberation and Their Global Reach
Honouring the Builders and Champions of the Oromo Struggle, and the Global Structure of the ABO
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In every liberation movement, there are those who carry the torch not for personal glory, but for the collective destiny of their people. They are the architects of consciousness, the builders of institutions, and the guardians of memory. They are Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo—the beloved pillars of the struggle—and Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions who have emerged from every corner of Oromia and the diaspora to advance the cause of Oromo liberation.
This is a tribute to them. And this is an exploration of the structure that unites them: the Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) —the Oromo Liberation Front—and its global reach across nations.
The Pillars: Who Are the Utubaa Qabsoo?
The term Utubaa Qabsoo—pillars of the struggle—is not a title given lightly. It is earned through sacrifice, through decades of commitment, and through an unwavering dedication to the Oromo people’s right to self-determination . These are the individuals who, in the darkest hours, refused to let the flame of liberation die.
One such pillar was Cawwaaqaa Yaaddessaa, a renowned Oromo singer and artist whose music became the soundtrack of the resistance. Through his songs, he chronicled the pain and the hope of the Oromo people, composing works that stirred the hearts of a generation . His compositions—such as “Eemmoo yaa guraale hoo dangashe”—became anthems of defiance, performed even when political gatherings were banned . He served as a pillar of the struggle through his art, demonstrating that cultural expression is a weapon of resistance as powerful as any gun .
Another pillar is Ustaaz Raayyaa Abbaa Maccaa, who transitioned from the armed struggle within the ABO to become a teacher of Islamic faith and a composer of spiritual songs (manzuumaa) that reinforced Oromo identity and resilience . He was part of the ABO in its early years, receiving military training at the 24th training camp in Harawaacaa, and fought in numerous battles . Even after being captured and imprisoned for a long time, he never abandoned the struggle; he continued to strengthen the Oromo people through his teachings and songs . His story is a testament to the fact that the pillars of the struggle exist not only on the battlefield but also in the realms of faith, culture, and education .
Baaroo Tumsaa stands as another foundational pillar. He is remembered as a key figure in building the Oromo movement in the 1970s, working to organize youth and establish the infrastructure that would eventually lead to the formal founding of the ABO . He played a crucial role in the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association and was instrumental in consolidating Oromo nationalism into a political force . His legacy is one of organization and vision, reminding us that liberation is built not just on passion but on structure.
The Champions: Jaallan Qabsoo and the Spirit of Resistance
Beyond the foundational pillars, there are the Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions of the struggle. These are the fighters, the activists, the community organizers, and the everyday people who have taken up the mantle of resistance in their own ways .
The Qeerroo youth movement is perhaps the most powerful contemporary embodiment of this spirit. In traditional Oromo culture, the term means “bachelor” or “youth,” but within the political movement, it symbolizes the Oromo struggle for increased political freedom and greater ethnic representation . The Qeerroo have emerged as a dynamic and fearless force, challenging the state and demanding justice .
The champions are also found in the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) —known in Oromo as Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBO) —the armed wing of the struggle . The OLA was formed in 1974 and has continued its armed resistance against successive Ethiopian regimes . Under the leadership of figures like Jaal Marroo (Kumsa Diriba), the OLA remains active in the Oromia Region, representing those who refused to disarm following the 2018 peace deal, skeptical of the government’s intentions .
The champions are also found in the diaspora—in Washington, D.C., Berlin, and other cities around the world, where the ABO maintains offices and radio stations that broadcast in Oromo and Amharic, keeping the spirit of resistance alive far from the homeland .
The ABO: Structure and Global Reach
The Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) —or the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)—is the political organization that unites these pillars and champions. It was founded in 1973 with the goal of promoting self-determination and independence for the Oromo people . Its structure has evolved over the decades, but its core mission remains unchanged: the total liberation of Oromia from what it characterizes as Ethiopian colonialism .
The ABO’s structure extends far beyond the borders of Oromia and Ethiopia. It has a significant diaspora presence, with offices in Washington, D.C., and Berlin . These offices serve as hubs for organizing, advocacy, and communication . They also operate radio stations that broadcast in both Amharic and Oromo, ensuring that the organization’s message reaches Oromo communities worldwide .
This global reach is critical. The ABO’s international structure allows it to advocate for the Oromo cause on the world stage, to build solidarity with other movements, and to sustain the struggle even when political space is closed inside Ethiopia . In a November 2025 position statement, the OLF declared that “the current regime has deliberately closed the political arena and obstructed the lawful activities of the Oromo Liberation Front” . In the face of such obstacles, the diaspora structure becomes even more vital as a space for organizing and resistance.
The Legacy of the Western Front: A Day of Sacrifice
The pillars and champions of the ABO are not abstract figures. They are real people who have paid the ultimate price for their commitment. The Western Front of the armed struggle serves as a powerful reminder of this sacrifice.
On April 15, 1980, the ABO appointed a new chairman in Shinnigga, marking a strategic decision to expand the armed struggle into the Western Front . The organization sent 17 commanders to ignite the resistance in the West. Their names—Daawud Ibsaa, Abbaa Caalaa Lataa, Jaal Tottoobaa Waaqwayyaa, and others—are etched in Oromo memory .
Tragically, these commanders were betrayed and poisoned by collaborators of the Derg regime in December 1981. Their deaths were a devastating blow to the movement . But their memory did not die. In 1985, the ABO leadership formally designated April 15 as Oromo Martyrs’ Day—a day to commemorate all those who have fallen in the struggle for Oromo liberation .
Today, April 15 is observed in the forests of Oromia and in diaspora communities around the world. It is a day of remembrance, of reflection, and of renewed commitment to the cause for which these pillars and champions gave their lives .
Unity, Truth, and the Path Forward
The struggle of the ABO has always been a struggle of self-reliance and truth. As senior ABO leader Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa emphasized in a recent consultative meeting with members: “If we are people of truth, our people will never abandon us under any circumstances. But if we are people of falsehood, even if we hold something, we will lose it” .
The leadership has also stressed that the work of building Oromia extends beyond Ethiopia’s borders . It is a task that belongs to Oromo people everywhere—in the villages of Oromia, in the refugee camps of Kenya, in the community centers of Europe and North America, and in the offices of the ABO in Washington and Berlin .
The unity of these diverse actors—the pillars, the champions, the diaspora, and the grassroots organizers—is the foundation of the Oromo liberation struggle. As another official, Jaal Yaasoo Kabbabaa Hordofa, declared: “OLF is the center of Oromo peace” . The organization calls on all Oromos to strengthen their resolve, to seize the opportunities that arise—such as the upcoming 7th round elections—and to never retreat into silence .
Conclusion: A Living Legacy
The story of the Oromo liberation struggle is not a history lesson; it is a living, breathing movement. It is embodied in the songs of Cawwaaqaa Yaaddessaa, the teachings of Ustaaz Raayyaa Abbaa Maccaa, the organizing of Baaroo Tumsaa, the sacrifice of the 17 commanders of the Western Front, and the tireless work of the ABO’s global network .
Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo—the beloved pillars—have built the foundation. Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions—continue to build upon it. And the ABO—in its structure, its global reach, and its unwavering commitment to the Oromo people—remains the vessel through which this struggle will achieve its destiny.
ABO haa waaru!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
This feature article is dedicated to all the pillars and champions of the Oromo liberation struggle—past, present, and future.
The Tenth Anniversary of the Grand Oromo Rally: A Defining Moment in the Struggle for Justice
Remembering August 6, 2016, and Its Enduring Legacy for Unity, Identity, and Transformation
By Daandii Ragabaa
When a people understand their history correctly, they are able to learn from past mistakes, draw strength from previous achievements, and chart a clearer course for the future. History is not merely a record of what has passed—it is a compass for what lies ahead. It is a teacher, a witness, and a foundation upon which the dreams of generations are built.
For this reason, the commemoration of the Grand Oromo Rally of August 6, 2016, occupies a significant and sacred place in the history of the Oromo struggle. It is not simply a date on a calendar. It is a milestone, a turning point, and a testament to the power of collective action. As the tenth anniversary approaches, it is time to reflect deeply on what that day meant, what it achieved, and what it continues to teach us today.
A Day That Shook the Nation
The Grand Oromo Rally of August 2016 was not a spontaneous outburst of anger. It was the culmination of years of sustained public mobilization—a peaceful yet powerful resistance against decades of systemic oppression, marginalization, and denial of basic rights. It was one of the largest and most widely recognized demonstrations ever organized across Oromia, drawing participation from every corner of the region.
What made this rally extraordinary was its sheer scale and simultaneity. On that day, Oromo people from all walks of life—young and old, men and women, urban and rural, educated and uneducated—rose together as one. They filled the streets not with weapons, but with voices. They carried not arms, but banners of justice. They demanded not revenge, but recognition.
The world watched. International media covered the events. Global human rights organizations took notice. The Oromo people, long silenced and ignored, had made their voices heard in a way that could no longer be dismissed. The rally became one of the most significant events to attract international attention to the Oromo cause.
More Than a Protest: A Turning Point in History
Although different perspectives exist regarding its causes, results, processes, and consequences, the Grand Oromo Rally is widely regarded as a defining event in both the political history of the Oromo movement and the modern political history of Ethiopia.
It was a moment when the Oromo people declared, with unmistakable clarity, that they would no longer accept invisibility. They would no longer accept the theft of their land. They would no longer accept the denial of their language, culture, and identity. They would no longer accept a political system that treated them as second-class citizens in their own homeland.
The events of that day laid an important foundation for the political changes that unfolded in 2018. The rally was a catalyst—a spark that ignited a broader movement for reform across the country. It demonstrated that when a people are united and determined, even the most entrenched systems of power can be challenged. It showed that peaceful resistance, when organized and sustained, can produce real change.
The Tenth Anniversary: More Than Remembrance
The tenth anniversary of the Grand Oromo Rally is more than a remembrance of a historical event. It is an opportunity—a vital and necessary opportunity—to learn from history, to recognize that today’s achievements were not attained easily, and to appreciate the value of unity and collective strength.
This commemoration serves multiple purposes:
First, it reinforces social cohesion. When a people gather to remember a shared struggle, they affirm their bonds to one another. They recognize that they are part of something larger than themselves.
Second, it educates younger generations. Many of those who will mark this anniversary were too young to participate in the events of 2016—or were not yet born. They must learn what happened, why it happened, and what it means for their future. The history of the Oromo struggle must not be forgotten, distorted, or erased.
Third, it creates space for constructive dialogue. Commemorations should not be occasions for division or recrimination. They should be opportunities for thoughtful discussion about addressing present and future challenges, for examining both achievements and shortcomings, and for building a peaceful, inclusive, and prosperous future.
The Power of Collective Participation
One of the defining characteristics of the Grand Oromo Rally was the remarkable level of collective public participation in confronting oppression. Regardless of age, gender, social status, or place of residence, Oromo people united at the same moment and participated in the historic protest with determination, shared purpose, and a strong sense of solidarity.
The enduring lesson from that experience is clear: unity is our greatest strength.
Standing together around common goals and shared interests, strengthening collective unity, building public trust, and fostering strong social bonds are essential for overcoming complex challenges. The rally taught us that dialogue and coordination play indispensable roles in achieving change.
However, sustaining unity requires effort. It requires respecting differences of opinion. It requires listening to one another. It requires maintaining continuous dialogue. Unity does not mean everyone must hold identical views. True unity means respecting differing opinions while working together toward common objectives. It means recognizing that agreement on common goals can coexist with different views regarding the methods of achieving them.
Lessons for the Present and Future
Political and social circumstances inevitably change over time. What worked yesterday may not work tomorrow. The challenges of today are not identical to those of 2016. Yet the lessons of that historic rally remain as relevant as ever.
Remembering our history helps us to avoid repeating past mistakes while preserving and building upon our strengths. It reminds us that:
- Difficult challenges are most effectively resolved through dialogue and mutual understanding.
- Agreement on common objectives can coexist with different views on methods.
- Differences of opinion should never be mistaken for hostility.
- Current generations must study the past through evidence-based research and objective historical inquiry.
The tenth anniversary is not an invitation to dwell in the past but to draw wisdom from it. It is a chance to critically examine both achievements and shortcomings, and to engage in thoughtful discussions about building a peaceful, inclusive, politically stable, and socially prosperous future.
Strengthening Identity and Social Solidarity
By remembering historic events such as the Grand Oromo Rally, the Oromo people strengthen both their collective identity and their social solidarity. Such remembrance plays a vital role in:
- Learning from history
- Honouring those who made sacrifices
- Preventing the repetition of past mistakes
- Passing historical knowledge to future generations
These commemorations should be inclusive of people with diverse viewpoints. They should promote mutual respect, reconciliation, and lasting peace within society. Although we may hold different political perspectives, sharing a common historical experience reminds us that unity remains essential both today and in addressing our common challenges in the future.
To sustain this spirit, it is important to continue commemorating collective events such as the Grand Rally every year. Annual commemoration ensures that the memory remains alive, that the lessons remain fresh, and that the unity forged in struggle remains strong.
A Call to Remember, Reflect, and Renew
As we approach the tenth anniversary of August 6, 2016, let us remember what that day meant. Let us honour those who stood firm in the face of oppression. Let us recognize the sacrifices that were made—the lives lost, the freedoms curtailed, the dreams deferred. Let us also celebrate what was achieved: a renewed sense of identity, a strengthened movement for justice, and a foundation for the political transformation that followed.
The commemoration of the Grand Oromo Rally should not merely be an occasion to remember the event. It should be an opportunity to draw lessons that strengthen unity, mutual trust, respect, and dialogue in order to address today’s and tomorrow’s challenges through peaceful means.
Above all, the greatest lesson it offers is the importance of working together toward shared goals and common interests, respecting differences of opinion, and learning from history to build a better future for all.
Conclusion: A Legacy for Generations
The Grand Oromo Rally of August 6, 2016, stands as one of the most remarkable demonstrations of broad-based Oromo public participation in history. It is remembered as an important foundation for the political transformation that followed in 2018. Its tenth anniversary is not just a date to mark on the calendar—it is a moment to reflect, to renew, and to recommit.
Therefore, commemorating the Grand Oromo Rally annually plays a vital role in strengthening Oromo identity, social cohesion, and unity while ensuring that an accurate understanding of history is passed on to future generations. It is through such remembrance that we honour the past, navigate the present, and build a future worthy of the sacrifices made.
The memory of August 6, 2016, lives on.
The spirit of unity endures.
The struggle for justice continues.
Oromo Qeerroo Union—forever united!
Gamtaa Qeerroo Oromoo—the strength of the people!
#Silencing_the_Gun_Among_Brothers
#Oromo_Qeerroo_Union
#Gamtaa_Qeerroo_Oromoo
August 6, 2026
The Root of Seven Generations: Marriage, Bloodlines, and the Oromo Law of Continuity
By Dhabessa Wakjira
—
The fire crackled low in the center of the mana (homestead). Outside, the night wind carried the scent of wild sage and distant rain. Inside, a circle of elders sat in contemplative silence, their white turbans glowing faintly in the ember-light. Before them stood a young man—tall, strong, and visibly nervous. He had come to ask for a bride.
But before any blessing could be spoken, before any milk could be shared, the elders would ask the question that has governed Oromo marriage since time immemorial:
“Sanyiin kee eenyu? Hiddi kee eessa taa’e?” — “Who is your lineage? Where does your root lie?”
For in Oromo culture, marriage is not merely the joining of two hearts. It is the grafting of two ancestral trees. And if those trees are too closely related, the fruit will be weak. If they are too distant, the bond will lack the warmth of shared blood. The balance is found in a sacred number: seven.
—
The Mature Son and the Ripened Daughter
The ancient decree, passed from grandfather to grandson, begins with a command of readiness:
“Ilmi gahe haa fuudhu; intalli geesses haa heerumtu.”
“Let the son who has matured take a wife; let the daughter who has ripened be given in marriage.”
In the highlands of Oromia, these words are not mere suggestions. They are biological and social imperatives. Gahe—maturity—signifies a young man who has passed through the crucible of the Gadaa grades, who has proven his courage and earned the calluses of hard labour. Geesse—ripeness—speaks of a daughter who has completed her rites of passage, who understands the weight of motherhood and the dignity of homemaking.
This is not about arbitrary age. It is about readiness of body, mind, and spirit. The Oromo understand that strong families begin with strong individuals. A boy who marries before he can defend a homestead invites disaster. A girl who bears children before her hips have widened risks her life. The elders watch, and they wait. They do not rush the river, and they do not rush the harvest.
—
The Sacred Distance: Seven Generations
Then comes the law that sets Oromo marriage apart—a precept so deeply embedded in the culture that it rivals the Gadaa itself in its authority:
“Dhalooti walfuudhan, sanyii dhaloota torba booda haa ta’u.”
“Let the lineages intermarry only after [the separation of] seven generations.”
This is the exogamy rule—the absolute prohibition against marrying anyone within seven paternal generations of one’s own clan. The Oromo do not trace this to modern genetics; they arrived at it through centuries of observation. They saw that when cousins married, children were often sickly. When distant clans intermarried, children were robust. The earth taught them what science would later confirm: genetic diversity creates strength.
But this rule is not merely biological—it is deeply social. Seven generations represent a clean break. By the time seven fathers have passed, the ancestral spirits of the two families have “forgotten” their closeness. The bloodlines have cooled. The sanyii (seed) can be safely mixed without angering the ancestors or weakening the clan.
To violate this law is to commit akka hin taane—the unforgivable. It brings drought, stillbirth, and the displeasure of Waaqa (God). The Oromo elders are the gatekeepers of this sacred distance, reciting genealogies that stretch back two hundred years to ensure that the young couple stands on opposite branches of the family tree.
—
The Root That Must Not Be Severed
But the Oromo do not marry merely to create healthy children. They marry to continue the root itself:
“Gaa’elli karaa itti hiddi dhalootaa itti fufu.”
“Marriage is the path by which the root of the generations continues.”
Imagine an ancient sycamore. Its branches reach for the sky, but its strength lies beneath the earth. Each child born is a new branch; each generation is a new layer of rings. If the tree stops producing new shoots, it dies. Similarly, the Oromo believe that a family line that ceases to reproduce ceases to exist—not just physically, but spiritually. The ancestors who came before, the hundreds who tilled the soil and fought the wars and sang the songs, rely on the living to keep their names alive.
Marriage, therefore, is not a romantic luxury. It is a sacred debt. The young man who takes a wife is not just seeking companionship—he is paying back the ancestors who gave him life. The young woman who bears children is not just fulfilling a social role—she is threading the needle of time, sewing the past to the future.
When an Oromo couple stands before the elders, they are not just looking at each other. They are looking backward at the seven generations who made them, and forward at the seven generations who will come from them.
—
The Final Seal: Blessings and Abundance
And so, when all the genealogies are recited, when the seven-generation gap is confirmed, when the bride-price is negotiated and the Qaallu (spiritual leader) has offered the libation of milk to Waaqa, the elders rise. They lift their right hands to the sky. They speak the final, triumphant words:
“Eebbaa fi marabbaan haa raawwatu.”
“Let it be completed with blessings and abundance.”
Eebbaa—blessing. The approval of God, the smile of the ancestors, the goodwill of the community.
Marabbaa—abundance. Not just wealth, but fertility of the womb, richness of the soil, fatness of the cattle, and joy in the household.
These are not empty wishes. In the days that follow the wedding, the community will bring gifts of butter, honey, and grain. The couple will eat together from a single gibira (wooden platter), symbolising their shared fate. The elders will return to their homesteads, satisfied that the lineage is safe for another generation.
—
A Living Law
Today, as globalisation and urbanisation reshape Oromo society, some young people question the old rules. “Seven generations is too long,” some say. “We are modern now. We follow our hearts, not a counting cord.”
But the elders smile. They have heard this before. And they know that a river may change its course, but it never forgets its source. The rule of seven generations is not a chain that binds—it is a shield that protects. It ensures that the Oromo people remain strong, healthy, and connected to their roots.
In the diaspora, too, the Oromo carry this law. They trace their lineages through apps and family elders, seeking out potential partners from clans far removed from their own. They understand that marrying within the bloodline invites not just genetic risk, but spiritual fragmentation. They know that their strength lies in diversity, their continuity lies in discipline, and their future lies in their past.
—
The Eternal Cycle
As the fire dies down and the young man departs with the elders’ blessing, he carries more than a wife’s name on his lips. He carries the weight of a thousand years. He carries the hope of his ancestors that he will not fail. He carries the DNA of seven generations—and the responsibility to ensure that the seventh generation after him will carry his.
Because in Oromo tradition, a person is never truly an individual. They are a living link in an endless chain. And marriage is the forge where that chain is reforged, stronger with every generation.
“Dhaloonni jajjaboo akka dhalataniif…” — “So that strong offspring may be born…”
The words echo across the valley, carried by the wind, whispered by the grass, repeated by the elders. They are a prayer. They are a law. They are the heartbeat of a people who understand that love is beautiful, but lineage is sacred; that romance is sweet, but the root is eternal.
And so, generation upon generation, the Oromo marry—not just for today, but for the seven tomorrows yet to come.
Order Is Not Merely Law: A Reflection on the Foundation of Society
By Taliila Bulbula Tulluu
Beyond rules and regulations lies something deeper—a sacred relationship that binds creation, community, and the human soul
There is a tendency in human affairs to reduce order to its simplest expression: laws, rules, and regulations. We imagine that if we can just write the right laws, enforce them with sufficient rigor, and punish those who transgress, society will function as it should.
But this understanding is incomplete—and dangerously so.
“Sirni seera ittiin walbulchan qofaa miti; karaa hariiroo Uumaa fi uumamaa waliin ittiin horataniidhas.”
Order is not merely the law by which people agree to coexist; it is also the path through which relationships with the Creator and creation are cultivated. This is a profound insight that challenges the modern tendency to reduce governance to mere administration.
The Web of Connection
When we speak of order, we are speaking of relationships. Not just the relationship between citizen and state, but the relationship between human beings and the natural world, between individuals and their communities, between generations past and generations yet to come.
“Hariiroo Uumamaa kana keessaa immoo sirni karaa ilmi namaa ittiin waltoo’atuu fi walqajeelchuudha.”
Within this relationship with creation, order is the path through which human beings find harmony and guide one another. It is the invisible thread that weaves together the fabric of society, connecting each individual to a larger whole.
This understanding recognizes that human beings are not isolated atoms but are embedded in a web of relationships. We are shaped by our connections to family, community, nature, and the divine. To disrupt these connections is to disrupt the very foundation of human flourishing.
The Consequences of Disorder
“Ummanni sirna hin qabne karaa ittiin waltoo’atus hin qabu.”
A people without order have no path to harmony. They lack the means to coordinate their efforts, to resolve their conflicts peacefully, or to pursue their common goals.
“Kana jechuun karaa ittiin jabaa ofii jabeeffatu, karaa ittiin dadhabaa tini’ifatu, karaa ittiin hamaa/dabaa ofii qajeelfatu hin qabu.”
This means there is no path for the strong to strengthen themselves (through service, not domination), no path for the weak to protect themselves, and no path for the evildoer to be guided toward goodness. Without order, each person is left to their own devices—the strong preying on the weak, the righteous abandoned, and the wicked unchecked.
“Hunduu quba wal hinqabu waan ta’eef…”
Because they do not join hands, because they lack unity and coordination, the result is fragmentation and chaos.
“Kan quufee buluuf namni hunduu quufee waan jiru se’a…”
The one who has enough to eat assumes that everyone else also has enough. The well-fed cannot see the hungry, and the comfortable cannot imagine the suffering of the destitute.
“Kan beelaan dararamaa jiru immoo isa qofatu akkas ta’e itti fakkaata…”
The one who is suffering from hunger imagines that only they are in such a state—or that everyone else must also be suffering as they are. This is the isolation of despair, where each person’s suffering becomes a solitary burden.
“Kan hataa jirus namni hunduu waan saamaa jiru itti fakkaata…”
The one who steals imagines that everyone else is also stealing. This is the rationalization of wrongdoing, where the corrupt justify their actions by assuming everyone else is equally corrupt.
“Kan dantaa dhuunfatif jecha shiraan ajjeesaa jirus yoo namni isa arguu baate Waaqni akka isa argu hin beeku…”
The one who kills for personal gain—if no one sees them, they imagine that even God does not see them. They have stepped outside the moral order, beyond the awareness of community, beyond the accountability that makes society possible.
“Dhugeeffannaa ummataa keessaa bahe waan ta’eef.”
This is the state of those who have become detached from the community. They no longer feel accountable to their neighbors, no longer bound by the bonds of solidarity that make collective life possible.
The Collapse of Accountability
“Hariiroon sarara sirnaa kan ittiin waltoo’aatani fi walqajeelchan yoo hin jiraanne hunduu akka-feeteedha!”
When the thread of order that connects people and enables them to guide one another is absent, everything falls apart. Society dissolves into chaos, and the bonds that hold communities together are severed.
“Mee haala akkasii keessatti eenyutu eenyu qulqulleessaa?”
In such a state, who can purify whom? When everyone is corrupted, when everyone is compromised, when no one is innocent—who has the moral authority to correct anyone else?
“Walborceera, walmarqeera waan ta’eef eenyutu eenyun Xaddecha dhaabaa?”
When everyone has sinned against others, when everyone has been complicit in injustice, who can stand as a judge? Who can draw the line between right and wrong? Who can separate the guilty from the innocent?
This is the tragedy of systemic breakdown: when everyone is compromised, accountability becomes impossible. The guilty can point to the guilty, and the innocent are lost in the chaos.
Naming Wrongs Is Not Enough
“Rakkoo jiru himuun, badii namoota dhuunfaa ykn gareen raawwatamu saaxiluun barbaachisaadha…”
Naming the problem, exposing the wrongs committed by individuals or groups—this is essential. Without truth-telling, without accountability, without the courage to name injustice, there can be no healing.
“Garuu isuma hojii godhachuun rakkoo ittuu hammeessa deemuu waan ta’uuf innuu mataa isaatin rakkoodha!”
But simply doing the same thing—merely complaining, merely naming wrongs without moving toward solutions—only worsens the problem. It becomes a cycle of accusation and counter-accusation, a spiral of bitterness that deepens divisions rather than healing them.
The problem itself, when approached in this way, becomes a burden that crushes those who try to address it. It becomes a trap, a cycle that consumes energy without producing change.
The Only Remedy
“Maraamartoo kana obbaafachuuf falli tokkichi jiru…”
To overcome this tangle, to escape this cycle of accusation and bitterness, there is only one remedy:
“Sirna ummataa deebisanii ijaaruu irratti akeekaa fi tarsimoo waloo tolfatanii marii fi marabbaatti dhufuu feesisa!”
We must come together in deliberation and consultation, developing shared understanding and collective strategies for rebuilding the order of the people.
This is not a call to return to some imagined golden age. It is a call to conscious, intentional reconstruction. It is an acknowledgment that the rebuilding of society requires thought, planning, dialogue, and collective effort.
The Elements of Order
What does it mean to rebuild the order of the people? It requires:
Shared Vision: A common understanding of what a just society looks like. Not imposed from above, but developed through collective dialogue and deliberation.
Collective Responsibility: An acknowledgment that we are all responsible for the well-being of our communities. Not just the leaders, not just the institutions, but every member of society.
Accountability: Mechanisms for holding each other accountable, for correcting wrongs, for ensuring that justice is served. Not based on power, but based on shared values and mutual respect.
Solidarity: A recognition that our fates are intertwined, that the suffering of one is the suffering of all, and that the flourishing of one is the flourishing of all.
Connection to the Divine: An awareness that order is not merely a human creation but is rooted in something deeper—in the relationship between creation and the Creator, in the moral fabric of the universe itself.
The Path Forward
The path forward is not easy. It requires:
Honesty: The courage to name wrongs, to acknowledge failures, to face uncomfortable truths.
Humility: The recognition that we are all part of the problem, and that none of us has all the answers.
Patience: The understanding that rebuilding takes time, that trust must be earned, that healing is a process.
Dialogue: The willingness to listen to others, to understand their perspectives, and to find common ground.
Action: The commitment to move beyond words, to translate shared understanding into concrete change.
Conclusion
“Sirni seera ittiin walbulchan qofaa miti; karaa hariiroo Uumaa fi uumamaa waliin ittiin horataniidhas.”
Order is not merely the law by which people agree to coexist; it is also the path through which relationships with the Creator and creation are cultivated.
This is the deeper truth that we must not forget. Order is not just about rules and regulations; it is about relationships—our relationship with the divine, with each other, and with the world around us.
When order breaks down, it is not just a failure of governance; it is a failure of relationship. And when we seek to rebuild order, we must rebuild these relationships.
“Maraamartoo kana obbaafachuuf falli tokkichi jiru sirna ummataa deebisanii ijaaruu irratti akeekaa fi tarsimoo waloo tolfatanii marii fi marabbaatti dhufuu feesisa!”
To overcome this tangle, there is only one remedy: we must come together in deliberation and consultation, developing shared understanding and collective strategies for rebuilding the order of the people.
The work is difficult. The path is long. But it is the only way forward.
Order is not merely law. It is relationship. It is harmony. It is the sacred bond that connects us to each other, to the world, and to the divine.
May we find the wisdom to rebuild it, the courage to sustain it, and the grace to live within it.
The Unseen Work and the Unyielding Bloom: How the Oromo Struggle Flourishes Beyond the Enemy’s Gaze
By Daandii Ragabaa
While the enemies of Oromia may have closed their eyes and convinced themselves that the OLF/ABO had faded into irrelevance, the ground beneath their feet has been shifting all along. The struggle for Oromo liberation has never been a spectacle performed for the approval of adversaries; it is a quiet, relentless tide that reshapes the landscape even when the world is not watching. Today, as the movement reflects on its journey, one truth stands undeniable: the work has continued, the fruits have multiplied, and the foundation of Oromo nationhood has never been stronger.
The Myth of Stagnation
There is a dangerous assumption that silence equals surrender. For years, the detractors of Oromo freedom have pointed to periods of tactical recalibration and claimed that the cause was dead. They were wrong. As the reflection reminds us, “Diinonni Oromoo otuu hin beekiin hojiilee ABO hojjataa ture”—the enemies were unaware of the work being done. The OLF/ABO did not vanish; it adapted. It built. It planted seeds that are now breaking through the concrete of oppression.
The struggle is not a straight line; it is a winding river that carves canyons over time. There have been moments of setback, times when the fighters themselves stumbled into unfamiliar terrain. “Yeroo garii qabsaa’oti waan muuxannoo itti hin qabneef danqamuun ifaa dha.” To be hindered, to face the unknown, is a natural and illuminating part of any liberation journey. But the reflection makes a critical distinction: “Danqamuun garuu qabsoo irraa yeroof duubatti deebi’uu malee qabsoo dhiisuu jechuu miti.”
Setbacks are not stop signs; they are detours. Retreating for a moment to assess, regroup, and strike with greater intelligence is not defeat—it is the hallmark of a movement that intends to win, not just to survive.
The Tangible Fruits of an Unyielding Will
While critics focused on imagined weaknesses, the Oromo struggle was quietly accumulating victories that cannot be erased. The reflection catalogs these achievements with a quiet, earned pride:
Oromia has risen. No longer can the oppressor pretend that Oromia is an abstraction. It is a recognized entity, a homeland with a name that commands respect and a history that demands justice. “Oromiyaan bobaa diinaa jalaa bahee beekamee jira.” The nation has emerged from under the shadow of denial into the light of international and domestic recognition.
The language has taken its rightful place. Afaan Oromoo, once relegated to the margins of private life, now stands tall as a language of instruction and government work. “Afaan Oromoo afaan barnootaa fi hojii mootummaa ta’eera.” This is not a small concession; it is a revolutionary shift. When a people’s tongue becomes the language of the classroom and the office, the soul of that people is officially acknowledged.
The script lives. “Qubeen Afaan Oromoo kan Afaan Oromoo ittiin barsiisan ta’eera.” The Oromo alphabet—once banned, once erased—is now actively used to teach children the beauty of their own heritage. Alphabetization is liberation. To read in one’s mother tongue is to reclaim the mind from colonial subjugation.
The flag waves undefeated. “Alaabaan Oromoo mallattoo diddaa fi bilisummaa qabsoo Oromoo ta’ee beekamee jira.” The Oromo flag is no longer a secret symbol of insurgency; it is a recognized emblem of resistance and freedom. It flies at gatherings, in diaspora halls, and in the hearts of millions. It is the colors of a nation that refuses to be renamed.
The Bloom of the Seed
The reflection speaks of a beautiful and profound transformation: “Akkanaan sanyiin bilisummaa facaafamee daraaree hundee sabboonummaa Oromoo fi Oromummaa ta’aa jira.”
The seeds of freedom, scattered across the difficult soil of the struggle, are now blossoming. They are taking root in the very foundations of Oromo identity and nationhood. This is not a fleeting victory; it is a generational shift. The Oromo people are witnessing the flowering of what their ancestors sacrificed for. The identity is no longer just a memory—it is a living, breathing reality that grows stronger with each passing day.
The Sacred Duty of Continuation
Yet, the reflection is not a song of complacency. It carries a sobering and determined promise: “Kun haga hireen murteeffannaa ummata Oromoo dhugoomutti jabaatee kan itti fufu ta’a.”
This journey will continue—vigorously, unapologetically, and with increasing momentum—until the fundamental rights of the Oromo people are fully realized. Until self-determination is not a demand but a fact. Until the land of Oromia is governed by the will of its own children.
The current chapter of the struggle is not an anomaly; it is the direct product of that unyielding resolve. “Waanti amna qabsoo keessatti argaa jirrus dhugaadhuma kana.” What we see today is the pure, unadulterated truth of a people who refused to kneel.
A Legacy of Resistance, A Future of Justice
“Qabsoon Bilisummaa fi haqa Oromoo kabachiisuuf yoomiyyuu jabatee itti fufa; hireen murteeffannaa ummata Oromoof godhamus kan wareegama keenyaan dhugoomuu dha.”
The struggle to honor the freedom and justice of Oromia will continue with unwavering strength—forever and always. The rights that the Oromo people are fighting for are not gifts to be begged for; they are inherent truths to be realized. And the fulfillment of those rights is not merely a political ambition; it is a sacred trust, a responsibility that falls upon the shoulders of every Oromo, whether in the homeland or in the far reaches of the diaspora.
The enemies may have looked away. They may have assumed the work had stopped. But the Oromo people are digging deeper than ever, planting seeds that will outlast the oppressors, and building a nation that will stand for millennia.
The unseen work is now visible. The planted seeds are blooming. And the struggle, tested by fire and tempered by patience, marches ever forward—determined, consistent, and invincible.
IUOf!
The Political Boat Called “Tsimdo”: Where Are the Far-Right and Far-Left Extremists Steering It?
In the strange theater of modern politics, strange bedfellows emerge—temporary alliances born not of shared vision but of shared hatred
By Ibsaa Nagawoo
In the annals of modern political history, few phenomena are as remarkable—and as dangerous—as the spectacle of ideological opposites joining forces against a common enemy. The far-right and far-left, whose philosophies on economics, governance, and the role of the state stand in irreconcilable opposition, sometimes find themselves on the same side of a political struggle. Their alliance, however, is not built on shared principles or a common vision for the future. It is built on a single, fragile foundation: shared enmity.
This is the political boat called “Tsimdo” (or Cimdii)—a vessel that carries strange passengers, navigates treacherous waters, and ultimately leads nowhere good for anyone aboard.
The Strange Alliance
“One of the surprising phenomena in modern world politics is the emergence of forces that fundamentally oppose each other in their political philosophy, economic policies, and views on the role of government, yet temporarily unite against a common enemy.”
This is not a new phenomenon, but it is one that has become increasingly visible in recent years. The left and right, traditionally locked in ideological struggle, discover that their hatred for a particular leader, government, or political direction outweighs their differences. They form a temporary alliance—an “unholy coalition” that promises to overthrow the common enemy but offers no coherent vision for what should come after.
“However, such alliances are often short-lived because they are based not on shared vision and common political principles, but on shared animosity.”
This is the fatal flaw of these coalitions. They are unions of convenience, not conviction. They can tear down, but they cannot build. They can oppose, but they cannot propose. They can unite in hatred, but they cannot govern in peace.
Ethiopia’s Own Experience
“Both world history and Ethiopia’s political history provide many examples that confirm this.”
In recent years, Ethiopia has witnessed this phenomenon in stark relief. The conflict between the federal government and the TPLF, and the alliances that formed around it, created some of the most improbable political marriages in the country’s history.
“In Ethiopia, this trend has been clearly seen in recent years. One can observe and analyze the strange political alliances formed during the TPLF provocation, the war between the Federal Government of Ethiopia and the TPLF, and the resulting unconventional political marriages.”
Groups that had spent decades opposing each other—ideologically, politically, and sometimes militarily—found themselves on the same side of a conflict. The shared goal of removing the TPLF from power created a temporary unity that papered over fundamental disagreements about Ethiopia’s political future.
The Unholy Alliance Against Oromo Gains
“The far-right and far-left extremist forces that shed crocodile tears in the name of the Oromo people, the Amhara, the Tigray, and the Ethiopian people—no matter how strong their unholy alliance becomes—the Oromo people will not easily surrender the political, economic, and legal rights they have won through long struggle and years of sacrifice.”
This is the central warning of the reflection: the Oromo people, who have fought for generations to secure their rights, are not about to hand them over to an alliance of convenience—whether that alliance claims to speak for the Oromo or not.
“The matter has become one of survival. And the victory achieved is not something that can be stolen through temporary political pressure or false propaganda.”
The Oromo struggle is not a passing phase or a fleeting moment of political mobilization. It is a deep, sustained, and principled movement that has survived decades of repression, co-optation, and marginalization. It will not be undone by an alliance whose only common ground is opposition to Oromo self-determination.
The Blindness of Some Oromo
“As the struggle of the Oromo people within Ethiopia has been strengthening and registering some victories, some Oromo individuals and groups who could not see—or refused to believe—that organized anti-Oromo sentiment had been building for a long time, have failed to understand that the exaggerated political hatred, character assassination, and coordinated propaganda campaign against the reformist Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed is ultimately not just about Dr. Abiy but about the Oromo as a whole.”
This is a painful truth that some Oromo have been reluctant to face. The campaign against Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is not merely a personal vendetta against one individual. It is an attack on Oromo leadership, Oromo gains, and Oromo aspirations. The fact that some Oromo have joined in this campaign, or remained silent in the face of it, is a betrayal of the Oromo cause.
“Only they themselves can answer why this happened.”
The reflection leaves this question hanging in the air, inviting self-examination. Why have some Oromo joined forces with those who fundamentally oppose Oromo rights? Why have some remained silent when anti-Oromo rhetoric has reached dangerous levels? Why have some failed to see that the attack on one Oromo leader is an attack on all Oromo?
The Washington Statement and Its Aftermath
“There is one thing we all cannot forget. The statement by the international Fano ‘intellectuals’ that was read in Washington contained dangerous rhetoric: ‘We will return the Gallas to Madagascar.’ This is still being echoed by Mahayimannu Fano. This hate speech did not remain merely words—many believe it has found expression in acts of violence against innocent Oromo in various places, especially today in East Wollega and Dera.”
This is a chilling reminder of the stakes involved. The anti-Oromo rhetoric that has been circulating is not harmless—it has real-world consequences. Innocent Oromo people have been targeted, attacked, and killed. The words of hate have become acts of violence.
“The sad part is that some forces who call themselves ‘freedom fighters’ have silently covered up or overlooked this issue. This silence itself carries a major political message.”
The silence of those who claim to fight for freedom is deafening. When the self-proclaimed champions of liberation refuse to condemn violence against Oromo, they reveal their true priorities. Their silence is not neutrality—it is complicity.
The Poisoned Boat
“Some Oromo politicians and activists, having lost their own political direction, have found themselves unwittingly in the same political boat (Tsimbo) as Amhara extremist unitarist far-right extremists. Since this act conflicts with the common interest and political will of the Oromo people, it should be remembered as a political lesson and historical warning for generations.”
This is perhaps the most pointed criticism in the reflection: some Oromo have lost their way. They have abandoned the principles of Oromo liberation and joined forces with those who have historically opposed—and continue to oppose—Oromo rights.
“Any individual or political organization that organizes in the name of Oromo must distance itself from political ideologies, philosophies, and economic policies that divide the Oromo people. Any idea presented as a ‘political reality’ that weakens Oromo unity, if it conflicts with the interests of Oromia, Ethiopia, and the Oromo nation, should not be accepted.”
This is a clear call to Oromo political actors: know who you are, know what you stand for, and know who your true allies and enemies are. The lines must be drawn clearly. There is no room for ambiguity when the survival of the Oromo people is at stake.
A Call to Abandon the Boat
“Therefore, if you find yourself in this propaganda of organized anti-Oromo hatred, you should distance yourself from this destructive political boat (Tsimbo). This boat does not benefit the Oromo people—it represents hatred, division, and destructive ideologies. It is not too late to distance yourself from this extremist political direction; the beneficial thing is to stop it.”
This is a call to choose. A call to abandon the alliance of hatred and return to the principles of justice, self-determination, and unity. A call to recognize that the path of extremism leads nowhere good.
“It is not too late to distance yourself from this extremist political direction; the beneficial thing is to stop it.”
There is still time to turn back. There is still time to choose the path of dialogue, mutual respect, and peaceful political competition. There is still time to build rather than destroy.
The Role of External Forces
“Finally, this extremist political and war ‘Tsimbo’ is not just an internal problem—it can also be a tool for the interests and proxy wars of external forces, and it is targeted as such. Therefore, it does not bring lasting benefit to the Oromo, the Amhara, the Tigray, or other nations and nationalities, nor to the Ethiopian people in general.”
The reflection recognizes that the forces driving the “Tsimbo” are not purely domestic. External actors have their own interests in Ethiopia’s political landscape. They seek to exploit divisions, weaken the country, and advance their own agendas. The Tsimbo serves their purposes, not the purposes of the Ethiopian people.
“Therefore, I believe that abandoning this politics of hatred, division, and extremism and returning to dialogue, trust, and peaceful political competition is the beneficial path for everyone.”
This is a vision of hope: a return to politics as a means of resolving differences, not a weapon for destroying enemies. A return to the belief that dialogue and trust are possible. A return to the conviction that Ethiopia’s future will be built, not destroyed.
The Way Forward
“Ethiopia’s future destiny will not be found in an alliance based on hatred. The country’s lasting peace, stability, and democratic progress can only be ensured when they are based on constitutional supremacy, the rule of law, mutual respect, genuine democratic dialogue, and a shared national vision.”
This is the heart of the message: the future belongs not to those who hate, but to those who build. Not to those who divide, but to those who unite. Not to those who destroy, but to those who create.
“One truth, however, is clear: an alliance based on hatred may change a government, but it cannot build a country.”
This is a profound insight. The Tsimbo may succeed in its immediate objective—the removal of a particular leader or the overthrow of a particular government. But what then? What vision does it offer for the future? What principles will guide it? What foundation will it build upon?
The answer is: none. An alliance based solely on hatred can only destroy; it cannot create. It can tear down; it cannot build. It can oppose; it cannot govern.
Conclusion: A Choice to Make
The political boat called Tsimbo is a dangerous vessel. It carries those who have lost their way, those who have confused hatred for principle, those who have abandoned the struggle for justice in favor of the easier path of revenge.
But there is another path. The path of dialogue, trust, and peaceful political competition. The path that builds rather than destroys. The path that unites rather than divides. The path that leads to lasting peace, stability, and democracy.
The choice is clear. The time for choosing is now.
“An alliance based on hatred may change a government, but it cannot build a country.”
Let us choose to build. Let us choose to unite. Let us choose the path of peace, justice, and shared national vision.
May we all make the right choice.
====
*The above feature article is based on the reflection of Ibsaa Nagawoo
Advocacy for Oromia 