Daily Archives: September 29, 2026

Oromia Restructures: Six New Administrative Clusters and Their Administrators

Ethiopia’s largest federal state moves to a clustered governance model, appointing six vice presidents to oversee regional zones

(ONA, Finfinne — Oromia)– Ethiopia’s largest and most populous federal state, is undergoing a significant administrative restructuring. Under a newly approved arrangement, the state will be organized into six administrative “clusters,” each led by a vice president responsible for coordinating the zones within their region.

The plan was approved during the first session of the Oromia Regional Council (Caffee Oromia) held in Adama. Governor Shimelis Abdisa was successfully reelected, and he subsequently nominated six vice presidents, all of whom were confirmed by the council.

The Six Clusters and Their Administrators

According to the approved plan, Oromia will be divided into the following six administrative regions:

1. East Oromia (2 Zones) — Administrator Ato Abdurahman Abdela
Oversees West Hararghe and East Hararghe. These zones are located in eastern Oromia, bordering the Somali Region and the Harari region.

2. Southeast Oromia (4 Zones) — Administrator Ato Ahmed Idris
Oversees Arsi, Bale, West Arsi, and East Bale. This cluster spans the Rift Valley area and includes important ecological resources such as Bale Mountains National Park.

3. South Oromia (4 Zones) — Administrator Ato Ahmed Haji
Oversees Guji, West Guji, Borena, and East Borena. These areas border Kenya and are primarily characterized by pastoralism and cross-border trade.

4. West Oromia (4 Zones) — Administrator Ato Melaku Melaku
Oversees East Wollega, West Wollega, Kellem Wollega, and Horro Guduru Wollega. This region is one of Ethiopia’s important coffee-producing areas.

5. Southwest Oromia (3 Zones) — Administrator Dr. Reshad Kemal
Oversees Iluababor, Buno Bedele, and Jimma. Jimma is known as Ethiopia’s coffee capital, and the region is rich in agricultural and forestry resources.

6. Central Oromia (4 Zones) — Administrator Dr. Mengistu Bekele
Oversees East Shewa, North Shewa, Southwest Shewa, and West Shewa. This cluster surrounds the capital, Addis Ababa, and includes important cities such as Adama.

Background and Controversy

This administrative restructuring comes at a time of profound change in Ethiopia’s political landscape. Reports suggest that the ruling Prosperity Party is considering a broader “clusterization” reform of the federal system nationwide, and Oromia’s six-cluster plan may be part of that larger blueprint.

Supporters argue that dividing a vast administrative region into smaller management units can bring government closer to the people, improve administrative efficiency, and enhance public service delivery. Oromia covers an area of 353,600 square kilometers with a population of over 27 million, and single-tier management indeed faces enormous challenges.

However, criticism is equally strong. Some analysts suggest the restructuring may carry political motives — weakening Oromia’s cohesion and negotiating power as a single political entity by dividing it. Some commentators have described it as “a systematic weakening of Oromo political power.”

Human rights observers also worry that pushing through such a major administrative reform while security conditions in parts of Oromia remain unstable could exacerbate tensions at the local level.

What Comes Next

With the six vice presidents now in place, they are expected to begin forming coordination bodies for each cluster. However, the specific division of powers, financial arrangements, and relationships with existing zonal administrative units remain to be clarified.

In his address to the council, Governor Shimelis stated that the new term would “consolidate development gains and advance reforms,” but did not elaborate on the controversial aspects of the administrative reorganization.

For Oromia — a central player in Ethiopia’s political landscape — this quiet administrative revolution may have implications far beyond a single list of appointments.

The Poisoned Feast: The Unbroken Spirit of Jaal Daawud Ibsaa

A Feature Article on Sacrifice, Betrayal, and the Silence That Defeated Torture

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In the annals of the Oromo national struggle, certain stories refuse to fade. They are passed down not through official archives but through whispered testimonies, through the memories of those who survived, and through the written records of security officials who once sought to erase them. One such story belongs to Jaal Daawud Ibsaa, a name that resonates in the Horro Guduruu heartland and beyond—a man whose journey from student activist to underground fighter to silent prisoner embodies the most harrowing dimensions of resistance.

This account draws from a security report authored by Nugusee Fantaa, head of the Wollega administrative security, and Tasfaayee W/Sillasee, head of Information and National Security, as documented by journalist Abbaa Duulaa Gammada. The journalist himself was granted unusual access, recalling that when he sought to research this history, the security archives of both the Derg’s peace and wartime offices were opened to him. “Abbaa Duulaa told me,” the journalist recounts, “‘You are the only one who has ever asked me to research this story.'”

Roots of Resistance

Jaal Daawud Ibsaa was born in Horro Guduruu, in the western highlands of Oromia. Like many young Oromos of his generation, he pursued education with determination, attending Wingate—the same institution that shaped Mallas Zeenaawii, a student two years his senior. Daawud then entered Kilo 4 University, where he studied statistics. But his formal name tells only part of the story: while the struggle knew him as Daawud, his family called him Firew—a detail preserved in the security records that now serve as historical testimony.

His political consciousness crystallized during the student movements of the early Derg years. For two years, he was imprisoned for his involvement in student activism. Upon his release, he did not retreat. Instead, he joined the underground armed struggle of the ONLF—the Oromo National Liberation Front—immersing himself in a movement that would define the rest of his short life.

The Seventeen Who Crossed the Border

In 1968, when the ONLF elected its central committee of twenty-eight members, Daawud was among those chosen. Three years later, in 1971, the Front made a strategic decision to expand its armed operations into western Ethiopia. Jaal Daawud and Abbaa Caalaa Lataa were appointed to lead and coordinate the western struggle. In total, seventeen fighters—most from the Wallagga and Beegii regions—crossed the Sudanese border to begin operations.

The Derg regime took notice. The suppression of this western ONLF initiative became a priority, with officials including Gidaamii district chief Hiikaa Masaadii and Wollega provincial administrator Nugusee Fantaa devising plans to crush the movement.

Among the seventeen fighters was Obboleessi Zakkaariyaas Shoroo, a native of the region. The security apparatus saw in him a tool for betrayal. Zakkaariyaas was summoned and given his orders: “Feed your brother and his comrades. We will supply you with poison to add to the food. If you refuse, you and your family will be killed, your property confiscated, your land taken, your livestock seized.”

Zakkaariyaas recoiled. “How can I kill my own brother?”

The response was cold and absolute: “If you can, separate your brother so he does not eat. If you cannot—then let them die together.” The security report notes that Zakkaariyaas, under duress, eventually agreed.

The Feast

The fighters, dressed in peasant clothing to blend into the countryside, had gathered in the area. Zakkaariyaas was watched to ensure he did not falter. The poison, sent from Finfinnee through Nugusee Fantaa to Hiikaa Masaadii, was passed to Zakkaariyaas.

On the evening of the planned betrayal, Zakkaariyaas slaughtered a sheep and prepared a feast, claiming to honor his brother and comrades. The seventeen ONLF fighters had split into two groups; Abbaa Caalaa was moving with nine men in another direction, and thus was not present at the meal. But Daawud and the remaining fighters accepted Zakkaariyaas’s invitation and gathered at his home that evening.

Zakkaariyaas could not bring himself to separate his brother. “You will eat later,” he urged. But Daawud refused and joined the meal. As his brother and comrades ate the poisoned food, Zakkaariyaas stood by, trembling, watching.

Daawud ate only a little. When he finished, he rose and went to the door to relieve the comrade who had been standing guard. The others continued eating. Then the convulsions began. Their bodies burned as if on fire. Screams filled the night as one by one they collapsed. Zakkaariyaas clutched his brother’s corpse to his chest.

Daawud had eaten less, but the poison did not spare him. Standing guard outside, he drank large quantities of water, then began convulsing, vomiting blood and bile. The pain in his stomach was unbearable. Yet he did not fall where he stood—he staggered back inside and collapsed among his fallen comrades in Zakkaariyaas’s compound.

Survival and Silence

The fighters in peasant disguise, waiting for the signal, arrived at Zakkaariyaas’s house as planned. They found seven comrades dead—and Daawud, gravely ill but still breathing.

He was rushed toward Dambidoolloo, then to Naqamte, as the ONLF sought both to extract intelligence and to save his life. But the Derg’s security apparatus had other plans. At Naqamte, once he had partially recovered, he was transferred to prison and the beatings began.

The Wollega security report is explicit: no intelligence was ever extracted from Jaal Daawud. Unable to break him through interrogation, they transferred him to Ma’ikelawwii Prison in Finfinnee. There, he was placed in a container filled with benzene and dirty water as interrogation intensified. The report details repeated searches and various forms of torture applied to him.

Daawud chose death over betrayal. Not a single word of intelligence escaped his lips. He endured until the end, and then he passed—unbroken, unbroken in spirit, unbroken in loyalty to the cause he had embraced as a student and carried to his final breath.

The Meaning of Nyaata Summaa’ee

The story of Daawud Ibsaa and the poisoned feast is more than a historical account of betrayal and heroism. It is a meditation on the impossible choices that colonial and authoritarian regimes force upon communities. Zakkaariyaas was not a willing traitor; he was a man crushed between the love of his brother and the threat to his family, his land, his very existence. The regime understood that the most effective weapons are not always guns—sometimes they are the bonds of kinship turned into instruments of destruction.

And yet, in the figure of Daawud Ibsaa, the story offers something else: the possibility of a fidelity that cannot be purchased, tortured, or poisoned away. He ate the food, drank the water, endured the benzene, and carried his secrets to the grave.

The security report that documents these events was never meant to celebrate him. It was meant to record the success of a suppression campaign. But in recording the methods of his torturers, it inadvertently preserved the evidence of his resistance. The archive of oppression became, in the end, a monument to the oppressed.

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This article is based on the security report authored by Nugusee Fantaa and Tasfaayee W/Sillasee, as documented by journalist.

Irreechaa: Its Significance in the Context of Other Religions

“Irreechaa is a Day of Thanksgiving!” — Why This Concept Embraces All Faiths

A study by Dr. Yoseph Mulugeta Baba (2024) examines the Irreechaa festival within the context of other religions and finds a central concept that cannot be logically wrong and carries a positive meaning. That concept is simply this: “Irreechaa is a Day of Thanksgiving.”

According to the paper, this concept carries the following meaning:

“Irreechaa is a day of thanksgiving where the gifts of the Creator are returned to the Creator in gratitude. Every individual who participates in the Irreechaa festival holds fresh green grass in both hands and gives thanks to their Creator. Fresh green grass is a symbol of peace and prosperity. Above all, they gather together to thank their great and holy Creator who saved them from the winter’s ice, heavy winds, floods, and storms. They also pray to their God to bless the harvest and the crops. Therefore, the Irreechaa festival is a tribute given to God who brought them from darkness to light.”

“Whom Are We Thanking?” — The Oromo Worldview’s Answer

A related question arises: “Whom are we thanking?” To answer this question correctly and unambiguously, we must clearly set out what the indigenous Oromo ontology (Oromo Ontology) teaches about the Creator, or Waaqa.

The indigenous Oromo understanding defines Waaqa with care, and its definition is as follows:

“Waaqa is the Creator of all things. Waaqa is omniscient, omnipresent, eternal, absolute, and infinite. Waaqa is absolutely one.”

Relationship with Christianity and Islam

Within this definition, there is no concept that directly contradicts the teachings of either Christianity or Islam regarding the Creator. Why?

The famous Catholic philosopher and theologian St. Thomas Aquinas, in his magnificent work Summa Theologica, correctly observes:

“That there exists one truth which every human being calls ‘God’ — the beginning and end of all creatures — the human creature can comprehend in many ways!”

This is why the Bible, when translated into different languages, does not give a new name to the Creator. A name already known in the indigenous religion and capable of correctly expressing the attributes of the Creator listed above is directly adopted. For example: Magano, Waa, Yeri, Waaqayo, Egziabher, Jowok, and so on.

Where Does the Difference Lie?

Therefore, the difference lies not in the attributes of God, but in the canon, tradition, and rules that each religion follows and teaches. The source of this difference may be historical or related to our use of language in theological interpretation.

As St. Thomas Aquinas says:

“Regarding God, what we can comprehend is not what He is, but what He is not, and what He resembles in comparison with other creatures.”

This is called the problem of religious language. God is above all creatures. Therefore, our human thought must adjust its limited, image-bound, and imperfect language about God so that it does not distort the identity of God — which has no expression, which cannot be fully known, which is invisible and intangible. The words we use will always fall short of expressing the mystery of God!

“Guracha” — The Name of Waaqa and Its Meaning

For example, in the Oromo indigenous religion, the word Waaqa, whether written or spoken, is accompanied by the adjective “Guracha.” Its literal translation is “black,” and in Oromo ontology, blackness is not only a symbol of supremacy but also expresses the originality of Waaqa. Blackness is a concept that expresses that the essence of Waaqa is an absolutely perfect mystery that cannot be reached by the human mind.

Irreechaa and the Universal Knowledge of the Creator

Therefore, when we celebrate the Irreechaa festival, we do so in a manner that takes into account the attributes of God. Since such knowledge of the Creator is universal, a follower of any religion can celebrate it with joy and in a true spirit, giving it a positive meaning.

The American Example: Thanksgiving Day

Above all, we must avoid actions that undermine the unity of a people under the guise of religion without properly understanding religious studies.

America is a country with a population of 340 million and five of the world’s major religions. When the people celebrate “Thanksgiving Day” every year, they have never once entered into a hair-splitting question or argument about “Whom are they thanking?”

The Human Being Is a Spiritual Creature

In the world in general, and in Ethiopia in particular, let us take the following ontological characteristics of human existence as an example to show that there is confusion regarding religious studies.

The human being is a spiritual being. Two faculties are given to human beings alone among all creatures, and other creatures intrinsically do not possess them at all: intellect and free will.

The human race knows and chooses to follow natural law because by nature it has the capacity to know universal truth and morality. For example, a Christian or a Muslim is able to know the natural law “Do not steal!” not because the commandment is written in the Bible or the Holy Quran, or because it exists in their faith’s teachings, but because the human being by nature and calling has the capacity and power to know this natural law.

Cultural Values Are Products of the Intellect

Cultural values are products of the human intellect. The intellect was created by God. God created the intellect for the primary purpose that we might investigate and understand the world. It must be emphasized that the cultural values that human beings have established since ancient times have their source in this faculty and tool of thought — the intellect — granted by the Creator. In human history, every society was able to establish its own culture and indigenous religion because of the intellect and free will given by God.

Human Limitation and the Need for Careful Interpretation

However, because the human being is limited by space and time, their knowledge is limited. The human intellect cannot reach absolute knowledge. The human being is a historical being. We are all products of history and geography!

Therefore, no society in human history has ever possessed absolutely perfect and error-free cultural values. This is why cultural values or indigenous religions must receive a careful interpretation (hermeneutics) that gives correct meaning within the context of time and place.


This article is based on the study by Dr. Yoseph Mulugeta Baba (2024).