Category Archives: Bokkkuu
A Milestone Achieved: The ABO Diaspora Structure Council Successfully Concludes
A Historic Gathering in Minneapolis Marks a New Chapter for the Oromo Liberation Front’s Global Organization
By Daandii Ragabaa
Minneapolis, MN — August 6, 2026
In a significant development for the Oromo liberation movement, the Korri Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Alaa —the Diaspora Structure Council of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO)—has successfully concluded its proceedings. The event, held in Minneapolis, Minnesota, marks a pivotal moment in the organizational consolidation of the Oromo struggle beyond the borders of Oromia.
The council’s conclusion, announced on August 6, 2026, represents more than a routine organizational meeting. It signals the maturation of the diaspora as a structured, institutional pillar of the liberation movement—a recognition that the struggle for Oromo self-determination is not confined to the homeland but spans continents, uniting Oromo people wherever they reside.
Why Minneapolis? The Heart of the Oromo Diaspora
The choice of Minneapolis as the host city for this historic gathering is no accident. Over the past three decades, Minnesota has become a sanctuary and a springboard for Oromo activism, earning the affectionate title “Little Oromia” for hosting one of the largest Oromo populations outside of East Africa .
From the bustling neighborhoods of Minneapolis to the suburban cities of St. Paul, Oromo culture thrives—through language, music, faith, and political organization. Holding the Diaspora Structure Council here acknowledges the diaspora not as a distant bystander but as a vital pillar of the liberation project .
In this space, the past meets the present. Elders who witnessed the early days of the OLF sit alongside youth born in the West, forging an intergenerational bond that strengthens the movement’s resilience. It is a living classroom where history is taught, grievances are voiced, and hope is rekindled .
The Significance of Institutional Strength
The successful conclusion of the Diaspora Structure Council underscores a central theme that has emerged in the Oromo movement’s recent history: the strength of the institution.
As emphasized at the Oromo New Year celebrations in Edmonton, the focus is increasingly on “jabeenya jaarmiyaa”—the strength of the institution . This represents a mature evolution in diaspora political consciousness: the understanding that liberation requires not just passion or grievance, but organizational resilience, strategic continuity, and the mechanisms required to sustain a movement across decades and continents .
The Diaspora Structure Council’s work, meticulously prepared and executed, was itself a direct, tangible contribution to the struggle. It ensured that “deeggarsii fi tumsi qabsoo bilisummaa akka itti fufiinsa argatu”—that “support and sustenance for the freedom struggle continues to receive continuity” .
The OLF/ABO’s Vision: Building Oromia Without Borders
The successful conclusion of this council aligns with the broader vision of the OLF/ABO leadership, who have consistently emphasized that the work of building Oromia extends beyond Ethiopia’s borders.
As senior OLF leader Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa stated at a February 2026 consultative meeting in Gullallee: “Our foundational organizing must begin at the grassroots level, starting from the village” . This principle applies equally to the diaspora. Wherever Oromos reside—in the villages of Oromia, the refugee camps of Kenya, the community centers of North America and Europe—the work of building Oromo consciousness, organization, and national identity continues .
The council’s successful conclusion demonstrates that the diaspora is not merely a source of financial support or cultural preservation. It is an active, organized, and strategic component of the liberation project.
A Foundation of Truth and Integrity
Throughout its proceedings, the Diaspora Structure Council was guided by the principles that have defined the OLF/ABO’s decades-long struggle. As Abdii Raggaasaa declared: “If we are people of truth, our people will never abandon us under any circumstances. But if we are people of falsehood, even if we hold something, we will lose it” .
This commitment to truth and integrity was central to the council’s work. The diaspora structure is not built on empty rhetoric or political opportunism. It is built on the sacrifice of generations—on the “struggle of blood and bone” that has defined the Oromo liberation movement .
The Cry That Echoes: IUOf!
As the Diaspora Structure Council concluded its work, the hall undoubtedly echoed with the rallying cry that unites Oromo people across continents: “IUOf!” —Victory to the Oromo people .
The abbreviation, derived from the Oromo phrase for victory, resonates across generations, declaring the unshakable belief in the Oromo nation’s future . It is a cry that has been heard in the hidden clearings of Oromia, in the community halls of the diaspora, and now, in the organized structures of the OLF/ABO abroad.
A New Chapter: Consistency and Determination
The flyer circulating for the conclusion of the Diaspora Structure Council carried a powerful mantra: “As always, consistency and determination remain the foundation of lasting progress and success” .
These words are not empty rhetoric. In the long and often brutal struggle for Oromo self-determination, fads and fleeting passions have no place. What sustains the movement is the dogged, day-in and day-out commitment of a people who refuse to be erased. The successful conclusion of the Diaspora Structure Council is the embodiment of this ethic—a ritual of endurance, a moment to recalibrate, to reaffirm, and to recommit .
Consistency means showing up, year after year, regardless of the political winds. Determination means turning setbacks into stepping stones. The OLF/ABO has weathered imprisonment, exile, and state-sponsored repression, yet here it stands, its diaspora structure organized and functioning in the heart of America. That is the quiet power of persistence .
Looking Forward: The Seventh Round and Beyond
The successful conclusion of the Diaspora Structure Council arrives at a crucial moment. As the OLF/ABO prepares for the upcoming 7th round elections, the diaspora structure will play a vital role in mobilization, advocacy, and organizational strengthening .
The council’s work ensures that the diaspora is not a passive observer of political developments in Oromia but an active participant. As one OLF official stated: “OLF is the center of Oromo peace” . The diaspora structure, now successfully organized and concluded, extends that center across the globe.
Conclusion: A Milestone, Not an End
The conclusion of the Korri Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Alaa is not an end but a beginning. It marks the formalization of a structure that will continue to serve the Oromo people’s aspirations for self-determination, dignity, and democratic rights.
As participants departed Minneapolis, the message was clear: the diaspora is organized, the structure is in place, and the work continues. The struggle for Oromo liberation is not confined to the homeland—it is a global movement, sustained by a global community, guided by a global organization.
ABO haa waaru!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Korri Caasaa ABO Biyyoota Alaa
Milkiin Xumurameera
Hag. 08/06/2026
Minneapolis, MN
This feature article is dedicated to all those who built the diaspora structures of the Oromo Liberation Front—from the founders to the newest members—and to the generations yet to come who will carry forward the torch of liberation.
Four Decades of Scholarship, One Enduring Legacy: The Oromo Studies Association at 40
From Exile to Global Recognition — How a Diaspora Institution Reclaimed a People’s History
By Dhabessa Wakjira
The year was 1986. In meeting rooms scattered across the diaspora, in the United States and Europe, a small group of Oromo and non-Oromo scholars gathered with a radical idea . They would build an independent academic home for the study of a people whose history, culture, and very existence had been systematically erased from mainstream scholarship. They would create a space where knowledge about the Oromo could be produced not by outsiders, but on its own terms.
They called it the Oromo Studies Association .
Four decades later, that audacious dream has become something far greater than its founders could have imagined. As the OSA marks its 40th anniversary in 2026, it stands as a global scholarly community spanning continents and disciplines—a testament to the power of knowledge as a form of justice.
The Birth of a Movement: Founding in Exile
The OSA was not born in a vacuum. It was founded in direct response to a crackdown that had led to those campaigning for greater recognition of the Oromo people being murdered, tortured, jailed, or driven out of the country. The founding was a response to a void—a void in which Oromo heritage was not merely absent from academia and state narratives but actively suppressed.
Under successive Ethiopian regimes, the Oromo—despite being the largest ethnolinguistic group in Ethiopia, numbering over 40 million people across the Horn of Africa—were systematically marginalized. They were deprived of their expropriated lands, their freedom through enslavement, their identity, and even the right to speak their own language. In Ethiopia, the history of the Oromo people was effectively written out of the national narrative.
Among the founders was Sisai Ibssa, a scholar-activist whose intellectual journey shaped the trajectory of Oromo studies for decades. Reflecting on the early days, one founding figure recalled attending an international Oromo conference in Berlin in 1984—”It was then that we started to think about organizing an Oromo studies association. A few years later, OSA was formally organized” .
Another towering figure was Professor Asmarom Legesse, whose landmark work Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society (1973) brought the Oromo democratic system to international scholarly attention. Legesse passed away on January 31, 2026, just weeks before OSA’s 40th anniversary year—a loss deeply felt by the community he helped build.
A Full Gadaa Cycle: 40 Years of Scholarship
In Oromo tradition, the Gadaa system operates on eight-year cycles, with a full generational transition spanning forty years. This year’s anniversary is therefore not merely a milestone—it is a symbolic completion of a full Gadaa cycle, representing generational renewal, continuity, and the orderly transfer of knowledge and responsibility.
The OSA’s work over these four decades has been nothing short of transformative:
Before OSA, Oromo heritage was systematically erased. The Oromo language, Afaan Oromoo—the third most widely spoken language in Africa—was banned in schools and public life until 1992, and students were punished for speaking it or using Oromo names. A state ideology of “Ethiopianism” promoted Orthodox Christianity, the Amharic language, and Abyssinian culture as the sole legitimate national identity.
After four decades of OSA scholarship, the Oromo Gadaa system—a millennia-old democratic governance structure based on generational age sets, egalitarian principles, and rotating leadership—has been recognized by UNESCO as part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity . Oromo studies is now a respected field in global academia. And the Journal of Oromo Studies, launched in 1993, has been indexed in Scopus—one of the world’s most prestigious academic databases.
The Journal of Oromo Studies: A Dream Come True
When the first issue of the Journal of Oromo Studies rolled off the presses in the summer of 1993, it was described as “a dream come true” . For scholars who had labored in obscurity, publishing in venues that often dismissed or distorted Oromo realities, the Journal offered something revolutionary: a platform where Oromo scholarship could stand on its own.
The first volume featured foundational essays by scholars like Asafa Jalata, whose work on “The Oromo, Change and Continuity in Ethiopian Politics” helped define the contours of a new field . Over the decades that followed, the Journal would publish research on everything from the Gadaa system to diaspora studies, from economic development to cultural preservation, from historical linguistics to contemporary politics.
Now fully open-access, the Journal publishes articles, research notes, and scholarly book reviews in both English and Afaan Oromoo, welcoming contributions from emerging and established scholars alike . The Journal’s entire archive—decades of scholarship—is now posted to the OSA website, making it available to anyone with an internet connection.
In June 2026, Scopus announced the addition of 242 new journals to its prestigious index. Among them was the Journal of Oromo Studies. For those unfamiliar with the world of academic publishing, Scopus indexing is the gold standard. It places JOS alongside publications from Springer, Elsevier, Wiley, and Cambridge University Press.
As Bonnie Holcomb, the Journal’s Editor-in-Chief, wrote to contributors and advisors: “This publication, and the indexing in Scopus, are notable achievements, all. We have come a long way together” .
Reclaiming Oromummaa: The Core of the Mission
Central to OSA’s four-decade effort is the concept of Oromummaa—a term embodying the collective values, institutions, and worldview of the Oromo people. Once dismissed, Oromummaa has been meticulously restored by OSA scholars through research that has redrawn the map of Horn of Africa studies.
The OSA’s scholarship has focused on three core institutions of Oromo indigenous democracy:
- The Gadaa System: A complex socio-political system featuring an eight-year leadership cycle, checks and balances, and principles of accountability and rule of law. Its global significance was recognized by UNESCO in 2016.
- Siinqee (Siiqee): A women’s institution that ensures gender balance and social justice .
- The Qaalluu: The spiritual authority maintaining harmony between society, nature, and the spiritual realm.
Together, these institutions embody values of democracy, peace (nagaa), and ecological stewardship that OSA argues offer lessons of “global relevance”.
Breaking the Silence: OSA in the Diaspora
For many years, the OSA could not hold its annual meetings on home ground. Meetings were held in the diaspora, usually in the United States. The Association promoted research and scholarship across the full range of Oromo studies, but the doors of Ethiopia remained closed.
Under successive regimes, protesting Oromo people were increasingly subject to widespread repression, arbitrary arrests, detention without charge, enforced disappearance, torture, and even death . Like all authoritarian regimes, the authorities sought to silence protesters, initially targeting intellectuals, journalists, and students. All exiles, international commentators, media representatives, and human rights movements were denied entry to the country—including the OSA.
The most significant change came in 2018 with the election of Dr. Abiy Ahmed, himself an Oromo, to the position of Prime Minister of Ethiopia. As one scholar observed: “He opened the doors of Ethiopia to the Oromo in exile, some of whom had not seen their homeland for 40 years or more, and whose children had never been allowed to set foot on Ethiopian soil“. Even the Oromo Liberation Front operatives were given the green light to fly back into the country.
The 2026 Conference: Honoring the Past, Investing in the Future
The OSA’s 40th Annual Conference, themed “Oromo on the Global Landscape: Honoring Asmarom Legesse as OSA Turns 40,” will be held July 31 – August 2, 2026, in Minneapolis, Minnesota .
The conference will bring together scholars, researchers, students, and community members from across the diaspora and the continent for three days of panels, roundtables, keynote addresses, and community dialogue . It will feature diaspora-connected parallel panels abroad, reflecting the conference’s commitment to centring Oromo communities wherever they are.
An opening night celebration will be held on Friday evening, July 31, at the Oromo Community Centre in Saint Paul—an evening of inspiration, culture, and community, featuring video greetings from former OSA presidents, cultural dance performances, live cultural music, and a delicious meal catered by Dilla Restaurant.
Challenges and the Road Ahead
This hard-won scholarly recognition is not without its challenges. The OSA has warned of “renewed attacks on Oromo scholars and scholarship” from actors seeking to “restore inequitable power relations” . These attacks have evolved from formal complaints accusing scholars of “hate speech” to coordinated social media campaigns that vilify Oromummaa itself as a dangerous ideology.
The OSA’s statement declares: “These attacks do not represent scholarly debate grounded in evidence. Rather, they reflect a politicized rejection of any scholarship that challenges centralized authoritarian narratives” . It draws a stark warning: “History demonstrates that vilification of a people’s identity is often a precursor to mass violence”.
Despite these challenges, the OSA remains committed to its mission. As the Association’s “Who We Are” page states: “We believe that knowledge is a form of justice“.
Conclusion: A Legacy Worth Celebrating
Forty years ago, a small group of exiled scholars dared to imagine a world in which Oromo knowledge was recognized as a contribution to the full breadth of human civilization. Today, that vision is reality .
The Journal of Oromo Studies, indexed in Scopus, stands as a monument to their courage and their persistence. The annual conference, now in its 40th year, brings together a global community of scholars and advocates. The website, with its full open-access archive, makes decades of scholarship available to anyone with an internet connection.
As Bonnie Holcomb wrote, with warmth that reflects decades of dedication: “Congratulations, one and all“.
The celebration is earned. The legacy is enduring. And the work continues.
The 40th Annual Conference of the Oromo Studies Association
July 31 – August 2, 2026
Augsburg University, Hagfors Center
Minneapolis, Minnesota
Details at www.oromostudies.org
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
OSA haa jabaattu!
Four decades of scholarship, community, and the enduring pursuit of justice for the Oromo people.
The Unbroken Backbone: The Role of Oromo Women in the Struggle for Liberation
For decades, the story of the Oromo liberation struggle has been told as a chronicle of resistance against a sprawling empire. But within that narrative, there is a deeper, more powerful current—one that has flowed quietly yet inexorably beneath the surface. This is the story of Oromo women, who have not merely supported the movement, but have stood as its very backbone: its fighters, its strategists, its memory keepers, and its soul.
A Struggle on Three Fronts
The Oromo people have been engaged in a struggle for liberation since their colonization by the Abyssinian Empire, which evolved into modern-day Ethiopia. However, Oromo women face a unique and intersecting burden. They are not only fighting against what scholar Madeline Bass describes as the “settler colonial state rulers of Ethiopia” and “global anti-Blackness,” but they must also contend with “cisheteropatriarchy”—a struggle against patriarchal oppression that is uniquely Oromo in its application.
This triple oppression means that Oromo women have always had to fight for the liberation of their nation while simultaneously battling for their own dignity and rights within their own communities. As one source notes, “the Abyssinian system oppresses Oromo people, and women in particular.” The state of oppression is deep in general, but Oromo women face even greater difficulty.
Pillars of the Movement: From the Battlefield to the Ballot
Within the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO), Oromo women have served as “utubaa cimaa”—strong pillars—whose contributions have shaped every facet of the liberation movement. Their involvement has been both visible and behind-the-scenes.
· On the Battlefield: Many Oromo women have joined the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), the armed wing of the OLF, taking up arms to defend their people and land. Women like Aradoolaa Abdalla, who joined the OLA in 1985 and participated in ten major battles in western Oromia, rose through the ranks to become a platoon commander because of her bravery. Women have participated in every sector—military, medical, and communication—as combatants and supporters.
· In Political Organizing: Beyond the battlefield, Oromo women have been active in political movements for decades, serving as leaders, organizers, and advocates within the OLF and other nationalist groups. They have organized protests and worked tirelessly to inform other women of their rights.
The Unbreakable Spirit of Siinqee
One cannot speak of Oromo women’s resistance without understanding Siinqee. It is not merely a wooden stick; it is a profound cultural and spiritual institution. A Siinqee is a ritual stick given to an Oromo woman by her mother on her wedding day. Once a woman holds this stick, she commands respect from everyone in the community.
More than a symbol, Siinqee is a lived practice of mutual protection, a “covenant of resistance against all forms of oppression.” Women use the power of Siinqee to exercise their rights, control their own economy, and participate in solidarity activities. This tradition, which predates Western feminist thought, represents an Oromo philosophy of womanhood and solidarity that has been passed down through generations.
Martyrs and Heroes: The Price of Freedom
The contribution of Oromo women has come at a devastating cost. The liberation struggle has demanded sacrifices that extend far beyond the battlefield, imposing a heavy burden on the families left behind.
One of the most iconic figures in this struggle is Martha Kuwee Kumsa, an Oromo journalist and scholar whose story embodies the spirit of resistance. In 1980, during the Ethiopian Red Terror, she was arrested and detained without charges for nine years after writing an article that called for Oromo women to defy power structures and reclaim their cultural heritage. She was tortured and held until 1989, after which she escaped to Kenya and later Canada. Her activism is deeply rooted in Siinqee feminism—an Oromo philosophy that predates Western feminist thought and is a lived practice of mutual protection and solidarity. Today, she is a professor in Canada and continues to write and advocate on feminist and political issues.
Countless other women have paid the ultimate price—some were killed in battle, others were publicly executed. The story of Agarii Tulluu, who was hanged alongside her two brothers in a market, is just one of many tragic tales. The mothers, wives, and sisters of fallen fighters carry a grief that “does not fade from their minds,” enduring a wound that cannot be measured.
The Hiriira: A Modern Cry for Recognition
The struggle of Oromo women is not confined to the hills of Oromia; it has gone global. In September 2020, Oromo women marched through the streets of Berlin, Germany, in a protest march called a Hiriira—an Oromo word for a parade, demonstration, or queue. They were demanding recognition for their struggle.
This march was more than a protest; it was a powerful act of spatial and historical reckoning. It served as a case study into the entanglements between settler colonial Ethiopia, Germany’s post-empire, and the forces of oppression that link them. By marching through Berlin, Oromo women were mapping their liberation across borders, using a “Black and Blackened way of knowing space with a particularly Oromo perspective” known as geography guraacha. The women wore Oromo cultural garb, distinct to different regions of Oromia, turning the streets of a European capital into a living map of their homeland and their resistance.
Architects of a New Nation
The role of Oromo women extends beyond the struggle for liberation into the vision for what comes after. There is a growing consensus within the movement that the liberation of Oromia cannot be separated from the liberation of Oromo women. Any future Oromo state must be built with women’s full and equal participation from the ground up.
As one advocate powerfully stated, the aim is to ensure that Oromo women are “not just participants but architects of the next chapter.” From the battlefield to the political arena, from the cultural institution of Siinqee to the global stage of the Hiriira, Oromo women have proven that they are not waiting for liberation to be given to them—they are building it with their own hands, one courageous step at a time.
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This feature article draws on academic research, historical accounts, and journalistic reports to highlight the indispensable role of Oromo women in their people’s long struggle for freedom and dignity.
Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo: The Pillars of Oromo Liberation and Their Global Reach
Honouring the Builders and Champions of the Oromo Struggle, and the Global Structure of the ABO
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In every liberation movement, there are those who carry the torch not for personal glory, but for the collective destiny of their people. They are the architects of consciousness, the builders of institutions, and the guardians of memory. They are Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo—the beloved pillars of the struggle—and Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions who have emerged from every corner of Oromia and the diaspora to advance the cause of Oromo liberation.
This is a tribute to them. And this is an exploration of the structure that unites them: the Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) —the Oromo Liberation Front—and its global reach across nations.
The Pillars: Who Are the Utubaa Qabsoo?
The term Utubaa Qabsoo—pillars of the struggle—is not a title given lightly. It is earned through sacrifice, through decades of commitment, and through an unwavering dedication to the Oromo people’s right to self-determination . These are the individuals who, in the darkest hours, refused to let the flame of liberation die.
One such pillar was Cawwaaqaa Yaaddessaa, a renowned Oromo singer and artist whose music became the soundtrack of the resistance. Through his songs, he chronicled the pain and the hope of the Oromo people, composing works that stirred the hearts of a generation . His compositions—such as “Eemmoo yaa guraale hoo dangashe”—became anthems of defiance, performed even when political gatherings were banned . He served as a pillar of the struggle through his art, demonstrating that cultural expression is a weapon of resistance as powerful as any gun .
Another pillar is Ustaaz Raayyaa Abbaa Maccaa, who transitioned from the armed struggle within the ABO to become a teacher of Islamic faith and a composer of spiritual songs (manzuumaa) that reinforced Oromo identity and resilience . He was part of the ABO in its early years, receiving military training at the 24th training camp in Harawaacaa, and fought in numerous battles . Even after being captured and imprisoned for a long time, he never abandoned the struggle; he continued to strengthen the Oromo people through his teachings and songs . His story is a testament to the fact that the pillars of the struggle exist not only on the battlefield but also in the realms of faith, culture, and education .
Baaroo Tumsaa stands as another foundational pillar. He is remembered as a key figure in building the Oromo movement in the 1970s, working to organize youth and establish the infrastructure that would eventually lead to the formal founding of the ABO . He played a crucial role in the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association and was instrumental in consolidating Oromo nationalism into a political force . His legacy is one of organization and vision, reminding us that liberation is built not just on passion but on structure.
The Champions: Jaallan Qabsoo and the Spirit of Resistance
Beyond the foundational pillars, there are the Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions of the struggle. These are the fighters, the activists, the community organizers, and the everyday people who have taken up the mantle of resistance in their own ways .
The Qeerroo youth movement is perhaps the most powerful contemporary embodiment of this spirit. In traditional Oromo culture, the term means “bachelor” or “youth,” but within the political movement, it symbolizes the Oromo struggle for increased political freedom and greater ethnic representation . The Qeerroo have emerged as a dynamic and fearless force, challenging the state and demanding justice .
The champions are also found in the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) —known in Oromo as Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBO) —the armed wing of the struggle . The OLA was formed in 1974 and has continued its armed resistance against successive Ethiopian regimes . Under the leadership of figures like Jaal Marroo (Kumsa Diriba), the OLA remains active in the Oromia Region, representing those who refused to disarm following the 2018 peace deal, skeptical of the government’s intentions .
The champions are also found in the diaspora—in Washington, D.C., Berlin, and other cities around the world, where the ABO maintains offices and radio stations that broadcast in Oromo and Amharic, keeping the spirit of resistance alive far from the homeland .
The ABO: Structure and Global Reach
The Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) —or the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)—is the political organization that unites these pillars and champions. It was founded in 1973 with the goal of promoting self-determination and independence for the Oromo people . Its structure has evolved over the decades, but its core mission remains unchanged: the total liberation of Oromia from what it characterizes as Ethiopian colonialism .
The ABO’s structure extends far beyond the borders of Oromia and Ethiopia. It has a significant diaspora presence, with offices in Washington, D.C., and Berlin . These offices serve as hubs for organizing, advocacy, and communication . They also operate radio stations that broadcast in both Amharic and Oromo, ensuring that the organization’s message reaches Oromo communities worldwide .
This global reach is critical. The ABO’s international structure allows it to advocate for the Oromo cause on the world stage, to build solidarity with other movements, and to sustain the struggle even when political space is closed inside Ethiopia . In a November 2025 position statement, the OLF declared that “the current regime has deliberately closed the political arena and obstructed the lawful activities of the Oromo Liberation Front” . In the face of such obstacles, the diaspora structure becomes even more vital as a space for organizing and resistance.
The Legacy of the Western Front: A Day of Sacrifice
The pillars and champions of the ABO are not abstract figures. They are real people who have paid the ultimate price for their commitment. The Western Front of the armed struggle serves as a powerful reminder of this sacrifice.
On April 15, 1980, the ABO appointed a new chairman in Shinnigga, marking a strategic decision to expand the armed struggle into the Western Front . The organization sent 17 commanders to ignite the resistance in the West. Their names—Daawud Ibsaa, Abbaa Caalaa Lataa, Jaal Tottoobaa Waaqwayyaa, and others—are etched in Oromo memory .
Tragically, these commanders were betrayed and poisoned by collaborators of the Derg regime in December 1981. Their deaths were a devastating blow to the movement . But their memory did not die. In 1985, the ABO leadership formally designated April 15 as Oromo Martyrs’ Day—a day to commemorate all those who have fallen in the struggle for Oromo liberation .
Today, April 15 is observed in the forests of Oromia and in diaspora communities around the world. It is a day of remembrance, of reflection, and of renewed commitment to the cause for which these pillars and champions gave their lives .
Unity, Truth, and the Path Forward
The struggle of the ABO has always been a struggle of self-reliance and truth. As senior ABO leader Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa emphasized in a recent consultative meeting with members: “If we are people of truth, our people will never abandon us under any circumstances. But if we are people of falsehood, even if we hold something, we will lose it” .
The leadership has also stressed that the work of building Oromia extends beyond Ethiopia’s borders . It is a task that belongs to Oromo people everywhere—in the villages of Oromia, in the refugee camps of Kenya, in the community centers of Europe and North America, and in the offices of the ABO in Washington and Berlin .
The unity of these diverse actors—the pillars, the champions, the diaspora, and the grassroots organizers—is the foundation of the Oromo liberation struggle. As another official, Jaal Yaasoo Kabbabaa Hordofa, declared: “OLF is the center of Oromo peace” . The organization calls on all Oromos to strengthen their resolve, to seize the opportunities that arise—such as the upcoming 7th round elections—and to never retreat into silence .
Conclusion: A Living Legacy
The story of the Oromo liberation struggle is not a history lesson; it is a living, breathing movement. It is embodied in the songs of Cawwaaqaa Yaaddessaa, the teachings of Ustaaz Raayyaa Abbaa Maccaa, the organizing of Baaroo Tumsaa, the sacrifice of the 17 commanders of the Western Front, and the tireless work of the ABO’s global network .
Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo—the beloved pillars—have built the foundation. Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions—continue to build upon it. And the ABO—in its structure, its global reach, and its unwavering commitment to the Oromo people—remains the vessel through which this struggle will achieve its destiny.
ABO haa waaru!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
This feature article is dedicated to all the pillars and champions of the Oromo liberation struggle—past, present, and future.
The Tenth Anniversary of the Grand Oromo Rally: A Defining Moment in the Struggle for Justice
Remembering August 6, 2016, and Its Enduring Legacy for Unity, Identity, and Transformation
By Daandii Ragabaa
When a people understand their history correctly, they are able to learn from past mistakes, draw strength from previous achievements, and chart a clearer course for the future. History is not merely a record of what has passed—it is a compass for what lies ahead. It is a teacher, a witness, and a foundation upon which the dreams of generations are built.
For this reason, the commemoration of the Grand Oromo Rally of August 6, 2016, occupies a significant and sacred place in the history of the Oromo struggle. It is not simply a date on a calendar. It is a milestone, a turning point, and a testament to the power of collective action. As the tenth anniversary approaches, it is time to reflect deeply on what that day meant, what it achieved, and what it continues to teach us today.
A Day That Shook the Nation
The Grand Oromo Rally of August 2016 was not a spontaneous outburst of anger. It was the culmination of years of sustained public mobilization—a peaceful yet powerful resistance against decades of systemic oppression, marginalization, and denial of basic rights. It was one of the largest and most widely recognized demonstrations ever organized across Oromia, drawing participation from every corner of the region.
What made this rally extraordinary was its sheer scale and simultaneity. On that day, Oromo people from all walks of life—young and old, men and women, urban and rural, educated and uneducated—rose together as one. They filled the streets not with weapons, but with voices. They carried not arms, but banners of justice. They demanded not revenge, but recognition.
The world watched. International media covered the events. Global human rights organizations took notice. The Oromo people, long silenced and ignored, had made their voices heard in a way that could no longer be dismissed. The rally became one of the most significant events to attract international attention to the Oromo cause.
More Than a Protest: A Turning Point in History
Although different perspectives exist regarding its causes, results, processes, and consequences, the Grand Oromo Rally is widely regarded as a defining event in both the political history of the Oromo movement and the modern political history of Ethiopia.
It was a moment when the Oromo people declared, with unmistakable clarity, that they would no longer accept invisibility. They would no longer accept the theft of their land. They would no longer accept the denial of their language, culture, and identity. They would no longer accept a political system that treated them as second-class citizens in their own homeland.
The events of that day laid an important foundation for the political changes that unfolded in 2018. The rally was a catalyst—a spark that ignited a broader movement for reform across the country. It demonstrated that when a people are united and determined, even the most entrenched systems of power can be challenged. It showed that peaceful resistance, when organized and sustained, can produce real change.
The Tenth Anniversary: More Than Remembrance
The tenth anniversary of the Grand Oromo Rally is more than a remembrance of a historical event. It is an opportunity—a vital and necessary opportunity—to learn from history, to recognize that today’s achievements were not attained easily, and to appreciate the value of unity and collective strength.
This commemoration serves multiple purposes:
First, it reinforces social cohesion. When a people gather to remember a shared struggle, they affirm their bonds to one another. They recognize that they are part of something larger than themselves.
Second, it educates younger generations. Many of those who will mark this anniversary were too young to participate in the events of 2016—or were not yet born. They must learn what happened, why it happened, and what it means for their future. The history of the Oromo struggle must not be forgotten, distorted, or erased.
Third, it creates space for constructive dialogue. Commemorations should not be occasions for division or recrimination. They should be opportunities for thoughtful discussion about addressing present and future challenges, for examining both achievements and shortcomings, and for building a peaceful, inclusive, and prosperous future.
The Power of Collective Participation
One of the defining characteristics of the Grand Oromo Rally was the remarkable level of collective public participation in confronting oppression. Regardless of age, gender, social status, or place of residence, Oromo people united at the same moment and participated in the historic protest with determination, shared purpose, and a strong sense of solidarity.
The enduring lesson from that experience is clear: unity is our greatest strength.
Standing together around common goals and shared interests, strengthening collective unity, building public trust, and fostering strong social bonds are essential for overcoming complex challenges. The rally taught us that dialogue and coordination play indispensable roles in achieving change.
However, sustaining unity requires effort. It requires respecting differences of opinion. It requires listening to one another. It requires maintaining continuous dialogue. Unity does not mean everyone must hold identical views. True unity means respecting differing opinions while working together toward common objectives. It means recognizing that agreement on common goals can coexist with different views regarding the methods of achieving them.
Lessons for the Present and Future
Political and social circumstances inevitably change over time. What worked yesterday may not work tomorrow. The challenges of today are not identical to those of 2016. Yet the lessons of that historic rally remain as relevant as ever.
Remembering our history helps us to avoid repeating past mistakes while preserving and building upon our strengths. It reminds us that:
- Difficult challenges are most effectively resolved through dialogue and mutual understanding.
- Agreement on common objectives can coexist with different views on methods.
- Differences of opinion should never be mistaken for hostility.
- Current generations must study the past through evidence-based research and objective historical inquiry.
The tenth anniversary is not an invitation to dwell in the past but to draw wisdom from it. It is a chance to critically examine both achievements and shortcomings, and to engage in thoughtful discussions about building a peaceful, inclusive, politically stable, and socially prosperous future.
Strengthening Identity and Social Solidarity
By remembering historic events such as the Grand Oromo Rally, the Oromo people strengthen both their collective identity and their social solidarity. Such remembrance plays a vital role in:
- Learning from history
- Honouring those who made sacrifices
- Preventing the repetition of past mistakes
- Passing historical knowledge to future generations
These commemorations should be inclusive of people with diverse viewpoints. They should promote mutual respect, reconciliation, and lasting peace within society. Although we may hold different political perspectives, sharing a common historical experience reminds us that unity remains essential both today and in addressing our common challenges in the future.
To sustain this spirit, it is important to continue commemorating collective events such as the Grand Rally every year. Annual commemoration ensures that the memory remains alive, that the lessons remain fresh, and that the unity forged in struggle remains strong.
A Call to Remember, Reflect, and Renew
As we approach the tenth anniversary of August 6, 2016, let us remember what that day meant. Let us honour those who stood firm in the face of oppression. Let us recognize the sacrifices that were made—the lives lost, the freedoms curtailed, the dreams deferred. Let us also celebrate what was achieved: a renewed sense of identity, a strengthened movement for justice, and a foundation for the political transformation that followed.
The commemoration of the Grand Oromo Rally should not merely be an occasion to remember the event. It should be an opportunity to draw lessons that strengthen unity, mutual trust, respect, and dialogue in order to address today’s and tomorrow’s challenges through peaceful means.
Above all, the greatest lesson it offers is the importance of working together toward shared goals and common interests, respecting differences of opinion, and learning from history to build a better future for all.
Conclusion: A Legacy for Generations
The Grand Oromo Rally of August 6, 2016, stands as one of the most remarkable demonstrations of broad-based Oromo public participation in history. It is remembered as an important foundation for the political transformation that followed in 2018. Its tenth anniversary is not just a date to mark on the calendar—it is a moment to reflect, to renew, and to recommit.
Therefore, commemorating the Grand Oromo Rally annually plays a vital role in strengthening Oromo identity, social cohesion, and unity while ensuring that an accurate understanding of history is passed on to future generations. It is through such remembrance that we honour the past, navigate the present, and build a future worthy of the sacrifices made.
The memory of August 6, 2016, lives on.
The spirit of unity endures.
The struggle for justice continues.
Oromo Qeerroo Union—forever united!
Gamtaa Qeerroo Oromoo—the strength of the people!
#Silencing_the_Gun_Among_Brothers
#Oromo_Qeerroo_Union
#Gamtaa_Qeerroo_Oromoo
August 6, 2026
ፊንፊኔ፦ የህልውና ጉዳይ እንጂ ተራ ጥያቄ አይደለም
የ150 ዓመት ቁስል፣ የ7ሺ ህይወት መስዋዕትነት፣ እና ዛሬው ወሳኝ ጊዜ
ጸሐፊ፦ ዳንዲ ረገባ
ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ፊንፊኔ ተራ የፖለቲካ ጉዳይ አይደለም። የከተማ ድንበር ጉዳይ አይደለም። የበጀት ድርሻ ወይም የአስተዳደር ክልል ጉዳይ አይደለም።
የህልውና ጉዳይ ነው።
ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ መታወቂያ፣ ክብር እና የወደፊት ተስፋ የተጠቃለለባት ከተማ ናት። እሷ ልብ ናት። እሷ ነፍስ ናት። እሷ መሠረት ናት። እናም ይህችን ልብ ለማውጣት የሚደረግ ማንኛውም ሙከራ፣ የህዝቡን ህልውና ራሱን ለማጥፋት የሚደረግ ጥረት ነው።
የታሪክ ጠባሳው፦ ከ150 ዓመት በላይ የፈወስ ቁስል
ዛሬ ፊንፊኔ ላይ የምናየው ቀውስ አዲስ አይደለም። የ150 ዓመት ዕድሜ ያለው የታሪክ ጠባሳ አካል ነው።
የአፄ ሚኒሊክ ሰራዊት ወደ ደቡብ ሲዘምት፣ ኦሮሞን ከመሬቱ አስወግዶ፣ መሬቱን በግዳጅ በመያዝ፣ እና የኦሮሞን ባህላዊ፣ ፖለቲካዊ እና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ስርዓት በማፈራረስ ላይ ነበር። ያ የመጀመሪያው ስብራት ነበር—በህዝብ፣ በመሬት እና በማንነት መካከል የተፈጠረ ጥልቅ ስብራት።
ይህ ስብራት አልተፈወሰም። ተሸፍኗል፣ ችላ ተብሏል፣ የተካደ ነው—ነገር ግን አልተፈወሰም። እና በየትውልዱ፣ ቁስሉ እንደገና ይከፈታል።
ቄሮ፦ ስብራቱን ለመጠገን የተነሳ ትውልድ
ከ150 ዓመታት በኋላ፣ አዲስ የኦሮሞ ትውልድ—የቄሮ ትውልድ—ጮክ ብሎ እና በማይሻር መልኩ ተነሳ።
ይህ ትውልድ ታሪኩን አውቆ ነበር። ስብራቱን ተሰምቶት ነበር። እና ህመሙን የበለጠ ለመሸከም ፈቃደኛ አልሆነም።
በዚያም ቄሮ ተነሳ—ለፍትህ፣ ለእውቅና፣ እና የተሰበረውን ለመጠገን። ለዚህ ትግል ከ7,000 በላይ ወጣቶች ህይወታቸውን ሰጥተዋል። 7,000 ህልሞች። 7,000 የወደፊት ጊዜዎች። 7,000 ነፍሳት በፍትህ መሠዊያ ላይ።
የቄሮ ንቅናቄ ለውጥ ብቻ አልነበረም—ትንሳኤ ነበር። ኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከእንግዲህ ዝም እንደማይል፣ ከእንግዲህ እንደማይጠብቅ፣ እና ከእንግዲህ እንደማይሸነፍ ለዓለም ያሳወቀ ትንሳኤ ነበር።
የተሰጠው ቃል እና የተሰበረው እምነት
የቄሮን ድል ተንተርሶ፣ የኢህአዴግ ክንፍ የሆነው ብልጽግና ፓርቲ ስልጣን ያዘ። ወደ ስልጣን ሲመጣ፣ ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ ቃል ገባ፦ ጥያቄዎቹን አንድ በአንድ ቆጥሮ እመልሳለሁ።
ከእነዚህ ጥያቄዎች ዋናው ምን ነበር? የመሬት ባለቤትነት ማረጋገጥ። ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ አካል መሆኗን ማረጋገጥ። የተዘረፈው መመለሱን ማረጋገጥ። የተሰበረው መጠገኑን ማረጋገጥ።
ለስምንት ዓመታት፣ ኦሮሞ ህዝብ ጠበቀ። በቃሉ አመነ። ፍትህ በመጨረሻ እንደሚደርስ ተስፋ አደረገ።
ነገር ግን በስምንት ዓመታት ውስጥ፣ ያ ቃል ክህደት ሆነ።
ዛሬው ክህደት፦ ፊንፊኔን ለመንጠቅ የሚደረግ ሙከራ
ብልጽግና ፓርቲ አሁን “ምክክር” በሚባል ሂደት ፊንፊኔን ከኦሮሚያ ለመንጠቅ የመጨረሻ ውሳኔ ላይ ደርሷል።
የዚህ “ምክክር” መደምደሚያ ግልጽ ነው፦ ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ አይደለችም።
ይህ የአስተዳደር ለውጥ አይደለም። ይህ የፖሊሲ ማስተካከያ አይደለም። ይህ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ የሚደርስ ቀጥተኛ ጥቃት ነው።
ብልጽግና ፓርቲ የቄሮን ንቅናቄ ድል ተንተርሶ ስልጣን የያዘ ፓርቲ፣ አሁን ኦሮሞን ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ ለመስበር እየሞከረ ነው።
የመጀመሪያው ስብራት በሚኒሊክ ሰራዊት ነበር።
ሁለተኛው ስብራት በብልጽግና ፓርቲ እየተሞከረ ነው።
ዓላማው አንድ ነው፦ ኦሮሞን መሬቱን ማጥፋት፣ ማንነቱን መሰረዝ፣ እና ድምጹን ማፈን።
የመቋቋም ተፈጥሮአዊ መብት
ግን እዚህ ላይ ብልጽግና እና አጋሮቹ ሊረዱት ያቃታቸው እውነት አለ።
የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ራሱን የመከላከል ተፈጥሮአዊ መብት አለው።
ይህ መብት በሕግ የተሰጠ አይደለም—በሰብአዊነት የተሰጠ ነው። ይህ መብት በሰነድ የተረጋገጠ አይደለም—በህልውና የተረጋገጠ ነው።
ማንኛውም ህዝብ፣ ህልውናው ሲጠቃ፣ ራሱን የመከላከል መብት አለው። የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ከምንም ህዝብ ያነሰ አይደለም።
የፊንፊኔ ጉዳይ የመተዋወቅ ጉዳይ አይደለም—የህልውና ጉዳይ ነው። እና ህልውና የማይደራደር ነው።
የሚበራው ይበራል
ብልጽግና ፓርቲ የውሳኔ ሰነዶችን ሊያዘጋጅ ይችላል። ምክክር ሊጠራ ይችላል። ህጎችን ሊያወጣ ይችላል። ድንበሮችን እንደገና መሳል ይችላል።
ነገር ግን ወረቀት ላይ የሚጻፈው ነገር በህዝብ ልብ ውስጥ ያለውን እውነት ሊለውጥ አይችልም።
እና እውነቱ ይህ ነው፦ ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ዋና ከተማ ናት። ዘላለም የኦሮሚያ አካል ትሆናለች።
እንደ ጠዋት ፀሀይ ከምስራቅ እንደምትወጣ፣ እንደ ወንዝ ወደ ባህር እንደሚፈስ፣ እንደ ተራራ ሥሩን እንደማይተው—ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ አካል ናት። ይህ በሰነድ የሚሰጥ አይደለም፤ በታሪክ የተረጋገጠ ነው። በህግ የሚሰጥ አይደለም፤ በደም የተረጋገጠ ነው።
የሚበራው ይበራል እንጂ።
ጊዜያዊ ስልጣን ሊደበቅ ይችላል፣ ነገር ግን ፀሀይ ሁልጊዜ ታበራለች። የውሸት ድሎች ሊኖሩ ይችላሉ፣ ነገር ግን እውነት ሁልጊዜ ትወጣለች። ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ዋና ከተማ ሆና ትቀጥላለች—ምክንያቱም ህዝቡ እንደዚያ ስለሚያውቀው፣ ምክንያቱም ታሪክ እንደዚያ ስለሚመሰክር፣ እና ምክንያቱም ፍትህ እንደዚያ ስለሚጠይቅ።
ለህዝቡ የመጨረሻ መልዕክት
ለኦሮሞ ህዝብ በሙሉ፦
ታሪካችሁ ይታወቃል። ህመማችሁ ይታወቃል። ትግላችሁ ይታወቃል። የቄሮ ጀግኖች ህይወታቸው በከንቱ አልሞተም። መስዋዕትነታቸው እንደ ተስፋ ዘር በመሬት ላይ ተተክሏል። እና ያ ዘር አሁን እያበቀለ ነው።
ለአምባገነኖች አሳሳቢ ቃል፦
የኦሮሞን ህዝብ መንፈስ ሊያፈርሱ አይችሉም። የኦሮሞን ህልም ሊያጠፉ አይችሉም። የኦሮሞን ፍትህ ጥማት ሊያረኩ አይችሉም። ያህል ጊዜ ሞክራችሁ፣ ያህል ጊዜ ተሸንፋችኋል። እናም ዛሬም እንደገና ትሸነፋላችሁ።
ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ናት። ዘላለም የኦሮሚያ ትሆናለች። ይህ የማይለወጥ እውነት ነው—በደም የተጻፈ፣ በታሪክ የታተመ፣ እና በህዝቡ ፈቃድ የታሸገ።
የሚበራው ይበራል እንጂ። ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ዋና ከተማ ሆኖ ይቀጥላል!
ኦሮሚያ ትነግር!
ፊንፊኔ የኦሮሚያ ናት!
ዘላለም የኦሮሚያ ትሆናለች!
“A Warning from the Grave”: Dr. Negasso Gidada’s 2014 Prophecy on the Addis Ababa Master Plan – and Why It Was Ignored
As Ethiopia reels from the aftermath of the 2014 Oromo protests, a newly surfaced document reveals that one of the Constitution’s architects had foreseen the catastrophe – and offered a roadmap to avoid it. His advice went unheeded.
By Our Staff Reporter
In May 2014, just weeks after violent protests erupted across Oromia over the “10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan,” Dr. Negasso Gidada – a key intellectual and co-architect of Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution – sat down to write a sobering analysis. He titled it: “A Tragic Consequence of the ‘10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan’: A Warning for the Future.”
The document, now circulating widely, reads like a dispatch from a man who saw the storm coming. In it, Dr. Negasso dissects the historical grievances, constitutional failures, and political miscalculations that ignited the unrest – and warns that if the root causes were not addressed, the federal system itself could unravel.
Nearly a decade later, his words carry a haunting resonance. The protests that began in Adaamaa University on April 29, 2014, spread to dozens of towns, leaving dozens dead, property destroyed, and ethnic tensions inflamed. The government’s response – a mix of repression and belated appeasement – did little to quell the anger. And, as Dr. Negasso predicted, the underlying issues remain unresolved.
A City Built on Conquest, a Constitution Unfulfilled
Dr. Negasso begins by grounding the crisis in history. Addis Ababa, founded in 1887 by Emperor Menelik and Empress Taitu around the hot spring of Finfinnee, was established on land that belonged to the Oromo of Shawa. He cites British envoy Harris, who in 1844 witnessed King Sahle Sellasie’s forces – armed with European guns – “destroy the Oromo life and resources,” burning homes, capturing women, and slaughtering men. The Oromo of Gulalle, he notes, still remember leaders like Tufa Mona and Birraatuu Goolee who died in those wars.
This historical memory, he argues, is not ancient grievance – it is living pain. And it has been compounded by three modern failures:
1. The Constitution of 1995, which promised Oromia a “special interest” in Addis Ababa (Article 49/5) but never defined it in law.
2. The 2003/2004 decision to move Oromia’s capital to Adaamaa, which sparked student protests and led to mass expulsions and imprisonments.
3. The broken promises of 2005, when OPDO, after losing the election, re-declared Finfinnee as the capital and vowed to build Oromo cultural centres and language schools in the city’s ten districts – none of which materialised.
“Nine years have passed,” Dr. Negasso wrote, “and nothing from the decisions and promises were implemented.”
The Master Plan: A Spark on Dry Tinder
When the “Integrated Master Plan” – which proposed integrating surrounding Oromo towns into Addis Ababa – was publicly announced in March 2014, it struck at this accumulated trauma. The plan was presented as a development initiative, but for Oromo farmers on the city’s fringes, it meant eviction. For Oromo intellectuals, it meant the erasure of their territorial rights. For the youth, it was the final straw.
“Here lies the root cause of the current incident and the tragic consequence,” Dr. Negasso wrote.
The protests were swift and fierce. They began at Adaamaa University, then spread to Haroo Maayaa, Dire Dawa, Bale, Guji, and beyond. By the time Dr. Negasso penned his note, the death toll was mounting – two students killed in a TV room explosion at Haroo Maayaa, others thrown into rivers, and reports of mutilation and ethnic violence. Security forces responded with live fire, and the government issued statements defending the plan while blaming “outside forces.”
A Constitutional Crisis in Plain Sight
Dr. Negasso’s most incisive contribution is his legal analysis. He walks through the Constitution article by article, showing how both the ruling party and nationalist forces were undermining it.
He quotes Article 49/5: “The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa… shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.” That law, he notes, has never been enacted.
He cites Article 40/4, which guarantees peasants the right to land and protection from eviction – a right routinely violated in the suburbs of Addis.
And he warns that if the Constitution is not respected, the federal system could collapse into ethnic conflict. “The end result could also mean the disintegration of Ethiopia which no one of us wants to see.”
What He Prescribed – and What Was Ignored
Dr. Negasso did not merely diagnose; he offered a cure. His recommendations were clear:
· Apologise for the failures: the unfulfilled constitutional provision, the broken promises, the violence by security forces.
· Investigate human rights violations by both state and individual actors, and bring perpetrators to justice.
· Immediately implement Article 49/5 – define Oromia’s special interest, demarcate the boundary, and affirm the jurisdiction of surrounding towns.
· Stop hate propaganda from both “Ethiopianist” and “Oromummaa” camps.
· Launch a national dialogue on the Constitution, the national question, land policy, federalism, and the role of the media.
“We can only try to mend the damage by taking corrective measures based on what we have learnt from the mistakes done,” he wrote.
The Unheeded Warning
Dr. Negasso concluded his note with a plea: “If we want to live together and save our people and country, we should either respect the Constitution as it is or create a situation in which it could be amended and ratified by the people through a referendum.”
The TPLF-led government did neither. The master plan was shelved – but the underlying issues were never resolved. The protests of 2014 would echo in the 2015 elections, and again in the 2016–2018 Oromo uprisings that ultimately reshaped the country’s political landscape.
Dr. Negasso Gidada passed away in 2019. But his note from May 2014 remains a haunting artifact – a warning written in ink, delivered from the grave, and largely ignored by those who had the power to act.
Today, as Ethiopia navigates yet another national dialogue, his words serve as a stark reminder: tragedy is not inevitable, but it is the price of constitutional neglect.
—
This feature is based on Dr. Negasso Gidada’s unpublished note dated May 2014, titled “A Tragic Consequence of the ‘10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan’: A Warning for the Future.”
The Role of Waaqeffannaa in Peacemaking
Waaqeffannaa, the indigenous monotheistic religion of the Oromo people, plays a profound and multifaceted role in peacemaking that is deeply embedded in its theology, rituals, and social institutions. Its approach to peace is not merely the absence of conflict but a state of holistic harmony with Waaqa (God), fellow humans, and the natural environment.
Theological Foundation: Peace as a Divine Mandate
Peace (nagaa) is a core spiritual value in Waaqeffannaa. Waaqa is believed to be peace itself, and human beings are expected to be peacemakers who do not disturb this divine order. This is embedded in daily life, from the common greeting “Nagaa dha?” (Are you at peace?) to prayers like “Nagaan nu oolchi” (Lead us in peace).
Key Peacemaking Principles: Gumaa and Waadaa
Two central traditional mechanisms for conflict resolution are Gumaa and Waadaa:
· Gumaa: A ritual process of reconciliation, particularly for serious offenses like bloodshed, intended to restore broken relationships and bring peace.
· Waadaa: A covenant or oath that establishes a binding agreement between parties to maintain peace.
Rituals, Festivals, and Community Practices
Peacemaking is reinforced through collective rituals:
· Irreecha: The annual thanksgiving festival where thousands gather to thank Waaqa and publicly preach peace and unity. A central chant is “Nagaa, nagaa!” (Peace, peace!), affirming the community’s collective desire for balance.
· Dhibaayyuu: A thanksgiving ritual that plays a pivotal role in inter-community peacebuilding and sustaining social solidarity.
Institutional Mechanisms: The Gadaa System and Qaalluu Leaders
Waaqeffannaa is closely linked to the Gadaa system, a traditional Oromo governance structure that serves as a viable conflict resolution and peace-building mechanism. Within this system, Qaalluu leaders, as custodians of the faith, often act as mediators, using traditional reconciliation methods to resolve disputes.
Contemporary Relevance and Challenges
While its values align with modern peacebuilding, Waaqeffannaa faces challenges in modern Ethiopia, including historical marginalization and limited freedoms for its adherents. Despite this, its principles offer a powerful, locally-grounded framework for building lasting peace from the community level upward.
In essence, Waaqeffannaa provides a comprehensive blueprint for peace, integrating spiritual belief with practical action to foster reconciliation and social harmony.
The 8th Conference of Judicial Officers of the South-West Shewa Zone
Strengthening the Judiciary through Service, Integrity and Professional Excellence
Waliso, Oromia — The 8th Conference of Judicial Officers of the South-West Shewa Zone was officially held in the town of Waliso, under the theme: “We Will Work with a High Spirit of Service to Provide the Public with Pure, Efficient and Acceptable Judicial Services!”
The conference, which brought together judges and legal professionals from across the zone, served as an important platform to evaluate court performance, discuss challenges, and chart a path toward improved service delivery. It concluded with a recognition ceremony honouring judicial officers who had recorded outstanding achievements .
Focus on Quality and Efficiency
During the conference, a key presentation was delivered under the title “Causes for the Cancellation and Improvement of Cases: The Reality of the Courts of the South-West Shewa Zone and the Direction of Solutions” . This session sparked in-depth discussions among the participants, highlighting the commitment of the judiciary to learning from past shortcomings and enhancing the quality of its rulings .
The theme of the conference reflects a broader reform effort to ensure that the judiciary is not only independent but also responsive to the needs of the public. As noted in previous judicial gatherings in Oromia, the primary goal is to improve access to justice and strengthen public trust in the legal system .
Participants and Attendance
The event was attended by a wide range of judicial and administrative officials, including:
- Judges of the Zonal Courts ;
- Representatives from the Oromia Supreme Court ;
- Judicial officers from neighbouring zones and city courts;
- Heads of sector offices from the zone and the town of Walisoo;
- Court administrators and other legal professionals .
The broad representation underscores the coordinated efforts across different levels of the judiciary to align practices and share experiences. Previous zonal conferences, such as those in Jimma and other parts of Oromia, have similarly focused on utilising technology and improving the quality of judicial services .
Recognition of Excellence
One of the highlights of the conference was the presentation of certificates of recognition to judges and court officials who had demonstrated exemplary performance. This practice is common in Oromia’s judicial sector reforms and aims to motivate legal professionals to uphold the highest standards of integrity and service.
The recognition was part of a broader effort to strengthen the rule of law and ensure that the judiciary remains a pillar of justice in the region. Recent reports, however, have also highlighted the difficulties facing the judiciary, including incidents of judges being unlawfully arrested and intimidated, underscoring the importance of such gatherings to reaffirm judicial independence.
Conclusion
The successful conclusion of the 8th Conference of the Judicial Officers of the South-West Sheba Zone reflects a renewed commitment to a judiciary that is accessible, transparent and accountable. In the face of security and administrative challenges, the spirit of service and integrity shown by judicial officers is a beacon of hope for a just and fair legal system .
The Two Humiliations of TPLF: A Reflection on Power, Pride, and the Oromo Awakening
In the shifting sands of Ethiopian politics, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front has suffered wounds that time has not healed—and the Oromo people remain the central characters in this unfolding drama
In the annals of Ethiopian political history, few organizations have risen as high or fallen as dramatically as the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). For nearly three decades, it dominated the political landscape of the Ethiopian Empire, ruling with an iron fist while projecting an image of revolutionary legitimacy. Yet today, the TPLF finds itself nursing wounds that history will not allow it to forget—wounds inflicted not by foreign enemies but by the very people it sought to subjugate.
The reflection of Abba Ebba offers a searing analysis of what he calls the “two humiliations” of the TPLF—humiliations that, in his view, are inextricably linked to the Oromo people and their awakening. These are not merely military defeats but moral and political reckonings that the TPLF has been unable to accept or process.
The First Humiliation: The Fall of Mekelle
“For 27 years, like the saying ‘the hare’s skin cannot cover the elephant,’ the TPLF tried to stretch its hide over an empire too vast for its frame. In the final hour, it was the sons and daughters of Oromo—the Qeerroo and Qarree—who stood before tanks with empty hands and brought down the regime. They made the TPLF retreat to Mekelle, dragging its ill-gotten wealth behind it. This is the first humiliation that remains unhealed to this day.”
The 2018 Oromo protests were not merely a political uprising—they were a seismic shift in the Ethiopian political landscape. The Oromo youth, known as the Qeerroo and Qarree, rose in a wave of popular resistance that the TPLF could not contain. The protests were decentralized, leaderless, and yet remarkably unified in their demands for justice, equality, and an end to the TPLF’s domination .
The TPLF, which had ruled Ethiopia for 27 years, was forced to abandon power and retreat to its northern stronghold of Mekelle. This was not a defeat by a rival military force but a collapse in the face of unarmed civilian resistance. The humiliation was profound and, according to Abba Ebba, has never been truly accepted by the TPLF leadership.
“The TPLF was defeated by the popular wave that ignited from one end of Oromia to the other—a wave that was part of the Oromo liberation struggle. This is an undeniable truth. The Oromo is an elephant; when it tramples, it crushes. The TPLF was forced to swallow this reality, whether it liked it or not.”
The Second Humiliation: The Retreat to Mekelle
The second humiliation followed the first. After initially retreating to Mekelle, the TPLF sought to reassert its influence on the national stage. It formed alliances with various forces—including some within the Amhara political spectrum—and attempted to challenge the Prosperity Party government.
However, this effort ended in another defeat. The TPLF was forced to retreat once again to Mekelle, leaving behind its ambitions and its allies, having consumed itself in the fires it had ignited. This second retreat, Abba Ebba argues, is the other humiliation that remains raw and unprocessed .
“When the TPLF was about to return to Addis Ababa, it found itself burned by the fire it had started. It was forced to retreat to Mekelle—another humiliation that has not faded.”
The Unlearned Lesson
Despite these humiliations, the TPLF has not learned its lesson. Instead, it continues to prepare for a new war, this time under the cover of the Prosperity Party government’s own challenges. After four years of uninterrupted military preparation, the TPLF is once again positioning itself for conflict .
Abba Ebba warns that this preparation is driven by a desire for revenge—a desire to settle scores with the Oromo people who, in the TPLF’s view, are responsible for its humiliations. “Under the cover of the Prosperity Party government, the TPLF is seeking to take revenge on our people for its past humiliations.”
The Unnecessary Price
Abba Ebba poses a pointed question: why must the Oromo people pay the price for the TPLF’s ambitions? Why must Oromia become a battlefield for conflicts that are not of its making?
“The TPLF did not need to travel 600 kilometres into the heart of the country, into the breadbasket of Ethiopia—Oromia. It could have declared Eritrea-style independence when the Derg fell, and it could do so today. All it needs is to settle its accounts and secure the consent of its people.”
The TPLF’s refusal to accept defeat has left the Oromo people caught between multiple threats. On one hand, there is the TPLF’s continued military preparations and its desire for revenge. On the other, there are forces like Fano and other armed groups that have also targeted Oromo communities.
The Oromo Elite’s Responsibility
Abba Ebba also points a finger at the Oromo elite, accusing them of failing to fulfill their responsibilities. The Oromo people, who have paid the heaviest price in the struggle against the Ethiopian Empire, now face a dual threat: the TPLF’s revanchism and the Oromo elite’s failure to protect the gains of the struggle.
“The Oromo elite has failed to protect the historic victory achieved by the Oromo popular struggle. It has also failed to protect the constitutional right to self-determination—the right to democracy, justice, and self-rule—from being undermined.”
This failure, Abba Ebba argues, has allowed the Oromo people to be marginalized and treated with suspicion by their neighbours. The Oromo elite’s failure to step up has left the people vulnerable to manipulation and exclusion.
A Call to Vigilance
Abba Ebba concludes with a call to the Oromo people:
“Our people must prepare themselves for the danger of the approaching war and actively monitor the situation. The war that is being prepared—whether by TPLF or by the Fano forces—poses a threat to the next generation of Oromo. Decisive action must be taken to find a lasting solution.”
He insists that Oromia must not become a doormat for the ambitions of others. “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
A Historical Warning
The reflection of Abba Ebba is not merely a commentary on contemporary politics—it is a historical warning. It reminds the Oromo people that the TPLF, despite its humiliations, has not abandoned its ambitions. The two humiliations remain unhealed, and the TPLF continues to seek revenge.
But the reflection also carries a message of hope and resolve. The Oromo people, having risen once, can rise again. The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
Conclusion
The two humiliations of the TPLF are more than military or political defeats—they are symbolic wounds that the organization has not been able to accept. The TPLF’s refusal to learn from its past has left the Oromo people facing a renewed threat. But the Oromo people, having already demonstrated their power, are not powerless.
As Abba Ebba declares: “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
Advocacy for Oromia 