Category Archives: Gumaa
The Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association Speaks: Finfinne, Dirree Dhawaa, and the Unfinished Struggle for Oromo Justice
A Historic Statement on the National Dialogue, Colonial Atrocities, and the Demand for Recognition
By Daandii Ragabaa
In a powerful and historic statement, the Waldaan Walgargaarsa Misoomaa fi Hawaasummaa Maccaa Tuulamaa (Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association) has declared that the issue of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought before the national dialogue not as a genuine attempt at resolution, but as a deliberate effort to undermine and weaken the Oromo people.
The Association has asserted that the old wounds of the past—the wounds inflicted by the Menelik era—remain unhealed. And today, the same forces of dispossession and denial continue to operate, refusing to recognize Oromo rights and refusing to step back from the land that was stolen.
“The wound of Oromo is still not healed,” the Association declared. “Even today, we are witnessing the theft of our ancestral land.”
The Historical Atrocity: Menelik’s Genocide Against the Oromo
The Association’s statement took the Oromo people and the wider world back to a dark chapter in Ethiopian history—the era of Emperor Menelik, when the Oromo people were systematically dispossessed of their land, their dignity, and their lives.
“Menelik committed a great crime against the Oromo people when he separated Finfinne from its Oromo owners,” the Association stated.
The atrocities of that era are well-documented, but the Association has brought them into stark relief by naming specific victims and families who suffered under Menelik’s expansionist campaign:
- Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa was executed by hanging.
- His father, mother, and three children were killed in a brutal and inhumane manner.
- Qajeelaa Dooyyoo and Guraaraa Dooyyoo were also executed, along with their mother, in a similarly horrific fashion.
- Shubbuu Ejersoo had his hands and feet severed before being killed.
- Aaxalee Jaatanii was starved to death in detention—denied food until life was extinguished.
These were not random acts of violence. They were part of a systematic campaign to break the spirit of the Oromo people, to erase their presence from Finfinne, and to establish a new political order built on Oromo suffering.
The Association’s statement serves as a reminder that these crimes were not isolated incidents—they were part of a broader pattern of atrocity committed against the Oromo people who lived on the land now known as Finfinne.
The Legacy of Suffering: Three Generations of Pain
The Association declared that the suffering of the Oromo people over Finfinne has now spanned three generations. From the initial dispossession under Menelik, to the brutal repression under the Derg regime, and now to the present day—the Oromo people have paid a heavy price.
“During the Derg era, many Oromo paid a great price for Finfinne,” the Association stated. “Even today, the wound is still not healed.”
The Association raised a pointed and urgent question:
“As long as this truth exists on this earth, the question of ‘Whose Finfinne is it?’ will always be asked. What has brought us to this point?”
The answer, according to the Association, lies in the persistent refusal of successive Ethiopian regimes to acknowledge Oromo rights. The Association posed a direct challenge to the architects of this injustice:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land and their rights. How can you govern on someone else’s land? What right do you have to claim authority over people who do not belong to you? It would have been better for you to struggle for your own land rather than occupy ours.”
The National Dialogue: A Tool of Deception?
The Association expressed deep concern about the ongoing national dialogue and how the issues of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are being treated within it.
According to the Association, the dialogue is not being used as a genuine mechanism for reconciliation and justice. Instead, it is being manipulated to further marginalize the Oromo people and to legitimize the ongoing dispossession of Oromo land.
“The agenda of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought to the national dialogue to weaken the Oromo people,” the Association declared. “The old politics of the Abyssinian elite continues, refusing to step back from the land that rightfully belongs to Oromo.”
The Association emphasized that the ongoing process is not just disrespectful—it is a violation of basic rights and dignity. The Association described the current situation as “an insult that crosses all boundaries” and declared that “something that did not exist before has now arrived” —a reference to the unprecedented nature of the current assault on Oromo rights.
A Call to Resistance and Unity
In the face of these challenges, the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association issued a clear and urgent call to the Oromo people:
“The Oromo people have not yet paid the price that is required. We must fight.”
The Association’s call to action is not a call to violence—it is a call to resistance, to unity, and to the defense of Oromo rights through every legitimate means available. It is a call to refuse subjugation, to refuse silence, and to refuse to accept the theft of Oromo land as a settled fact.
The Association also addressed the issue of Dirree Dhawaa—the area that has become a symbol of Oromo resistance and a flashpoint of conflict. The Association’s declaration that Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are inseparable from the broader Oromo struggle serves as a reminder that these are not isolated issues—they are part of a continuous thread of resistance that stretches back over a century.
The Symbolism of Dirree Dhawaa
Dirree Dhawaa is more than just a piece of land—it is a symbol of Oromo resilience and a monument to the struggle for justice. It is the site where Oromo people have gathered to demand their rights, where they have faced brutal repression, and where they have continued to return in defiance of all efforts to silence them.
The Association’s statement linking Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa in the same breath is significant. It sends a clear message: the Oromo people will not accept piecemeal solutions. They will not accept partial recognition. They will not accept the suggestion that one part of their historical homeland can be compromised while another is defended.
Both Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are Oromo.
A Historical Challenge to the Ethiopian State
The Association’s statement is not just a declaration of grievance—it is a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Ethiopian state as it currently exists.
By raising the question “Whose Finfinne is it?” —and by insisting that Oromo people have the right to live on their own land with dignity, self-respect, and self-determination—the Association is questioning the foundational narrative upon which the Ethiopian state was built.
The Association’s demand is not for charity or concessions. It is for recognition of historical truth, for justice for past crimes, and for a future in which Oromo people are treated as equals in their own homeland.
The Path Forward: Recognition, Justice, and Peace
The Association’s statement concludes with a clear vision for what must happen:
The wounds of the past must be acknowledged. The atrocities committed against the Oromo people—from the Menelik era to the present—cannot be ignored or forgotten. They must be named, documented, and taught.
Justice must be pursued. Those who committed crimes against the Oromo people must be held accountable. This is not revenge—it is the foundation of lasting peace.
Oromo rights must be recognized. The Oromo people have the right to their land, their language, their culture, and their self-determination. This is not negotiable.
The national dialogue must be genuine. If the dialogue is to be meaningful, it must include a full and honest discussion of Finfinne, Dirree Dhawaa, and all the historical injustices suffered by the Oromo people.
Conclusion: The Struggle Continues
The statement of the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association is a powerful reminder that the struggle for Oromo justice is far from over. The wounds of the past remain open. The injustices of the present continue. And the future remains uncertain.
But one thing is clear: the Oromo people will not give up their land, their rights, or their dignity. They will continue to resist. They will continue to demand justice. And they will continue to remember the sacrifices of those who came before—from Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa to the thousands of unnamed Oromo who have given their lives for Finfinne and for Oromia.
As the Association stated:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land. This struggle has not ended—it continues. And it will continue until justice is done.”
Finfinne is Oromo.
Dirree Dhawaa is Oromo.
Oromia is Oromo.
The struggle continues.
For the memory of Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa, Qajeelaa Dooyyoo, Guraaraa Dooyyoo, Shubbuu Ejersoo, Aaxalee Jaatanii, and all the Oromo martyrs who gave their lives for the land.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Dirree Dhawaa haa jabaattu!
End.
The Unbroken Backbone: The Role of Oromo Women in the Struggle for Liberation
For decades, the story of the Oromo liberation struggle has been told as a chronicle of resistance against a sprawling empire. But within that narrative, there is a deeper, more powerful current—one that has flowed quietly yet inexorably beneath the surface. This is the story of Oromo women, who have not merely supported the movement, but have stood as its very backbone: its fighters, its strategists, its memory keepers, and its soul.
A Struggle on Three Fronts
The Oromo people have been engaged in a struggle for liberation since their colonization by the Abyssinian Empire, which evolved into modern-day Ethiopia. However, Oromo women face a unique and intersecting burden. They are not only fighting against what scholar Madeline Bass describes as the “settler colonial state rulers of Ethiopia” and “global anti-Blackness,” but they must also contend with “cisheteropatriarchy”—a struggle against patriarchal oppression that is uniquely Oromo in its application.
This triple oppression means that Oromo women have always had to fight for the liberation of their nation while simultaneously battling for their own dignity and rights within their own communities. As one source notes, “the Abyssinian system oppresses Oromo people, and women in particular.” The state of oppression is deep in general, but Oromo women face even greater difficulty.
Pillars of the Movement: From the Battlefield to the Ballot
Within the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF/ABO), Oromo women have served as “utubaa cimaa”—strong pillars—whose contributions have shaped every facet of the liberation movement. Their involvement has been both visible and behind-the-scenes.
· On the Battlefield: Many Oromo women have joined the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), the armed wing of the OLF, taking up arms to defend their people and land. Women like Aradoolaa Abdalla, who joined the OLA in 1985 and participated in ten major battles in western Oromia, rose through the ranks to become a platoon commander because of her bravery. Women have participated in every sector—military, medical, and communication—as combatants and supporters.
· In Political Organizing: Beyond the battlefield, Oromo women have been active in political movements for decades, serving as leaders, organizers, and advocates within the OLF and other nationalist groups. They have organized protests and worked tirelessly to inform other women of their rights.
The Unbreakable Spirit of Siinqee
One cannot speak of Oromo women’s resistance without understanding Siinqee. It is not merely a wooden stick; it is a profound cultural and spiritual institution. A Siinqee is a ritual stick given to an Oromo woman by her mother on her wedding day. Once a woman holds this stick, she commands respect from everyone in the community.
More than a symbol, Siinqee is a lived practice of mutual protection, a “covenant of resistance against all forms of oppression.” Women use the power of Siinqee to exercise their rights, control their own economy, and participate in solidarity activities. This tradition, which predates Western feminist thought, represents an Oromo philosophy of womanhood and solidarity that has been passed down through generations.
Martyrs and Heroes: The Price of Freedom
The contribution of Oromo women has come at a devastating cost. The liberation struggle has demanded sacrifices that extend far beyond the battlefield, imposing a heavy burden on the families left behind.
One of the most iconic figures in this struggle is Martha Kuwee Kumsa, an Oromo journalist and scholar whose story embodies the spirit of resistance. In 1980, during the Ethiopian Red Terror, she was arrested and detained without charges for nine years after writing an article that called for Oromo women to defy power structures and reclaim their cultural heritage. She was tortured and held until 1989, after which she escaped to Kenya and later Canada. Her activism is deeply rooted in Siinqee feminism—an Oromo philosophy that predates Western feminist thought and is a lived practice of mutual protection and solidarity. Today, she is a professor in Canada and continues to write and advocate on feminist and political issues.
Countless other women have paid the ultimate price—some were killed in battle, others were publicly executed. The story of Agarii Tulluu, who was hanged alongside her two brothers in a market, is just one of many tragic tales. The mothers, wives, and sisters of fallen fighters carry a grief that “does not fade from their minds,” enduring a wound that cannot be measured.
The Hiriira: A Modern Cry for Recognition
The struggle of Oromo women is not confined to the hills of Oromia; it has gone global. In September 2020, Oromo women marched through the streets of Berlin, Germany, in a protest march called a Hiriira—an Oromo word for a parade, demonstration, or queue. They were demanding recognition for their struggle.
This march was more than a protest; it was a powerful act of spatial and historical reckoning. It served as a case study into the entanglements between settler colonial Ethiopia, Germany’s post-empire, and the forces of oppression that link them. By marching through Berlin, Oromo women were mapping their liberation across borders, using a “Black and Blackened way of knowing space with a particularly Oromo perspective” known as geography guraacha. The women wore Oromo cultural garb, distinct to different regions of Oromia, turning the streets of a European capital into a living map of their homeland and their resistance.
Architects of a New Nation
The role of Oromo women extends beyond the struggle for liberation into the vision for what comes after. There is a growing consensus within the movement that the liberation of Oromia cannot be separated from the liberation of Oromo women. Any future Oromo state must be built with women’s full and equal participation from the ground up.
As one advocate powerfully stated, the aim is to ensure that Oromo women are “not just participants but architects of the next chapter.” From the battlefield to the political arena, from the cultural institution of Siinqee to the global stage of the Hiriira, Oromo women have proven that they are not waiting for liberation to be given to them—they are building it with their own hands, one courageous step at a time.
—
This feature article draws on academic research, historical accounts, and journalistic reports to highlight the indispensable role of Oromo women in their people’s long struggle for freedom and dignity.
Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo: The Pillars of Oromo Liberation and Their Global Reach
Honouring the Builders and Champions of the Oromo Struggle, and the Global Structure of the ABO
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In every liberation movement, there are those who carry the torch not for personal glory, but for the collective destiny of their people. They are the architects of consciousness, the builders of institutions, and the guardians of memory. They are Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo—the beloved pillars of the struggle—and Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions who have emerged from every corner of Oromia and the diaspora to advance the cause of Oromo liberation.
This is a tribute to them. And this is an exploration of the structure that unites them: the Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) —the Oromo Liberation Front—and its global reach across nations.
The Pillars: Who Are the Utubaa Qabsoo?
The term Utubaa Qabsoo—pillars of the struggle—is not a title given lightly. It is earned through sacrifice, through decades of commitment, and through an unwavering dedication to the Oromo people’s right to self-determination . These are the individuals who, in the darkest hours, refused to let the flame of liberation die.
One such pillar was Cawwaaqaa Yaaddessaa, a renowned Oromo singer and artist whose music became the soundtrack of the resistance. Through his songs, he chronicled the pain and the hope of the Oromo people, composing works that stirred the hearts of a generation . His compositions—such as “Eemmoo yaa guraale hoo dangashe”—became anthems of defiance, performed even when political gatherings were banned . He served as a pillar of the struggle through his art, demonstrating that cultural expression is a weapon of resistance as powerful as any gun .
Another pillar is Ustaaz Raayyaa Abbaa Maccaa, who transitioned from the armed struggle within the ABO to become a teacher of Islamic faith and a composer of spiritual songs (manzuumaa) that reinforced Oromo identity and resilience . He was part of the ABO in its early years, receiving military training at the 24th training camp in Harawaacaa, and fought in numerous battles . Even after being captured and imprisoned for a long time, he never abandoned the struggle; he continued to strengthen the Oromo people through his teachings and songs . His story is a testament to the fact that the pillars of the struggle exist not only on the battlefield but also in the realms of faith, culture, and education .
Baaroo Tumsaa stands as another foundational pillar. He is remembered as a key figure in building the Oromo movement in the 1970s, working to organize youth and establish the infrastructure that would eventually lead to the formal founding of the ABO . He played a crucial role in the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association and was instrumental in consolidating Oromo nationalism into a political force . His legacy is one of organization and vision, reminding us that liberation is built not just on passion but on structure.
The Champions: Jaallan Qabsoo and the Spirit of Resistance
Beyond the foundational pillars, there are the Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions of the struggle. These are the fighters, the activists, the community organizers, and the everyday people who have taken up the mantle of resistance in their own ways .
The Qeerroo youth movement is perhaps the most powerful contemporary embodiment of this spirit. In traditional Oromo culture, the term means “bachelor” or “youth,” but within the political movement, it symbolizes the Oromo struggle for increased political freedom and greater ethnic representation . The Qeerroo have emerged as a dynamic and fearless force, challenging the state and demanding justice .
The champions are also found in the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) —known in Oromo as Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBO) —the armed wing of the struggle . The OLA was formed in 1974 and has continued its armed resistance against successive Ethiopian regimes . Under the leadership of figures like Jaal Marroo (Kumsa Diriba), the OLA remains active in the Oromia Region, representing those who refused to disarm following the 2018 peace deal, skeptical of the government’s intentions .
The champions are also found in the diaspora—in Washington, D.C., Berlin, and other cities around the world, where the ABO maintains offices and radio stations that broadcast in Oromo and Amharic, keeping the spirit of resistance alive far from the homeland .
The ABO: Structure and Global Reach
The Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo (ABO) —or the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)—is the political organization that unites these pillars and champions. It was founded in 1973 with the goal of promoting self-determination and independence for the Oromo people . Its structure has evolved over the decades, but its core mission remains unchanged: the total liberation of Oromia from what it characterizes as Ethiopian colonialism .
The ABO’s structure extends far beyond the borders of Oromia and Ethiopia. It has a significant diaspora presence, with offices in Washington, D.C., and Berlin . These offices serve as hubs for organizing, advocacy, and communication . They also operate radio stations that broadcast in both Amharic and Oromo, ensuring that the organization’s message reaches Oromo communities worldwide .
This global reach is critical. The ABO’s international structure allows it to advocate for the Oromo cause on the world stage, to build solidarity with other movements, and to sustain the struggle even when political space is closed inside Ethiopia . In a November 2025 position statement, the OLF declared that “the current regime has deliberately closed the political arena and obstructed the lawful activities of the Oromo Liberation Front” . In the face of such obstacles, the diaspora structure becomes even more vital as a space for organizing and resistance.
The Legacy of the Western Front: A Day of Sacrifice
The pillars and champions of the ABO are not abstract figures. They are real people who have paid the ultimate price for their commitment. The Western Front of the armed struggle serves as a powerful reminder of this sacrifice.
On April 15, 1980, the ABO appointed a new chairman in Shinnigga, marking a strategic decision to expand the armed struggle into the Western Front . The organization sent 17 commanders to ignite the resistance in the West. Their names—Daawud Ibsaa, Abbaa Caalaa Lataa, Jaal Tottoobaa Waaqwayyaa, and others—are etched in Oromo memory .
Tragically, these commanders were betrayed and poisoned by collaborators of the Derg regime in December 1981. Their deaths were a devastating blow to the movement . But their memory did not die. In 1985, the ABO leadership formally designated April 15 as Oromo Martyrs’ Day—a day to commemorate all those who have fallen in the struggle for Oromo liberation .
Today, April 15 is observed in the forests of Oromia and in diaspora communities around the world. It is a day of remembrance, of reflection, and of renewed commitment to the cause for which these pillars and champions gave their lives .
Unity, Truth, and the Path Forward
The struggle of the ABO has always been a struggle of self-reliance and truth. As senior ABO leader Jaal Abdii Raggaasaa emphasized in a recent consultative meeting with members: “If we are people of truth, our people will never abandon us under any circumstances. But if we are people of falsehood, even if we hold something, we will lose it” .
The leadership has also stressed that the work of building Oromia extends beyond Ethiopia’s borders . It is a task that belongs to Oromo people everywhere—in the villages of Oromia, in the refugee camps of Kenya, in the community centers of Europe and North America, and in the offices of the ABO in Washington and Berlin .
The unity of these diverse actors—the pillars, the champions, the diaspora, and the grassroots organizers—is the foundation of the Oromo liberation struggle. As another official, Jaal Yaasoo Kabbabaa Hordofa, declared: “OLF is the center of Oromo peace” . The organization calls on all Oromos to strengthen their resolve, to seize the opportunities that arise—such as the upcoming 7th round elections—and to never retreat into silence .
Conclusion: A Living Legacy
The story of the Oromo liberation struggle is not a history lesson; it is a living, breathing movement. It is embodied in the songs of Cawwaaqaa Yaaddessaa, the teachings of Ustaaz Raayyaa Abbaa Maccaa, the organizing of Baaroo Tumsaa, the sacrifice of the 17 commanders of the Western Front, and the tireless work of the ABO’s global network .
Jaallan Utubaa Qabsoo—the beloved pillars—have built the foundation. Jaallan Qabsoo—the beloved champions—continue to build upon it. And the ABO—in its structure, its global reach, and its unwavering commitment to the Oromo people—remains the vessel through which this struggle will achieve its destiny.
ABO haa waaru!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
This feature article is dedicated to all the pillars and champions of the Oromo liberation struggle—past, present, and future.
The Tenth Anniversary of the Grand Oromo Rally: A Defining Moment in the Struggle for Justice
Remembering August 6, 2016, and Its Enduring Legacy for Unity, Identity, and Transformation
By Daandii Ragabaa
When a people understand their history correctly, they are able to learn from past mistakes, draw strength from previous achievements, and chart a clearer course for the future. History is not merely a record of what has passed—it is a compass for what lies ahead. It is a teacher, a witness, and a foundation upon which the dreams of generations are built.
For this reason, the commemoration of the Grand Oromo Rally of August 6, 2016, occupies a significant and sacred place in the history of the Oromo struggle. It is not simply a date on a calendar. It is a milestone, a turning point, and a testament to the power of collective action. As the tenth anniversary approaches, it is time to reflect deeply on what that day meant, what it achieved, and what it continues to teach us today.
A Day That Shook the Nation
The Grand Oromo Rally of August 2016 was not a spontaneous outburst of anger. It was the culmination of years of sustained public mobilization—a peaceful yet powerful resistance against decades of systemic oppression, marginalization, and denial of basic rights. It was one of the largest and most widely recognized demonstrations ever organized across Oromia, drawing participation from every corner of the region.
What made this rally extraordinary was its sheer scale and simultaneity. On that day, Oromo people from all walks of life—young and old, men and women, urban and rural, educated and uneducated—rose together as one. They filled the streets not with weapons, but with voices. They carried not arms, but banners of justice. They demanded not revenge, but recognition.
The world watched. International media covered the events. Global human rights organizations took notice. The Oromo people, long silenced and ignored, had made their voices heard in a way that could no longer be dismissed. The rally became one of the most significant events to attract international attention to the Oromo cause.
More Than a Protest: A Turning Point in History
Although different perspectives exist regarding its causes, results, processes, and consequences, the Grand Oromo Rally is widely regarded as a defining event in both the political history of the Oromo movement and the modern political history of Ethiopia.
It was a moment when the Oromo people declared, with unmistakable clarity, that they would no longer accept invisibility. They would no longer accept the theft of their land. They would no longer accept the denial of their language, culture, and identity. They would no longer accept a political system that treated them as second-class citizens in their own homeland.
The events of that day laid an important foundation for the political changes that unfolded in 2018. The rally was a catalyst—a spark that ignited a broader movement for reform across the country. It demonstrated that when a people are united and determined, even the most entrenched systems of power can be challenged. It showed that peaceful resistance, when organized and sustained, can produce real change.
The Tenth Anniversary: More Than Remembrance
The tenth anniversary of the Grand Oromo Rally is more than a remembrance of a historical event. It is an opportunity—a vital and necessary opportunity—to learn from history, to recognize that today’s achievements were not attained easily, and to appreciate the value of unity and collective strength.
This commemoration serves multiple purposes:
First, it reinforces social cohesion. When a people gather to remember a shared struggle, they affirm their bonds to one another. They recognize that they are part of something larger than themselves.
Second, it educates younger generations. Many of those who will mark this anniversary were too young to participate in the events of 2016—or were not yet born. They must learn what happened, why it happened, and what it means for their future. The history of the Oromo struggle must not be forgotten, distorted, or erased.
Third, it creates space for constructive dialogue. Commemorations should not be occasions for division or recrimination. They should be opportunities for thoughtful discussion about addressing present and future challenges, for examining both achievements and shortcomings, and for building a peaceful, inclusive, and prosperous future.
The Power of Collective Participation
One of the defining characteristics of the Grand Oromo Rally was the remarkable level of collective public participation in confronting oppression. Regardless of age, gender, social status, or place of residence, Oromo people united at the same moment and participated in the historic protest with determination, shared purpose, and a strong sense of solidarity.
The enduring lesson from that experience is clear: unity is our greatest strength.
Standing together around common goals and shared interests, strengthening collective unity, building public trust, and fostering strong social bonds are essential for overcoming complex challenges. The rally taught us that dialogue and coordination play indispensable roles in achieving change.
However, sustaining unity requires effort. It requires respecting differences of opinion. It requires listening to one another. It requires maintaining continuous dialogue. Unity does not mean everyone must hold identical views. True unity means respecting differing opinions while working together toward common objectives. It means recognizing that agreement on common goals can coexist with different views regarding the methods of achieving them.
Lessons for the Present and Future
Political and social circumstances inevitably change over time. What worked yesterday may not work tomorrow. The challenges of today are not identical to those of 2016. Yet the lessons of that historic rally remain as relevant as ever.
Remembering our history helps us to avoid repeating past mistakes while preserving and building upon our strengths. It reminds us that:
- Difficult challenges are most effectively resolved through dialogue and mutual understanding.
- Agreement on common objectives can coexist with different views on methods.
- Differences of opinion should never be mistaken for hostility.
- Current generations must study the past through evidence-based research and objective historical inquiry.
The tenth anniversary is not an invitation to dwell in the past but to draw wisdom from it. It is a chance to critically examine both achievements and shortcomings, and to engage in thoughtful discussions about building a peaceful, inclusive, politically stable, and socially prosperous future.
Strengthening Identity and Social Solidarity
By remembering historic events such as the Grand Oromo Rally, the Oromo people strengthen both their collective identity and their social solidarity. Such remembrance plays a vital role in:
- Learning from history
- Honouring those who made sacrifices
- Preventing the repetition of past mistakes
- Passing historical knowledge to future generations
These commemorations should be inclusive of people with diverse viewpoints. They should promote mutual respect, reconciliation, and lasting peace within society. Although we may hold different political perspectives, sharing a common historical experience reminds us that unity remains essential both today and in addressing our common challenges in the future.
To sustain this spirit, it is important to continue commemorating collective events such as the Grand Rally every year. Annual commemoration ensures that the memory remains alive, that the lessons remain fresh, and that the unity forged in struggle remains strong.
A Call to Remember, Reflect, and Renew
As we approach the tenth anniversary of August 6, 2016, let us remember what that day meant. Let us honour those who stood firm in the face of oppression. Let us recognize the sacrifices that were made—the lives lost, the freedoms curtailed, the dreams deferred. Let us also celebrate what was achieved: a renewed sense of identity, a strengthened movement for justice, and a foundation for the political transformation that followed.
The commemoration of the Grand Oromo Rally should not merely be an occasion to remember the event. It should be an opportunity to draw lessons that strengthen unity, mutual trust, respect, and dialogue in order to address today’s and tomorrow’s challenges through peaceful means.
Above all, the greatest lesson it offers is the importance of working together toward shared goals and common interests, respecting differences of opinion, and learning from history to build a better future for all.
Conclusion: A Legacy for Generations
The Grand Oromo Rally of August 6, 2016, stands as one of the most remarkable demonstrations of broad-based Oromo public participation in history. It is remembered as an important foundation for the political transformation that followed in 2018. Its tenth anniversary is not just a date to mark on the calendar—it is a moment to reflect, to renew, and to recommit.
Therefore, commemorating the Grand Oromo Rally annually plays a vital role in strengthening Oromo identity, social cohesion, and unity while ensuring that an accurate understanding of history is passed on to future generations. It is through such remembrance that we honour the past, navigate the present, and build a future worthy of the sacrifices made.
The memory of August 6, 2016, lives on.
The spirit of unity endures.
The struggle for justice continues.
Oromo Qeerroo Union—forever united!
Gamtaa Qeerroo Oromoo—the strength of the people!
#Silencing_the_Gun_Among_Brothers
#Oromo_Qeerroo_Union
#Gamtaa_Qeerroo_Oromoo
August 6, 2026
Beyond the Direct Translation: Asebe Regassa’s Reflection on the True Meaning of Gabrummaa
By Maatii Sabaa
—
In the wake of a recent interview with Biqilaa Amanuu, a storm of interpretation has swept through Oromo intellectual circles. The subject? A word that carries the weight of centuries: gabrummaa.
To the casual observer, the translation seems straightforward. “Slavery.” “Enslavement.” A direct, uncomplicated rendering into English that fits neatly into Western frameworks of oppression. But as Asebe Regassa provocatively argues, this superficial translation does profound violence to the concept’s true meaning—and, more critically, misdirects our understanding of what the Oromo struggle has always been about.
The Misinterpretation That Misses the Mark
Following the interview, many commentators rushed to frame the discussion within a familiar narrative: Oromos were sold as slaves under Menelik’s system. They wrote it boldly, confidently, reducing a complex historical reality to a single, devastating equation. And while the historical record does indeed document the exploitation of Oromo peoples during that period, Regassa insists that this framing fundamentally misunderstands both the nature of the system and the nature of the resistance.
“The history is true,” Regassa acknowledges, “but the struggle against gabrummaa and the system of gabrummaa is not that.”
What Regassa identifies is a dangerous reductionism—the tendency of both scholars and activists to reach for the most emotionally resonant translation without interrogating whether that translation captures the full scope of what gabrummaa actually represents. The result, as he notes, has been confusion and controversy among those who engaged with the interview.
Unpacking the Concept: More Than Chains and Whips
So what does gabrummaa truly mean?
Regassa is unequivocal: “Gabrummaa does not mean enslavement/slavery. Enslavement is only a rough and direct translation.”
Instead, gabrummaa encompasses something far more systematic and insidious—”subjugation, servitude, and being kept under the yoke of oppression.” This is not merely a semantic distinction. It is a fundamental reorientation of how we understand both historical injustice and contemporary struggle.
Slavery implies a particular legal and social status—the ownership of one human being by another. It conjures images of chains, auctions, and plantations. But gabrummaa speaks to an entire architecture of domination: political, economic, cultural, and psychological. It is a system designed not merely to exploit but to subjugate, to render entire peoples subordinate through structures that penetrate every aspect of existence.
The General’s Vision: Dismantling the System
General Waaqoo Guutuu’s powerful declaration illuminates this distinction: “Gabrummaa iddaan buqqifna yoo dadhabne ilmaan itti guddifna”—”We shall dismantle gabrummaa at its place; if we fail, we shall raise our children upon it.”
When Regassa interprets this statement, he insists: the General was not speaking of ending slavery in the narrow sense. He was speaking of dismantling an oppressive system—a comprehensive project that requires nothing less than decolonizing the entire structure of power to emancipate the people from such subjugation.
This is a revolutionary vision, not a reformist one. It recognizes that gabrummaa is not a historical aberration or a set of discrete injustices that can be addressed piecemeal. It is a total system that demands total transformation. To merely end chattel slavery while leaving the underlying structures of subjugation intact would be to mistake the symptom for the disease.
The Intellectual Burden
Regassa’s reflection carries a pointed challenge for those who study Oromo history and society: “Warri ogbarruu Oromoo qorattanimmoo yaada itti kennaa, ulfaadhaa!”—”For those who study Oromo affairs, pay attention to this: it is weighty!”
The weight he speaks of is both intellectual and ethical. It is the burden of getting it right—of refusing the easy translation that flattens complexity, of resisting the temptation to map Oromo experience onto Western categories of oppression that may not fully apply. It is the responsibility of scholars and commentators to engage with the full richness of Oromo concepts rather than reducing them to the most convenient English equivalent.
This is not academic navel-gazing. The distinction between slavery and subjugation has real-world implications for how movements organize, how demands are articulated, and how the ultimate goals of liberation are conceived. A movement that aims only to end slavery might fight for legal reforms. A movement that aims to dismantle gabrummaa must fight to transform everything.
A Call for Deeper Engagement
Regassa’s intervention is ultimately a call for deeper engagement—with language, with history, and with the lived experience of Oromo people across generations. It is a reminder that the most powerful concepts resist easy translation, that the struggle for liberation is not served by reaching for the most familiar vocabulary but by insisting on the specificity and integrity of Oromo thought.
The controversy sparked by the interview was, in Regassa’s analysis, born of this very failure—the attempt by both interviewer and subject to explain gabrummaa through its most superficial rendering, generating confusion among audiences who deserved better.
As Oromo intellectual traditions continue to develop and engage with global conversations about justice, liberation, and decolonization, Regassa’s reflection stands as a crucial reminder: the words we use matter. The translations we choose shape the struggles we imagine. And the most profound acts of resistance may begin not with protests or declarations, but with the patient, painstaking work of getting the meaning right.
Gabrummaa is not slavery. It is something more fundamental, more encompassing, and more challenging to uproot. And recognizing that distinction may be the first step toward the genuine emancipation that General Waaqoo Guutuu envisioned—the dismantling of the entire oppressive system, at its very place.
—
This article draws from Asebe Regassa’s reflections on the meaning of gabrummaa and its implications for Oromo historical understanding and contemporary struggle.
“A Warning from the Grave”: Dr. Negasso Gidada’s 2014 Prophecy on the Addis Ababa Master Plan – and Why It Was Ignored
As Ethiopia reels from the aftermath of the 2014 Oromo protests, a newly surfaced document reveals that one of the Constitution’s architects had foreseen the catastrophe – and offered a roadmap to avoid it. His advice went unheeded.
By Our Staff Reporter
In May 2014, just weeks after violent protests erupted across Oromia over the “10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan,” Dr. Negasso Gidada – a key intellectual and co-architect of Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution – sat down to write a sobering analysis. He titled it: “A Tragic Consequence of the ‘10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan’: A Warning for the Future.”
The document, now circulating widely, reads like a dispatch from a man who saw the storm coming. In it, Dr. Negasso dissects the historical grievances, constitutional failures, and political miscalculations that ignited the unrest – and warns that if the root causes were not addressed, the federal system itself could unravel.
Nearly a decade later, his words carry a haunting resonance. The protests that began in Adaamaa University on April 29, 2014, spread to dozens of towns, leaving dozens dead, property destroyed, and ethnic tensions inflamed. The government’s response – a mix of repression and belated appeasement – did little to quell the anger. And, as Dr. Negasso predicted, the underlying issues remain unresolved.
A City Built on Conquest, a Constitution Unfulfilled
Dr. Negasso begins by grounding the crisis in history. Addis Ababa, founded in 1887 by Emperor Menelik and Empress Taitu around the hot spring of Finfinnee, was established on land that belonged to the Oromo of Shawa. He cites British envoy Harris, who in 1844 witnessed King Sahle Sellasie’s forces – armed with European guns – “destroy the Oromo life and resources,” burning homes, capturing women, and slaughtering men. The Oromo of Gulalle, he notes, still remember leaders like Tufa Mona and Birraatuu Goolee who died in those wars.
This historical memory, he argues, is not ancient grievance – it is living pain. And it has been compounded by three modern failures:
1. The Constitution of 1995, which promised Oromia a “special interest” in Addis Ababa (Article 49/5) but never defined it in law.
2. The 2003/2004 decision to move Oromia’s capital to Adaamaa, which sparked student protests and led to mass expulsions and imprisonments.
3. The broken promises of 2005, when OPDO, after losing the election, re-declared Finfinnee as the capital and vowed to build Oromo cultural centres and language schools in the city’s ten districts – none of which materialised.
“Nine years have passed,” Dr. Negasso wrote, “and nothing from the decisions and promises were implemented.”
The Master Plan: A Spark on Dry Tinder
When the “Integrated Master Plan” – which proposed integrating surrounding Oromo towns into Addis Ababa – was publicly announced in March 2014, it struck at this accumulated trauma. The plan was presented as a development initiative, but for Oromo farmers on the city’s fringes, it meant eviction. For Oromo intellectuals, it meant the erasure of their territorial rights. For the youth, it was the final straw.
“Here lies the root cause of the current incident and the tragic consequence,” Dr. Negasso wrote.
The protests were swift and fierce. They began at Adaamaa University, then spread to Haroo Maayaa, Dire Dawa, Bale, Guji, and beyond. By the time Dr. Negasso penned his note, the death toll was mounting – two students killed in a TV room explosion at Haroo Maayaa, others thrown into rivers, and reports of mutilation and ethnic violence. Security forces responded with live fire, and the government issued statements defending the plan while blaming “outside forces.”
A Constitutional Crisis in Plain Sight
Dr. Negasso’s most incisive contribution is his legal analysis. He walks through the Constitution article by article, showing how both the ruling party and nationalist forces were undermining it.
He quotes Article 49/5: “The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa… shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.” That law, he notes, has never been enacted.
He cites Article 40/4, which guarantees peasants the right to land and protection from eviction – a right routinely violated in the suburbs of Addis.
And he warns that if the Constitution is not respected, the federal system could collapse into ethnic conflict. “The end result could also mean the disintegration of Ethiopia which no one of us wants to see.”
What He Prescribed – and What Was Ignored
Dr. Negasso did not merely diagnose; he offered a cure. His recommendations were clear:
· Apologise for the failures: the unfulfilled constitutional provision, the broken promises, the violence by security forces.
· Investigate human rights violations by both state and individual actors, and bring perpetrators to justice.
· Immediately implement Article 49/5 – define Oromia’s special interest, demarcate the boundary, and affirm the jurisdiction of surrounding towns.
· Stop hate propaganda from both “Ethiopianist” and “Oromummaa” camps.
· Launch a national dialogue on the Constitution, the national question, land policy, federalism, and the role of the media.
“We can only try to mend the damage by taking corrective measures based on what we have learnt from the mistakes done,” he wrote.
The Unheeded Warning
Dr. Negasso concluded his note with a plea: “If we want to live together and save our people and country, we should either respect the Constitution as it is or create a situation in which it could be amended and ratified by the people through a referendum.”
The TPLF-led government did neither. The master plan was shelved – but the underlying issues were never resolved. The protests of 2014 would echo in the 2015 elections, and again in the 2016–2018 Oromo uprisings that ultimately reshaped the country’s political landscape.
Dr. Negasso Gidada passed away in 2019. But his note from May 2014 remains a haunting artifact – a warning written in ink, delivered from the grave, and largely ignored by those who had the power to act.
Today, as Ethiopia navigates yet another national dialogue, his words serve as a stark reminder: tragedy is not inevitable, but it is the price of constitutional neglect.
—
This feature is based on Dr. Negasso Gidada’s unpublished note dated May 2014, titled “A Tragic Consequence of the ‘10th Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan’: A Warning for the Future.”
Bonnie Holcomb: The Mother of Oromo Studies
A lifetime of scholarship, sacrifice, and service in the pursuit of Oromo dignity and truth
MINNEAPOLIS, MINNESOTA — For forty years, one name has stood at the centre of Oromo scholarship, guiding the field from its exiled beginnings to global academic recognition. Bonnie Holcomb, co-founder of the Oromo Studies Association (OSA) and Editor-in-Chief of its Journal, has dedicated her life to ensuring that Oromo history, culture, and identity are studied on their own terms.
This year, as the OSA marks its 40th anniversary , the community celebrates not just an organisation, but the extraordinary vision and persistence of one woman—affectionately known as “The Mother of OSA” . In recognition of her lifetime service, a portrait of Holcomb was commissioned from a 15-year-old artist, Qabbanne, reflecting the intergenerational impact of her work .
The Founding of a Movement
The year was 1986 . In exile, scattered across meeting rooms in the diaspora, a small group of Oromo and non-Oromo scholars gathered with a radical idea: to build an independent academic home for the study of a people whose history, culture, and very existence had been systematically erased from mainstream scholarship . They would create a space where knowledge about the Oromo could be produced not by outsiders, but on its own terms .
Bonnie Holcomb was among them.
The OSA was born in direct response to a brutal crackdown—a void in which Oromo heritage was not merely absent from academia and state narratives, but actively suppressed . Those campaigning for greater recognition of the Oromo people were being murdered, tortured, jailed, or driven into exile . The founding of the OSA was an act of intellectual resistance: a refusal to accept erasure and a determination to tell stories that had been silenced .
The Invention of Ethiopia and Other Landmarks
In 1990, Holcomb, alongside fellow founder Sisai Ibssa, co-authored The Invention of Ethiopia: The Making of a Dependent Colonial State in North Africa . The book was a landmark work, offering a radical critique of how Ethiopian history had been represented and exposing a broader set of readers to Oromo history and ethnicity in the Horn of Africa . At its heart was a concern with inequality and a fundamental challenge to dominant state narratives .
The 1990s marked a productive period for Oromo studies, with diaspora intellectuals becoming key actors in the field . The Journal of Oromo Studies (JOS), launched in 1993, grew into the premier peer-reviewed publication for interdisciplinary scholarship on the Oromo people .
A Long and Difficult Road
Holcomb has described the journey as “a long and sometimes a difficult road to reveal evidence and build knowledge which shift the narrative in the region and globally” . This is not hyperbole. For decades, Oromo scholarship faced suppression, neglect, and active hostility. The OSA and its Journal have been more than academic endeavours; they have been an act of intellectual resistance—a refusal to accept the erasure of a people’s history and a determination to tell stories that had been silenced .
Despite these obstacles, the OSA has grown into a global scholarly community spanning continents and disciplines . In a landmark achievement, the Journal of Oromo Studies was recently indexed in Scopus, the gold standard of academic databases—placing it alongside publications from Springer, Elsevier, and Cambridge University Press . Holcomb’s message to contributors and advisors on this achievement reflected both pride and humility: “This publication, and the indexing in Scopus, are notable achievements, all. We have come a long way together” .
The Mother of OSA
The affectionate title “The Mother of OSA” is a testament to Holcomb’s foundational role and her ongoing commitment to the community . She has served as a Board Director and co-chair of the organising team for the 2026 annual conference, continuing to guide the organisation she helped build . Her work has been recognised with an OSA lifetime achievement award .
The theme for the 2026 conference, “Oromo on the Global Landscape: Honoring Asmarom Legesse as OSA Turns 40” , honours another visionary scholar whose work shaped Oromo studies . Asmarom Legesse, author of the landmark Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society (1973), passed away in early 2026 . The conference will take place from July 31 to August 2, 2026, in Minneapolis .
Passing the Torch
In a touching tribute to Holcomb’s legacy, a portrait of her was commissioned from a 15-year-old artist, Qabbanne . This act is itself symbolic: it reflects the intergenerational impact of Holcomb’s work and the future she has invested in. As the OSA enters its fifth decade, the question is whether the next generation will carry the torch forward . Holcomb’s message to the community is also a call to action:
“Please remember that it is the Oromo Studies Association that has conceived, designed, hosted, nurtured, upheld and published the research and scholarship represented in JOS. I urge you all to continue to support OSA, and by extension, its Journal, with donations, membership in OSA and engagement as well as submissions” .
Conclusion
Four decades ago, a small group of exiled scholars dared to imagine a world in which Oromo knowledge was recognised as a contribution to the full breadth of human civilization . Today, that vision is reality . Bonnie Holcomb has been central to that journey. Her legacy is not just the Journal, the conferences, or the Scopus indexing—it is the community of scholars, activists, and artists who continue the work.
As Holcomb wrote, with a warmth that reflects decades of dedication: “Congratulations, one and all” .
The celebration is earned. The legacy is enduring. And the future—if the community continues to support it—is bright.
“Bonnie Holcomb is more than a scholar; she is the architect of a field and the mother of a movement.”
The Gumaa Reconciliation Process
Gumaa is a sophisticated indigenous institution for resolving blood feuds, aiming to restore social harmony and reintegrate an offender back into the community. The process follows several key stages:
1. Collective Responsibility: The killer’s entire lineage is held corporately liable for the act. The group, not just the individual, is responsible for compensation and initiating the purification ritual. The goal is to restore social ties, not just punish an individual.
2. Negotiation & Compensation: Elders from both sides negotiate a “blood price” (gumaa), traditionally paid in cattle. The amount is determined by the nature of the offense (intentional vs. unintentional) and the severity of the injury, but does not vary based on the age or sex of the victim.
3. The Purification Ritual: This highly symbolic ceremony serves to cleanse the offender and the community.
· Preparation: The offender arrives with face covered, wearing the clothes from the day of the murder, symbolizing their unclean state.
· The Sacrifice: A lamb is sacrificed. The parties stand facing each other, signifying readiness to forgive and be forgiven.
· Symbolic Acts: Elders guide the parties to place their hands inside the sacrificed animal’s stomach to shake hands, symbolizing the “washing away” of the sin. The offender’s face is then uncovered, old clothes are removed, and new ones are put on, marking full reintegration.
4. Covenant & Reintegration: The process often concludes with a waadaa (covenant). The ritual concludes with a shared meal, publicly signifying the end of the feud and the offender’s full return to the community.
—
The Irreecha Thanksgiving Festival
Irreecha is a vibrant bi-annual festival of thanksgiving, renewal, and unity, deeply rooted in the Oromo worldview.
· Timing and Types: It is celebrated twice a year:
· Irreecha Malkaa: Celebrated in September/October at lakesides or rivers to thank Waaqa for the end of the rainy season and the coming harvest.
· Irreecha Tulluu: Celebrated in Spring (around March) on hilltops to pray for rain and blessings for the upcoming planting season.
· Key Rituals and Symbols:
· Fresh Grass and Flowers: Participants carry freshly cut green grass and flowers to the sacred site, symbolizing fertility, life, and renewal.
· Water: Rituals are performed near bodies of water considered holy and pure. The grass is dipped in the water, and participants may sprinkle themselves with it as a blessing.
· Prayers and Songs: The festival features communal prayers, songs, and dances led by Qaalluu elders or Abba Gadaa leaders. It is a time to thank Waaqa for blessings and ask for peace (nagaa) and prosperity for the year ahead.
· Prohibitions: Participants are forbidden from attending with resentment or hatred in their hearts.
· Social and Cultural Significance: Beyond its religious roots, Irreecha is a powerful symbol of Oromo identity, unity, and cultural pride. It fosters social bonds and reinforces collective identity. While rooted in Waaqeffannaa, it is now celebrated by many Oromo people regardless of their religion.
The Role of Waaqeffannaa in Peacemaking
Waaqeffannaa, the indigenous monotheistic religion of the Oromo people, plays a profound and multifaceted role in peacemaking that is deeply embedded in its theology, rituals, and social institutions. Its approach to peace is not merely the absence of conflict but a state of holistic harmony with Waaqa (God), fellow humans, and the natural environment.
Theological Foundation: Peace as a Divine Mandate
Peace (nagaa) is a core spiritual value in Waaqeffannaa. Waaqa is believed to be peace itself, and human beings are expected to be peacemakers who do not disturb this divine order. This is embedded in daily life, from the common greeting “Nagaa dha?” (Are you at peace?) to prayers like “Nagaan nu oolchi” (Lead us in peace).
Key Peacemaking Principles: Gumaa and Waadaa
Two central traditional mechanisms for conflict resolution are Gumaa and Waadaa:
· Gumaa: A ritual process of reconciliation, particularly for serious offenses like bloodshed, intended to restore broken relationships and bring peace.
· Waadaa: A covenant or oath that establishes a binding agreement between parties to maintain peace.
Rituals, Festivals, and Community Practices
Peacemaking is reinforced through collective rituals:
· Irreecha: The annual thanksgiving festival where thousands gather to thank Waaqa and publicly preach peace and unity. A central chant is “Nagaa, nagaa!” (Peace, peace!), affirming the community’s collective desire for balance.
· Dhibaayyuu: A thanksgiving ritual that plays a pivotal role in inter-community peacebuilding and sustaining social solidarity.
Institutional Mechanisms: The Gadaa System and Qaalluu Leaders
Waaqeffannaa is closely linked to the Gadaa system, a traditional Oromo governance structure that serves as a viable conflict resolution and peace-building mechanism. Within this system, Qaalluu leaders, as custodians of the faith, often act as mediators, using traditional reconciliation methods to resolve disputes.
Contemporary Relevance and Challenges
While its values align with modern peacebuilding, Waaqeffannaa faces challenges in modern Ethiopia, including historical marginalization and limited freedoms for its adherents. Despite this, its principles offer a powerful, locally-grounded framework for building lasting peace from the community level upward.
In essence, Waaqeffannaa provides a comprehensive blueprint for peace, integrating spiritual belief with practical action to foster reconciliation and social harmony.
The Two Humiliations of TPLF: A Reflection on Power, Pride, and the Oromo Awakening
In the shifting sands of Ethiopian politics, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front has suffered wounds that time has not healed—and the Oromo people remain the central characters in this unfolding drama
In the annals of Ethiopian political history, few organizations have risen as high or fallen as dramatically as the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). For nearly three decades, it dominated the political landscape of the Ethiopian Empire, ruling with an iron fist while projecting an image of revolutionary legitimacy. Yet today, the TPLF finds itself nursing wounds that history will not allow it to forget—wounds inflicted not by foreign enemies but by the very people it sought to subjugate.
The reflection of Abba Ebba offers a searing analysis of what he calls the “two humiliations” of the TPLF—humiliations that, in his view, are inextricably linked to the Oromo people and their awakening. These are not merely military defeats but moral and political reckonings that the TPLF has been unable to accept or process.
The First Humiliation: The Fall of Mekelle
“For 27 years, like the saying ‘the hare’s skin cannot cover the elephant,’ the TPLF tried to stretch its hide over an empire too vast for its frame. In the final hour, it was the sons and daughters of Oromo—the Qeerroo and Qarree—who stood before tanks with empty hands and brought down the regime. They made the TPLF retreat to Mekelle, dragging its ill-gotten wealth behind it. This is the first humiliation that remains unhealed to this day.”
The 2018 Oromo protests were not merely a political uprising—they were a seismic shift in the Ethiopian political landscape. The Oromo youth, known as the Qeerroo and Qarree, rose in a wave of popular resistance that the TPLF could not contain. The protests were decentralized, leaderless, and yet remarkably unified in their demands for justice, equality, and an end to the TPLF’s domination .
The TPLF, which had ruled Ethiopia for 27 years, was forced to abandon power and retreat to its northern stronghold of Mekelle. This was not a defeat by a rival military force but a collapse in the face of unarmed civilian resistance. The humiliation was profound and, according to Abba Ebba, has never been truly accepted by the TPLF leadership.
“The TPLF was defeated by the popular wave that ignited from one end of Oromia to the other—a wave that was part of the Oromo liberation struggle. This is an undeniable truth. The Oromo is an elephant; when it tramples, it crushes. The TPLF was forced to swallow this reality, whether it liked it or not.”
The Second Humiliation: The Retreat to Mekelle
The second humiliation followed the first. After initially retreating to Mekelle, the TPLF sought to reassert its influence on the national stage. It formed alliances with various forces—including some within the Amhara political spectrum—and attempted to challenge the Prosperity Party government.
However, this effort ended in another defeat. The TPLF was forced to retreat once again to Mekelle, leaving behind its ambitions and its allies, having consumed itself in the fires it had ignited. This second retreat, Abba Ebba argues, is the other humiliation that remains raw and unprocessed .
“When the TPLF was about to return to Addis Ababa, it found itself burned by the fire it had started. It was forced to retreat to Mekelle—another humiliation that has not faded.”
The Unlearned Lesson
Despite these humiliations, the TPLF has not learned its lesson. Instead, it continues to prepare for a new war, this time under the cover of the Prosperity Party government’s own challenges. After four years of uninterrupted military preparation, the TPLF is once again positioning itself for conflict .
Abba Ebba warns that this preparation is driven by a desire for revenge—a desire to settle scores with the Oromo people who, in the TPLF’s view, are responsible for its humiliations. “Under the cover of the Prosperity Party government, the TPLF is seeking to take revenge on our people for its past humiliations.”
The Unnecessary Price
Abba Ebba poses a pointed question: why must the Oromo people pay the price for the TPLF’s ambitions? Why must Oromia become a battlefield for conflicts that are not of its making?
“The TPLF did not need to travel 600 kilometres into the heart of the country, into the breadbasket of Ethiopia—Oromia. It could have declared Eritrea-style independence when the Derg fell, and it could do so today. All it needs is to settle its accounts and secure the consent of its people.”
The TPLF’s refusal to accept defeat has left the Oromo people caught between multiple threats. On one hand, there is the TPLF’s continued military preparations and its desire for revenge. On the other, there are forces like Fano and other armed groups that have also targeted Oromo communities.
The Oromo Elite’s Responsibility
Abba Ebba also points a finger at the Oromo elite, accusing them of failing to fulfill their responsibilities. The Oromo people, who have paid the heaviest price in the struggle against the Ethiopian Empire, now face a dual threat: the TPLF’s revanchism and the Oromo elite’s failure to protect the gains of the struggle.
“The Oromo elite has failed to protect the historic victory achieved by the Oromo popular struggle. It has also failed to protect the constitutional right to self-determination—the right to democracy, justice, and self-rule—from being undermined.”
This failure, Abba Ebba argues, has allowed the Oromo people to be marginalized and treated with suspicion by their neighbours. The Oromo elite’s failure to step up has left the people vulnerable to manipulation and exclusion.
A Call to Vigilance
Abba Ebba concludes with a call to the Oromo people:
“Our people must prepare themselves for the danger of the approaching war and actively monitor the situation. The war that is being prepared—whether by TPLF or by the Fano forces—poses a threat to the next generation of Oromo. Decisive action must be taken to find a lasting solution.”
He insists that Oromia must not become a doormat for the ambitions of others. “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
A Historical Warning
The reflection of Abba Ebba is not merely a commentary on contemporary politics—it is a historical warning. It reminds the Oromo people that the TPLF, despite its humiliations, has not abandoned its ambitions. The two humiliations remain unhealed, and the TPLF continues to seek revenge.
But the reflection also carries a message of hope and resolve. The Oromo people, having risen once, can rise again. The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
Conclusion
The two humiliations of the TPLF are more than military or political defeats—they are symbolic wounds that the organization has not been able to accept. The TPLF’s refusal to learn from its past has left the Oromo people facing a renewed threat. But the Oromo people, having already demonstrated their power, are not powerless.
As Abba Ebba declares: “Oromia will not be a doormat for Fano or the TPLF! With its determined sons and daughters, it will stand, honoured and respected, and it will endure forever.”
The elephant has crushed its enemies before, and it can do so again.
Advocacy for Oromia 