Category Archives: health
A Night of Fellowship and Purpose: Oromo Diaspora Celebrates Partnership and Progress
Oromia Diaspora Association Commends Successful Collaborative Event and Applauds Supporters
By Daandii Ragabaa
It was an evening of connection and community as the Oromia Diaspora Association (ODA) came together with fellow diaspora organizations for a special dinner event. The gathering, hosted in partnership with the Consortium of Ethiopian Diaspora Associations and the Ethiopian Diaspora Service, provided a platform for fellowship, networking, and shared commitment to the development of communities both in Ethiopia and abroad.
The event was a resounding success, marking a significant milestone in the growing collaboration between diaspora groups. As the ODA noted in its statement, the beautiful evening was a testament to what can be achieved when communities unite with a common vision.
A Message of Thanks and Acknowledgment
In a statement reflecting on the event, the Oromia Diaspora Association conveyed heartfelt gratitude to the partner organizations that made the night possible. The association emphasized that the success of the gathering was a direct result of hard work and partnership.
“On behalf of the Oromia Diaspora Association, we wish to thank the Consortium of Ethiopian Diaspora Associations and the Ethiopian Diaspora Service for this beautiful evening of fellowship and dinner.”
The statement highlighted the significance of the event, not just as a social occasion, but as a meaningful step forward in strengthening ties between different communities. It is through such initiatives that diaspora groups can better coordinate their efforts and have a more significant impact on their communities both locally and globally.
The Power of Diaspora Unity
The event served as a vivid reminder of the immense potential of the Ethiopian diaspora. The Oromo diaspora in particular is a vibrant community spread across the globe, with its members actively contributing to social, economic, and developmental initiatives. The partnership with the consortium and government service structures reinforces the idea that collaboration is key to maximizing this potential.
This sense of unity is especially valuable given the diverse backgrounds and experiences within the broader Ethiopian and Oromo communities. Engaging with others through fellowship helps bridge communities and build a more cohesive front for tackling shared challenges.
Looking Ahead: Building on Success
The sentiment of the evening was one of looking forward. The Oromia Diaspora Association expressed a strong desire to continue working together with its partners in the future. The success of this event is not an endpoint but a foundation upon which further collaborative projects can be built.
“The event was a great success, and we deeply appreciate your hard work and partnership. We look forward to working together more in the future!”
As the Ethiopian Diaspora Service continues its efforts to connect with and empower the global Ethiopian community, events like this underscore the importance of meaningful engagement. The service plays a crucial role as a bridge, facilitating investment, cultural connection, and community building among the diaspora.
Conclusion: A Bright Future for Diaspora Collaboration
The successful fellowship and dinner event marks a positive chapter in the ongoing story of diaspora engagement. The commitment shown by the Oromia Diaspora Association and its partners is a sign of a stronger, more united community ready to contribute to sustainable development and cultural preservation.
The evening was a celebration of the ties that bind the community—a testament to the power of unity, shared purpose, and a collective vision for the future. The momentum gained from this event promises a future of even greater collaboration and achievement.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Oromia Diaspora Association haa jabaattu!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromia Diaspora Association and all diaspora communities working together for the development and unity of their people.
Revitalizing Oromo History: Recognizing Errors and Gaps in Oromo Historiography-Part Three
A Critical Examination of the Challenges Facing Oromo Historical Studies
By Hailu Gonfa
This article is not intended as a concluding statement, but rather as a starting point for further research and discussion. It is my hope that historians, scholars, and all those interested in Oromo history will engage with these reflections, deepen the analysis, and contribute to the vital work of revitalizing Oromo historiography.
3.1. Revitalizing History Is Not Simply About Uncovering the Hidden
When we speak of revitalizing Oromo history, the first thought that often comes to mind is uncovering what has been hidden, forgotten, or misrepresented. This is necessary and important. But the work of revitalization must also be viewed from another perspective. It requires us to honestly examine the errors, gaps, contradictions, and failures within our own historical record.
A people who selectively remember only what glorifies them, while hiding what does not flatter them, have not truly revitalized their history. A people who examine their history in its entirety—drawing strength from its achievements and learning from its mistakes—are the ones who move forward with wisdom. Revitalization is not an exercise in self-praise; it is an exercise in self-knowledge. And self-knowledge requires knowing not only what elevates us, but also what diminishes us.
3.2. Oromo History Must Not Be Written Only by Outsiders
One of the major gaps in Oromo historiography is that for a long time, much of the research and writing about Oromo history has come from external perspectives. This is not to say that outsiders should not study Oromo history—on the contrary, external scholarship has made significant contributions. However, when a people’s history is interpreted primarily by outsiders, that people risks learning about themselves only through the eyes of others.
It is therefore essential to strengthen and support Oromo historians, scholars, writers, linguists, cultural experts, Gadaa researchers, and political and legal scholars. Oromo people must research, write, and engage in scholarly debate about their own history. This is not a rejection of others—it is the assertion of one’s own voice in matters that concern one’s own identity.
3.3. The Gap in Documentation
If a people wishes to pass their history on to future generations, they must document it. The Oromo people possess a rich oral tradition—history, proverbs, poetry, songs, stories of heroes, place names, customs, and social memory are all preserved in the oral tradition. However, oral transmission is vulnerable to change, loss, and distortion over time.
The great task awaiting the current generation is the transition from oral tradition to written and digital documentation. This includes written texts, audio recordings, video documentation, photographs, maps, digital archives, and books. What we document today will be the foundation upon which future generations will build their understanding of who they are.
3.4. Blending Personal Memory and Historical Evidence
One challenge in historical research is the mixing of personal memory with evidence-based history. A person may remember what they heard, saw, or were told by their elders. But to verify that such memory constitutes accurate history, it must be cross-referenced with other sources.
Revitalized Oromo history must move from “This is what I heard” to “What is the evidence?” Evidence may include government archives, ancient manuscripts, books, university research, oral testimonies, place names, archaeological findings, documentaries, personal recollections, and both internal and external sources. All must be examined together.
3.5. History as More Than Heroism
In Oromo historiography, there is sometimes an excessive focus on heroes and heroism. Heroes are important. A people must know and honour their heroes. But to build a people’s history solely around heroes is to impoverish it. A people’s history includes farmers, mothers, youth, teachers, professionals, traders, elders, artists, scholars, health workers, soldiers, and all the diverse builders of society.
A revitalized Oromo history must be a history of the people, not merely a history of heroes. Heroism belongs to a few; history must embrace the many.
3.6. Avoiding the Narrowing of Oromo History to the Struggle for Liberation
Another gap that sometimes appears in Oromo historiography is the tendency to define Oromo history primarily, or even exclusively, through the lens of political and armed struggle. The struggle is an important part of Oromo history, but it is only one part.
The Oromo people possess a rich Gadaa system, a deep philosophy, social institutions, culture and ethics, language, agricultural expertise, economic practices, conflict resolution mechanisms, environmental knowledge, and a vibrant literary and oral tradition. A revitalized Oromo history must ask not only “Who did the Oromo fight?” but also “How did the Oromo live? How did they govern themselves? How did they resolve conflicts? What did they create?”
3.7. The Danger of “We Are Always Right, They Are Always Wrong”
One of the great pitfalls in national historiography is the tendency to view oneself as always right and others as always wrong. This approach prevents genuine learning from history. The Oromo people have had relationships with many communities—relationships of cooperation, conflict, exchange, intermarriage, political alliance, and cultural borrowing.
To reduce all of this to a simple binary of “good versus evil” is to distort history and impoverish our understanding. A revitalized history must ask “What happened? Why did it happen? Who did what? What was the outcome?” This is the transition from myth-making to historical inquiry.
3.8. The Gap of Historical Context
Every historical event must be examined within its own time and place. It is a mistake to judge the past by the standards of the present. What a people thought, did, and believed a hundred years ago may have been shaped by conditions very different from our own. A proper understanding of Oromo history requires examining events within their own political, economic, social, environmental, and relational contexts.
3.9. Internal Diversity Within Oromo History
The Oromo people are spread across a vast territory with diverse regions, clans, dialects, cultures, and experiences. Sometimes, the history of one group is presented as the history of all Oromo, or the history of one group is separated from others. A revitalized historiography must avoid both errors: it must not minimize the history of any region, and it must not deny the diversity that exists. The correct path is to acknowledge our diversity while building a shared history.
3.10. Distinguishing Between Struggle and Its Mistakes
A struggle may have a just cause, but that does not mean every action taken in its name is just. This is an important and mature insight. In revitalizing Oromo history, we must distinguish between the goal, the method, and the outcome. The goal may be just, but the method chosen to achieve it may be flawed. This requires us to ask: What succeeded? What failed? What can we learn? What must we not repeat?
This is not about condemning individuals or groups—it is about learning from the past so that future generations do not repeat the same mistakes.
3.11. The Gap of Women in Oromo History
When writing Oromo history, it is easy to focus on those who held political or military power. But Oromo women have played a vital role in social, economic, cultural, family, educational, and peacebuilding life. A revitalized history must ask: “Where are the Oromo women in our history?” It must document the stories of mothers, farmers, teachers, professionals, artists, scholars, leaders, and community participants. Without women, the history of the Oromo people is incomplete.
3.12. Youth’s Role in History-Making
History often focuses on the elders and heroes of the past. But the younger generation also plays a role in history. Oromo youth must not only learn history—they must also research, write, and document it. Using digital technology, they can create digital archives, podcasts, documentaries, short videos, historical maps, e-books, websites, and research papers. Oromo history must move from the library and the academy into the digital age.
3.13. The Gap of Language and Translation
It is essential to write and document Oromo history in Afaan Oromoo, because the language carries the culture, thought, ethics, and worldview of the people. But it is also important to translate Oromo history into Amharic, English, other Ethiopian languages, and international languages. This ensures that Oromo history is not only for Oromo people, but is accessible to neighbours, scholars, and the wider world.
3.14. Separating History from Contemporary Politics
Historical research is sometimes influenced by the politics of the present. People may interpret the past in ways that serve their current political interests. This can distort historical scholarship. Oromo historiography must strive to be free from political manipulation and based on rigorous social science research. History should not be written simply to praise or attack a particular individual, group, or government. It should be written to provide truth, evidence, and lessons for future generations.
3.15. Learning from Errors Is Not Weakness
When a people openly acknowledges its historical errors, that is not a sign of weakness. On the contrary, it is a sign of maturity. A people who learn from their mistakes are less likely to repeat them. Hiding our failures does not strengthen us—understanding them does. Let us honour our heroes, but also learn from their errors. This is the foundation of mature historiography.
3.16. New Principles for Revitalizing Oromo History
If we are to revitalize Oromo history, we must agree on several guiding principles:
- Evidence-Based: What we say must be supported by evidence, or we must seek it.
- Balanced: We must not mix good and bad indiscriminately, but examine both.
- Self-Critical: We must not fear criticizing ourselves.
- Comparative: We must examine multiple sources and compare them.
- Respectful of Diversity: We must include the histories of diverse regions, clans, genders, and generations.
- Independent of Political Agendas: History should not serve the political interests of a single moment.
- Generational: We must not only research history but pass it on in an understandable way.
- Forward-Looking: We must learn from the past and use it to build the future.
Conclusion: Revitalization as Self-Knowledge
Revitalizing Oromo history is not simply about uncovering what has been hidden. It is about looking at everything—what brings us pride and what brings us shame, what strengthens us and what weakens us, what succeeded and what failed. A people who only praise their history do not know themselves. A people who only condemn their history lose confidence in themselves. But a people who know their history honestly, draw strength from what is good, learn from what is wrong, and build for the future—that is a mature people.
A revitalized Oromo history must move from self-praise to self-knowledge, from self-knowledge to self-criticism, from self-criticism to learning, from learning to renewal, and from renewal to building the future.
By openly examining the errors and gaps in Oromo history, we do not diminish the Oromo people. We do not flee from historical truth. Because a people who know their history honestly are the only ones who can guide their history toward a path of growth and modernity.
In the next section—Part Four: “Oromo History in the Construction of Ethiopia” —we will explore what role the Oromo played in Ethiopian history, what they contributed, what they lacked, and what they must build.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Seenaan Oromoo haa haaromfu!
Dogoggora keenya irraa haa barannu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Hailu Gonfa and is dedicated to all those committed to the honest, rigorous, and balanced revitalization of Oromo history.
The Lion Who Fell Fighting: Remembering Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu (1943–1992)
By Daandii Ragabaa (Adapted into a feature story based on various sources)
His name means “Lion” in Oromo. And like a lion, Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu lived with courage, fought with conviction, and died with his boots on—somewhere in the forests of western Oromia, in 1992. Three decades later, his grave remains unknown. But his story, carried by oral tradition and fragmentary records, refuses to be buried.
A Humble Beginning in Wallagga
Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu was born in 1943 in Billo, a town in the Bonayya district of East Wallagga, within the Waamaa region. According to those who knew him, he grew up in a typical Oromo farming community, at a time when the imperial government of Haile Selassie exercised firm control over the land and its people.
As a young man, he left his birthplace and moved to Finfinnee (Addis Ababa), where he lived for about 15 years as an adolescent. There, he entered school. But his education was interrupted by a different calling.
The Soldier with the Striking Physique
Contemporary accounts describe Jaal Lammeessaa as tall and physically impressive. It was this very stature that drew the attention of military recruiters. Under the imperial regime, he was selected to join a special unit known as “Kubur-Zabanya” and “Faxino-Darash” (likely special police or commando forces). Within the latter, he became known as “Faxino-Daraash Shalaqaa” and served under the command of General Tadesse Birru.
He proved to be an exceptional soldier. His superiors reportedly praised his dedication, and he rose to become a respected non-commissioned officer.
Joining the Machaa Tulema Association
The Machaa Tulema Association was founded as a development and civic organization, but it quickly became a political vehicle for Oromo nationalism. General Tadesse Birru was one of its key leaders. When the association began recruiting members, Jaal Lammeessaa was among those selected.
Initially, the organization’s goal was to work within the system—to address Oromo grievances through legal means. But as General Tadesse and others concluded that the imperial regime had no intention of recognizing Oromo rights, they shifted toward a more radical path. Jaal Lammeessaa became a trusted operative within the association’s secret military wing.
The Failed Plot Against Emperor Haile Selassie
On October 23 (Ethiopian calendar), the Emperor’s birthday, a plot was hatched to assassinate Haile Selassie during the annual celebrations at the site known as “Addabaaba’ii Minlik” (Menelik Square). General Tadesse Birru assigned four commandos to carry out the attack, selecting them for their courage and loyalty.
The four were:
· Lammeessaa Boruu (from the Faxino-Darash unit)
· Camadaa Sobbooqaa
· H/Mariyam Diimaa (from Kubur-Zabanya)
· Fixumaa Hiikisaa
They prepared extensively. But the plot was betrayed. Informants within the government learned of the plan just before it could be executed. The commandos were arrested.
When Jaal Lammeessaa was searched, a bomb intended for the Emperor was found on him. He was tortured severely. According to surviving members of the Machaa Tulema Association, his ribs were broken, and he suffered long-term disability from the interrogation. Despite the brutality, he refused to betray the organization’s deeper secrets—though under extreme duress, some information was extracted.
First Imprisonment and Release
Following the failed plot, General Tadesse and several others were sentenced to death. Jaal Lammeessaa received a five-year prison sentence. After serving his term, he was released. Upon release, he immediately rejoined his former commander, General Tadesse Birru, who had been transferred to Galamso in eastern Oromia. There, they continued to discuss the struggle for Oromo self-determination.
The Cinema Bombing and Second Arrest
As the Machaa Tulema Association continued its activities, the regime grew more determined to crush it. On December 10, 1959 (Ethiopian calendar), a bomb exploded inside a cinema in Addis Ababa where the film Zorba the Greek was being shown. Thirty-six people were wounded.
The government immediately blamed the Machaa Tulema Association. Propaganda claimed that a member named Maammoo Mazaamir had planted the bomb. The incident was used as a pretext for a massive crackdown. Jaal Lammeessaa was arrested again—this time as part of a sweeping roundup of Oromo nationalists.
He was among nine senior Machaa Tulema figures sentenced to long prison terms, while General Tadesse Birru and Maammoo Mazaamir received death sentences (later commuted or carried out, depending on the account).
Life Under the Derg and the Fourth Arrest
Jaal Lammeessaa spent more than 12 years in prison under the Derg regime that overthrew Haile Selassie in 1974. He was held in police stations and military camps, subjected to repeated interrogations. Yet even in detention, he remained committed to the Oromo cause.
After the Derg fell in 1991, Jaal Lammeessaa was released. He joined the Oromo Liberation Front (ABO – a reference to the OLF) and became a member of its central committee, working in the economic department. He lived in Wajjira Gullaallee, continuing his activism.
The Final Battle and Disappearance
In 1992, following a split within the transitional government of Ethiopia (the “Ce’umsaa” or transitional period), Jaal Lammeessaa and other Oromo fighters moved toward western Oromia. They joined ongoing armed confrontations against government forces (referred to as “Wayyaanee” – a term for the Ethiopian military or allied militias).
According to the source, Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu fell in battle near the Jimma Horroo area in Wallagga region. He was killed in armed combat. His body was never recovered, and to this day, the exact location and circumstances of his death remain unknown.
Legacy: The Unknown Grave, the Known Sacrifice
Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu was 49 years old when he died. He left behind three children: Mosisa Lamessa Boru, Lense Lemessa Boru and Tsegaye Lemessa Bouru. He is remembered as a devoted fighter who gave his entire adult life to the Oromo national struggle. From the imperial era through the Derg and into the transitional government, he never wavered.
The biography ends with a poetic refrain:
“The fighter may fall. He may pass away. But Jaal Lammeessaa’s blood was not shed in vain. He has grown for us the plant of freedom.”
His grave may be lost to history. But for those who keep his memory, Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu remains one of the lions of Oromo resistance—a man who turned his back on personal safety and government favor, and chose instead the uncertain path of the forest and the battlefield.
—
*This feature story is based exclusively on various sources of the Oromo-language biography written by Daandii Ragabaa. It is presented as a journalistic adaptation of that source and does not constitute an endorsement of armed struggle or any political organization. The factual claims rest with the original author.
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But the Oromo people have always had the tools for economic resilience. The Gadaa system contains powerful economic principles that our ancestors used to build and sustain wealth: hard work, planning, mutual assistance, and community-based resource management. The proverb “Tuulamanii taa’anii, Waaqa ofii hin komatan” reminds us: “It is not right to blame God for not working hard.” Hard work and commitment are the sources of wealth.
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Hard Work and Planning
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Hard Work and Self-Reliance
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Finfinne and the Question of Historical Recognition: A Response to Moges Zewudu Teshome
Acknowledging History, Guaranteeing Citizenship, and Building a Foundation for Coexistence
By Iyasu Enoro
The debate surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—has long been characterized by competing narratives, political posturing, and deep-seated fears. In a recent contribution to this discourse, Moges Zewudu Teshome raised important concerns about the implications of recognizing Oromia’s connection to the capital. He argues that the central issue is not administration but the fear that Finfinne could be placed under the exclusive control of one ethnic group. He further suggests that linking Finfinne to Oromia would expose millions of residents to exclusion and discrimination.
While these concerns deserve serious discussion and should not be dismissed lightly, they do not adequately address the historical question at the centre of the debate. This response seeks to engage with Moges Zewudu Teshome’s arguments constructively while offering a broader perspective on the historical, constitutional, and practical dimensions of the Finfinne question.
The Core Issue: Historical Recognition, Not Ethnic Ownership
The first and most fundamental issue is that the discussion about Finfinne is fundamentally a question of historical recognition, not ethnic ownership. Oromo claims regarding Finfinne do not arise from the belief that only Oromo people should live in the city. Rather, they stem from the historical fact that the area known as Finfinne existed before the establishment of the city and was inhabited by Oromo communities.
Historical accounts recognize that the region was known as Finfinne—a name meaning “place of hot springs”—and that Oromo clans lived there before Menelik II established the city in 1886. This is not a matter of political convenience; it is a matter of documented historical fact.
Therefore, acknowledging Finfinne’s Oromo heritage is not equivalent to demanding the expulsion, marginalization, or disenfranchisement of non-Oromo residents. The recognition of indigenous history should not be confused with ethnic exclusivity. Just as the recognition of Māori heritage in New Zealand does not require the exclusion of non-Māori New Zealanders, the recognition of Oromo heritage in Finfinne does not require the exclusion of non-Oromo residents.
The question is not whether Finfinne belongs exclusively to any one group. The question is whether the city’s history and heritage will be acknowledged, respected, and integrated into its governance framework.
The International Precedent: Indigenous Recognition as a Foundation for Coexistence
The argument that any stronger relationship between Finfinne and Oromia inevitably leads to oppression requires examination. Around the world, indigenous peoples seek recognition of their connection to ancestral territories without necessarily seeking exclusive political control over those territories.
- In Australia, the High Court’s landmark Mabo decision rejected the doctrine of terra nullius and recognized Native Title rights. Indigenous Australians gained legal recognition of their ancestral connection to land without affecting the equal civil and political rights of other Australians.
- In New Zealand, the Treaty of Waitangi provides a foundation for protecting Māori rights, culture, and claims to ancestral lands while ensuring equal citizenship for all New Zealanders.
- In Canada, First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples possess constitutionally recognized indigenous rights. Land claims agreements and self-government arrangements acknowledge historical connections to traditional territories while cities and communities remain open to residents of all backgrounds.
- In the United States, Native American tribes retain certain rights related to self-government, culture, and ancestral territories. These rights coexist with the citizenship rights of all residents.
These examples demonstrate a common international principle: recognizing indigenous peoples’ historical and ancestral connections to land does not require denying democratic, civil, or human rights to other residents. Rather, both sets of rights can coexist.
The question then becomes: Why is acknowledging the Oromo historical connection to Finfinne often interpreted as a threat, while acknowledging the historical connection of other peoples to their ancestral lands is viewed as legitimate?
The Historical Grievances: More Than Administrative Boundaries
The response to Oromo claims regarding Finfinne often avoids the historical grievances associated with the city’s formation. For many Oromos, the debate is not simply about administrative boundaries but about the legacy of nineteenth-century state expansion, land dispossession, and cultural marginalization.
The establishment of Finfinne under Menelik II was accompanied by the displacement of Oromo communities from their ancestral lands, the confiscation of Oromo property, and the systematic erasure of Oromo identity. This history is not a distant memory; it is a living reality that has shaped the relationship between the Oromo people and the Ethiopian state for over a century.
Ignoring these concerns and portraying the discussion solely as a future governance issue risks repeating a pattern in which indigenous historical claims are dismissed rather than engaged. A genuine dialogue about Finfinne must acknowledge this history and address the grievances it has created.
Governance Failures Do Not Invalidate Historical Claims
Citing failures of governance or ethnic violence elsewhere in Oromia does not invalidate the historical relationship between Finfinne and Oromia. Historical facts do not become less valid because contemporary political institutions are imperfect.
If there are governance failures, those failures should be addressed directly through constitutional reform, rule of law, and democratic accountability. They should not be used to deny the historical identity of a place. To argue that recognizing Oromo heritage in Finfinne is dangerous because of governance failures in other parts of Oromia is to confuse the issue. The problem of poor governance exists regardless of Finfinne’s status, and it must be addressed on its own terms.
The Constitutional Dimension: A Special Interest Already Recognized
The Ethiopian constitution itself recognizes a special interest of Oromia in Finfinne because of the city’s location within Oromia and its relationship to the surrounding region. Article 49(5) of the Constitution affirms Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters arising from the city’s location within the State of Oromia.
The existence of this constitutional provision demonstrates that the relationship between Finfinne and Oromia is not an invented political claim, but a matter already recognized within Ethiopia’s legal framework. The Constitution does not grant Oromia exclusive ownership or control over the capital. Rather, it acknowledges a practical and historical reality: the city is located within Oromia, and its functioning depends on resources, infrastructure, and cooperation from surrounding Oromo communities.
The question is not whether the Constitution recognizes a relationship between Finfinne and Oromia. The question is how that relationship should be implemented in practice.
A False Choice: Oromia Versus Ethiopia
The fear that recognizing Finfinne’s history automatically means surrendering the city to ethnic domination creates a false choice. The debate should not be framed as “Oromia versus Ethiopia.” Rather, it should be framed as how Ethiopia can acknowledge historical realities while guaranteeing equal citizenship, democratic governance, and dignity for all who call Finfinne home.
The real challenge facing Ethiopia is not choosing between Oromo rights and Ethiopian citizenship. It is finding a political framework that can accommodate both. Recognition of Finfinne’s Oromo heritage and protection of the rights of all Finfinne residents are not mutually exclusive goals. In fact, a durable solution will likely require both.
A sustainable future for Finfinne requires acknowledging several truths simultaneously:
- Finfinne is Ethiopia’s capital and belongs to all its residents. The city’s diverse population—Oromo, Amhara, Gurage, Tigrayan, Somali, and others—all have a stake in its future.
- Finfinnee has deep historical and cultural ties to the Oromo people. This heritage must be acknowledged and respected, not denied or erased.
- Oromo culture continues to enrich the city’s identity and development. The city is stronger for its diversity, and the contributions of all communities should be celebrated.
- Finfinne’s expansion directly affects neighboring Oromo communities. Their voices must be heard in decisions that affect their lives.
- Oromia possesses constitutionally recognized interests in matters concerning the city. These interests must be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms and cooperative governance.
- Development should benefit affected communities rather than marginalize them. Fair compensation, consultation, and participation are essential.
The Path Forward: A Framework for Coexistence
The path forward is not ownership, exclusion, or historical denial. It is partnership built on constitutional respect, cultural recognition, economic fairness, and genuine cooperation.
Such a framework would include:
- Implementation of Constitutional Provisions: Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne, as recognized in Article 49(5), should be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms that ensure meaningful Oromo participation in decisions affecting the city and surrounding communities.
- Cultural Recognition: The Oromo heritage of Finfinnee should be acknowledged through cultural institutions, public recognition, and educational programs that celebrate the city’s diverse history.
- Fair Development: Urban expansion should be planned with meaningful consultation with affected communities, ensuring fair compensation, environmental protection, and shared benefits.
- Inclusive Governance: All residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—should have equal rights to participation, public services, and legal protection.
- Shared Prosperity: The economic benefits of the capital’s growth should be shared with surrounding communities, creating a virtuous cycle of development rather than a pattern of exploitation.
Conclusion: Honoring History, Building the Future
The Finfinne question will not be resolved through confrontation or denial. It will be resolved through honest acknowledgment of history, respect for constitutional principles, and a shared commitment to building a future where all Ethiopians—Oromo and non-Oromo alike—can live with dignity, security, and hope.
Finfinne is for all Ethiopians.
Finfinnee is Oromo heritage.
The future is shared.
The recognition of Finfinne’s Oromo heritage and the protection of the rights of all Finfinne residents are not mutually exclusive goals. They are complementary pillars of a just and sustainable future.
Acknowledging history does not mean surrendering the city to ethnic domination. It means building a foundation of trust, understanding, and coexistence that can sustain Ethiopia for generations to come.
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Oromia fi Finfinne walitti haa qabatan!
Nagaan haa bulaa!
This feature article is a response to Moges Zewudu Teshome and is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and sustainable solution to the question of Finfinne.
Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa: The Macha-Tulama Association Declares That Their Inclusion in National Dialogue Is an Attempt to Weaken the Oromo People
A Historic Statement on the Struggle for Oromo Land, Identity, and Justice
By Daandii Ragabaa
(SBO/VOL — HAGAYYA 10, 2026) In a powerful and uncompromising statement, the Waldaa Maccaa fi Tuulamaa (Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association) has declared that the inclusion of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa in the national dialogue agenda is a deliberate attempt to weaken and undermine the Oromo people. The association, which has long been a voice for Oromo rights and historical justice, has issued a clear warning: the Oromo people will not accept the theft of their ancestral land, and the struggle for justice will continue.
The Macha-Tulama Association’s statement comes at a critical moment, as Ethiopia’s national dialogue process unfolds and the status of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—and its surrounding areas, including Dirree Dhawaa, remain deeply contested.
A Declaration of Historical Truth
The Macha-Tulama Association has issued its statement as a direct response to the agenda items concerning Oromia and Oromo rights being brought before the national dialogue. The association has made its position clear:
“Even today, our ancestral land is being stolen.”
“Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are Oromo.”
These declarations are not political slogans; they are assertions of historical truth. The association has reminded the Oromo people and the world of the atrocities committed during the Menelik era, when the Oromo people were systematically dispossessed of their land, their dignity, and their lives.
Remembering the Atrocities of the Menelik Era
The Macha-Tulama Association has brought the dark history of the Menelik era back into the spotlight, reminding the Oromo people of the crimes committed against their ancestors.
“Menelik committed an unforgivable crime against the Oromo people when he separated Finfinne from its Oromo owners,” the association declared.
The association detailed the atrocities of that era, naming specific victims and families who suffered under Menelik’s expansionist campaign:
- Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa was executed by hanging.
- His father, mother, and three children were killed in a brutal and inhumane manner.
- Qajeelaa Dooyyoo and Guraaraa Dooyyoo were also executed, along with their mother, in a similarly horrific fashion.
- Shubbuu Ejersoo had his hands and feet severed before being killed.
- Aaxalee Jaatanii was starved to death in detention—denied food until life was extinguished.
These were not random acts of violence. They were part of a systematic campaign to break the spirit of the Oromo people, to erase their presence from Finfinne, and to establish a new political order built on Oromo suffering.
The Suffering Continues: Three Generations of Pain
The Macha-Tulama Association declared that the suffering of the Oromo people over Finfinne has now spanned three generations. From the initial dispossession under Menelik to the brutal repression under the Derg regime and now to the present day—the Oromo people have paid a heavy price.
“During the Derg era, many Oromo paid a great price for Finfinne,” the association stated. “The wound is still not healed.”
The association raised a pointed and urgent question:
“As long as this truth exists on this earth, the question of ‘Whose Finfinne is it?’ will always be asked. What has brought us to this point?”
The answer, according to the association, lies in the persistent refusal of successive Ethiopian regimes to acknowledge Oromo rights.
A Challenge to the Current Regime
The Macha-Tulama Association has posed a direct challenge to the architects of the ongoing injustice:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land and their rights. How can you govern on someone else’s land? What right do you have to claim authority over people who do not belong to you? It would have been better for you to struggle for your own land rather than occupy ours.”
The association’s statement is a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Ethiopian state as it currently exists. It questions not just the governance of Finfinne but the entire framework of domination that has denied Oromo people their rights for over a century.
The National Dialogue: A Tool of Deception?
The Macha-Tulama Association expressed deep concern about the ongoing national dialogue and how the issues of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are being treated within it.
According to the association, the dialogue is not being used as a genuine mechanism for reconciliation and justice. Instead, it is being manipulated to further marginalize the Oromo people and to legitimize the ongoing dispossession of Oromo land.
“The agenda of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought to the national dialogue to weaken the Oromo people,” the association declared. “The old politics of the Abyssinian elite continues, refusing to step back from the land that rightfully belongs to Oromo.”
The association emphasized that the ongoing process is not just disrespectful—it is a violation of basic rights and dignity. The association described the current situation as “an insult that crosses all boundaries” and declared that “something that did not exist before has now arrived” —a reference to the unprecedented nature of the current assault on Oromo rights.
A Call to Resistance and Unity
In the face of these challenges, the Macha-Tulama Association issued a clear and urgent call to the Oromo people:
“The Oromo people must fight for their land and their rights.”
The association’s call to action is not a call to violence—it is a call to resistance, to unity, and to the defense of Oromo rights through every legitimate means available. It is a call to refuse subjugation, to refuse silence, and to refuse to accept the theft of Oromo land as a settled fact.
The association also addressed the issue of Dirree Dhawaa—the area that has become a symbol of Oromo resistance and a flashpoint of conflict. The association’s declaration that Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are inseparable from the broader Oromo struggle serves as a reminder that these are not isolated issues—they are part of a continuous thread of resistance that stretches back over a century.
The Historical Context: Dirree Dhawaa as a Symbol of Resistance
Dirree Dhawaa is more than just a piece of land—it is a symbol of Oromo resilience and a monument to the struggle for justice. It is the site where Oromo people have gathered to demand their rights, where they have faced brutal repression, and where they have continued to return in defiance of all efforts to silence them.
The association’s statement linking Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa in the same breath is significant. It sends a clear message: the Oromo people will not accept piecemeal solutions. They will not accept partial recognition. They will not accept the suggestion that one part of their historical homeland can be compromised while another is defended.
Both Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are Oromo.
A Historical Challenge to the Ethiopian State
The Macha-Tulama Association’s statement is not just a declaration of grievance—it is a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Ethiopian state as it currently exists.
By raising the question “Whose Finfinne is it?” —and by insisting that Oromo people have the right to live on their own land with dignity, self-respect, and self-determination—the association is questioning the foundational narrative upon which the Ethiopian state was built.
The association’s demand is not for charity or concessions. It is for recognition of historical truth, for justice for past crimes, and for a future in which Oromo people are treated as equals in their own homeland.
The Path Forward: Recognition, Justice, and Peace
The Macha-Tulama Association’s statement concludes with a clear vision for what must happen:
The wounds of the past must be acknowledged. The atrocities committed against the Oromo people—from the Menelik era to the present—cannot be ignored or forgotten. They must be named, documented, and taught.
Justice must be pursued. Those who committed crimes against the Oromo people must be held accountable. This is not revenge—it is the foundation of lasting peace.
Oromo rights must be recognized. The Oromo people have the right to their land, their language, their culture, and their self-determination. This is not negotiable.
The national dialogue must be genuine. If the dialogue is to be meaningful, it must include a full and honest discussion of Finfinne, Dirree Dhawaa, and all the historical injustices suffered by the Oromo people.
Conclusion: The Struggle Continues
The statement of the Macha-Tulama Association is a powerful reminder that the struggle for Oromo justice is far from over. The wounds of the past remain open. The injustices of the present continue. And the future remains uncertain.
But one thing is clear: the Oromo people will not give up their land, their rights, or their dignity. They will continue to resist. They will continue to demand justice. And they will continue to remember the sacrifices of those who came before—from Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa to the thousands of unnamed Oromo who have given their lives for Finfinne and for Oromia.
As the association stated:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land. This struggle has not ended—it continues. And it will continue until justice is done.”
Finfinne is Oromo.
Dirree Dhawaa is Oromo.
Oromia is Oromo.
The struggle continues.
For the memory of Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa, Qajeelaa Dooyyoo, Guraaraa Dooyyoo, Shubbuu Ejersoo, Aaxalee Jaatanii, and all the Oromo martyrs who gave their lives for the land.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Dirree Dhawaa haa jabaattu!
This feature article is dedicated to the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association and all those who continue to speak truth to power in the pursuit of justice for the Oromo people.
Finfinne: The Living Sacrifice of the Oromo People for Identity, Dignity, and Oromummaa
The Land Where Ancestors Poured Their Blood — and Where the Struggle Continues
By Daandii Ragabaa
There are places that are more than geography. There are places that are memory, identity, and the very soul of a people. Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is such a place for the Oromo people. It is not merely a capital city; it is the historical heart of Oromia, the ancestral homeland of the Oromo nation, and the site of an ongoing struggle for recognition, dignity, and justice.
Throughout history, the Oromo people have paid a heavy price to defend their connection to Finfinne. They have sacrificed their lives, their freedom, and their dreams—all for the sake of their identity, their dignity, and their Oromummaa (Oromo identity). The land itself is soaked with the blood of ancestors who refused to surrender their heritage.
Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, and Jara Tuturu —these names are not merely historical figures. They are living witnesses to the sacrifice that the Oromo people have made for Finfinne. Their stories are etched into the memory of the Oromo nation, a testament to the unwavering commitment of a people who refuse to be erased from their own homeland.
Finfinne: Not Just a City, But a Sacred Trust
For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not a piece of real estate to be negotiated or bartered. It is the place where their ancestors lived, loved, prayed, and died. It is the site of their cultural heritage, the cradle of their language, and the symbol of their historical presence in the region.
Long before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire under Menelik II, the area known as Finfinnee was inhabited by the Oromo people. The city’s very name is Oromo—meaning “place of hot springs.” This is not a coincidence; it is a testament to the Oromo people’s deep and enduring connection to the land.
But this connection has been contested. The establishment of the city and the subsequent displacement of the Oromo people were acts of dispossession that have never been fully acknowledged or addressed. For generations, the Oromo people have been told that they are not the rightful owners of Finfinne, that their history is a myth, and that their claims are illegitimate.
Yet the Oromo people have never accepted this narrative. They have continued to assert their identity, to demand recognition, and to sacrifice for their homeland.
The Sacrifice of Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, and Jara Tuturu
Among the countless Oromo martyrs who have given their lives for Finfinne, the names of Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, and Jara Tuturu stand out as symbols of resistance, courage, and unwavering commitment to Oromummaa.
These individuals were not merely victims of oppression; they were active participants in the struggle to defend Oromo identity and land. They understood that Finfinne was not just a city—it was the heart of their nation, the embodiment of their history, and the foundation of their future.
Their sacrifices were not in vain. Their memory inspires a new generation of Oromo youth who continue to demand justice and recognition. Their names are spoken with reverence in Oromo homes, in cultural gatherings, and in the stories passed down from elders to children.
They are the living witnesses—even in death—to the truth that Finfinne is Oromo land, and the Oromo people will never abandon it.
The Historical Context: A Legacy of Dispossession
To understand the significance of the Oromo people’s sacrifice for Finfinne, one must understand the history of dispossession that the Oromo people have endured.
In the late 19th century, the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire under Menelik II brought the Oromo people under the control of a new political order. The establishment of Finfinne as the capital of the empire was accompanied by the displacement of Oromo communities, the confiscation of Oromo land, and the systematic erasure of Oromo identity.
This dispossession was not accidental; it was a deliberate policy of the empire to consolidate control over the region and to marginalize the Oromo people. The Oromo people were excluded from political power, denied access to their own resources, and subjected to cultural and linguistic oppression.
Despite these challenges, the Oromo people have never surrendered their identity. They have continued to speak their language, practice their culture, and assert their rights. And they have continued to sacrifice—in ways both great and small—for their connection to Finfinne.
The Struggle Continues: A New Generation Rises
Today, a new generation of Oromo youth is carrying forward the legacy of Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, Jara Tuturu, and countless others who came before them.
They are the Qeerroo—the young people who have taken to the streets to demand justice, who have faced tear gas and bullets, who have been imprisoned and tortured, and who have refused to be silenced. They are the cultural activists who are reviving Oromo language, music, and art. They are the intellectuals who are documenting Oromo history and challenging the narratives that have been used to marginalize their people.
They are the ones who remind the world that Finfinne is Oromo, that Oromummaa is not a political slogan but a deep and abiding identity, and that the struggle for justice will continue until the Oromo people are fully recognized and respected.
The Meaning of Sacrifice in Oromo Culture
In Oromo culture, sacrifice is not a burden—it is a sacred duty. The Oromo people understand that freedom and dignity are not given; they are won. They understand that the land is not just a resource—it is a sacred trust passed down from ancestors to future generations.
The sacrifice of Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, and Jara Tuturu is a reflection of this cultural value. Their willingness to give their lives for Finfinne is not an act of desperation; it is an act of profound love and commitment to their people, their culture, and their homeland.
It is the same spirit that animated the Oromo resistance against the Derg regime, the same spirit that fueled the Qeerroo movement, and the same spirit that continues to inspire Oromo activism around the world.
A Message to the World
The Oromo people’s connection to Finfinne is not a matter of political convenience; it is a matter of historical truth and moral justice. The Oromo people have lived on this land for generations, and their connection to it is inseparable from their identity.
The world must recognize that the Oromo people’s claim to Finfinne is not an act of aggression or a threat to others. It is a demand for justice, a recognition of historical truth, and an affirmation of a people’s right to their own land.
The world must also recognize that the Oromo people’s struggle for Finfinne is part of a broader struggle for human rights, self-determination, and dignity—a struggle that is shared by indigenous peoples everywhere.
Conclusion: The Land Lives On
The sacrifice of the Oromo people for Finfinne is not a story of defeat; it is a story of resilience, courage, and enduring hope. Though Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, and Jara Tuturu have passed from this world, their spirit lives on in the hearts of the Oromo people.
Their sacrifice is a reminder that Finfinne is not just a city—it is a symbol of the Oromo people’s indomitable spirit, their refusal to be erased, and their unwavering commitment to justice.
As the Oromo saying goes: “Biyya abbaa keessaa hin ba’inu” —”One does not abandon the land of one’s father.”
The Oromo people have not abandoned Finfinne, and they never will.
Finfinne is Oromo.
The sacrifice of the ancestors is not forgotten.
The struggle for justice continues.
Oromummaa lives on.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, fi Jara Tuturu haa barabaraan jabaatan!
This feature article is dedicated to Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, Jara Tuturu, and all the Oromo martyrs who have given their lives for Finfinne and for the dignity and identity of the Oromo people.
Revitalizing Oromo History: The Gadaa System as a Source of Democratic Thought
Beyond Culture — Gadaa as a Living Philosophy of Governance, Accountability, and Coexistence
By Hailu Gonfa
As I promised in the first part of this series on “Revitalizing Oromo History,” this second installment delves deeper into the Gadaa system—not merely as a cultural artifact, but as a profound source of democratic principles, governance, and social philosophy that holds invaluable lessons for the Oromo people today.
For too long, Gadaa has been reduced to folklore, song, dance, and ceremonial dress. But to confine Gadaa to the realm of culture alone is to miss its essence. Gadaa was—and remains—a system of governance, law, power-sharing, accountability, and conflict resolution. It is a philosophy of life that offers timeless wisdom on how to organize society, distribute power, and build lasting peace.
2.1. Gadaa Is Not Just Culture
When we speak of Gadaa, we often reduce it to traditional clothing, songs, ceremonies, or rites of passage. These are indeed elements of Gadaa, but they represent only a fraction of its meaning. To see Gadaa only as culture is to miss the forest for the trees.
Gadaa was a comprehensive system of governance that encompassed:
- Leadership and administration — How society was organized and governed.
- Law and justice — How rules were made, interpreted, and enforced.
- Power-sharing — How authority was distributed and transferred.
- Accountability — How leaders were held responsible for their actions.
- Deliberation and decision-making — How collective decisions were reached.
- Conflict resolution — How disputes were mediated and peace restored.
- Resource distribution — How resources were allocated and managed.
To study Gadaa is not merely to study Oromo history; it is to study a sophisticated political and social system that functioned for centuries. It raises fundamental questions: How did a people organize governance long before modern states? Who ruled? How were rulers checked? How were laws made? How was power transferred? How were conflicts resolved?
These are questions that remain relevant today.
2.2. What Is Democracy?
Democracy is often reduced to elections. But elections are only one part of democracy. True democracy encompasses:
- Public participation — The involvement of citizens in decision-making.
- Deliberation — The exchange of ideas and arguments.
- Consensus-building — The search for common ground.
- Accountability — The responsibility of leaders to the people.
- Rule of law — The supremacy of law over individuals.
- Human rights — The protection of fundamental freedoms.
- Limits on power — The prevention of tyranny and abuse.
When we examine Gadaa through this lens, we find striking parallels. Gadaa featured public deliberation, collective decision-making, accountable leadership, and a system of checks and balances. It offered a model of governance that, while distinct from modern democracy, shared many of its core principles.
However, we must be cautious. Gadaa is not identical to modern democracy. And not all modern democracy is derived from Gadaa. The two systems emerged in different historical contexts and reflect different societies. But the parallels are significant enough to merit serious study.
The goal is not to claim that Gadaa was “better” or “worse” than modern democracy, but to understand its principles, learn from its strengths, and apply its lessons to the challenges of today.
2.3. Power Was Never Concentrated in One Person
One of the greatest dangers in any political system is the concentration of power in the hands of a single individual or group. Power, when unchecked, tends to corrupt. When held too long, it becomes tyranny.
In Gadaa, power was never absolute.
Power was distributed, limited, and transferred regularly. It was tied to:
- Time — Power was held for a fixed period.
- Law — Power was exercised within legal boundaries.
- Social roles — Power was shared among different groups and institutions.
- Collective responsibility — Leaders were accountable to the community.
This is a profound lesson: Good governance does not depend solely on good leaders; it depends on a good system. A system that limits power, distributes authority, and holds leaders accountable is more important than the personal qualities of any individual leader.
The Gadaa system understood this. It did not rely on the virtue of a single ruler; it created institutions and processes that prevented the abuse of power.
2.4. Limiting Power: A Lesson from Gadaa
True democracy asks a fundamental question: “Who checks the one who holds power?”
If the answer is “no one,” then democracy is in danger. The Gadaa system offers a powerful answer: power was checked by time, law, social roles, and collective institutions.
- Power was temporary. Leaders served for a fixed term and could not extend their rule arbitrarily.
- Power was bound by law. Even the most powerful leaders were subject to the laws and customs of the community.
- Power was shared. Leadership was distributed among different groups and generations, preventing domination by a single faction.
- Power was accountable. Leaders were expected to answer to the community and could be removed if they failed.
The lesson is clear: Power is not a personal possession; it is a public trust. It carries responsibility, not privilege.
2.5. Deliberation Is the Foundation of Decision-Making
In any society, decisions made without deliberation—without discussion, debate, and the exchange of ideas—may be executed quickly, but they often lack legitimacy and sustainability.
In Gadaa, deliberation was central to decision-making.
- Issues were discussed openly.
- Diverse opinions were heard.
- Consensus was sought.
- Decisions were made collectively.
But deliberation is not just about speaking. It is about listening. It is about considering different perspectives, seeking common ground, and building collective ownership of decisions.
This is a vital lesson for today: Democracy is not just about majority rule; it is about listening to minorities. The loudest voice is not always the right one. The smallest voice deserves to be heard.
2.6. Consensus: From Democracy to Peace
In any society, the existence of diverse opinions is not a problem. The problem arises when diversity of opinion becomes conflict, and conflict becomes chaos.
In Gadaa, reconciliation, deliberation, consensus, and peace were central values. The system understood that unity is not the absence of disagreement, but the ability to manage disagreement peacefully.
Consensus is not a sign of weakness; it is a sign of political maturity. It requires patience, listening, compromise, and a commitment to the common good.
The lesson is clear: Victory is not measured by defeating an enemy, but by bringing that enemy into a relationship of mutual respect and coexistence.
2.7. The Supremacy of Law
Good governance is not defined by the quality of the ruler, but by the supremacy of the law. When the law is applied differently to rulers and to the ruled, injustice prevails.
In Gadaa, law, ethics, and accountability were intertwined. Law was not a tool of the powerful; it was a framework for justice that applied to all.
The lesson is profound: Freedom is not the absence of limits; it is the presence of just limits. True freedom exists within a framework of law, accountability, and mutual respect.
2.8. Reconciliation and Justice
Conflict is inevitable in any society. The question is how it is resolved.
In Gadaa, reconciliation was central to conflict resolution. It was not about forgetting or ignoring harm; it was about:
- Acknowledging the truth — Recognizing the harm that was done.
- Seeking accountability — Holding those responsible to account.
- Repairing relationships — Restoring trust and social bonds.
- Preventing recurrence — Addressing the root causes of conflict.
This is a powerful model for today: reconciliation is not a soft option; it is a demanding process that requires truth, justice, and a commitment to rebuilding relationships.
2.9. Leadership and Accountability
A leader is not merely someone who holds power; a leader is someone in whom the people have placed their trust. This trust is not unconditional.
In Gadaa, leaders were expected to:
- Listen to the people
- Respect the law
- Be accountable for their decisions
- Use power for the public good
- Step down with dignity at the end of their term
The lesson is clear: Leadership is a service, not a privilege. A good leader is not someone who commands obedience, but someone who earns trust and exercises power with accountability.
2.10. The Transfer of Power
One of the greatest challenges in any political system is the peaceful transfer of power. When leaders cling to power as if it were personal property, they create instability.
In Gadaa, the transfer of power was institutionalized and ritualized. It was seen not as a loss, but as a natural and necessary part of the political cycle.
The lesson is clear: Power is not for individuals; it is for the community. The ability to transfer power peacefully is a sign of a mature political system.
2.11. Participation and Inclusion
Governance cannot be separated from the people. People are not passive subjects; they are active participants in their own governance.
In Gadaa, participation was not limited to elites. Different groups—families, clans, age sets, and leaders—had roles and responsibilities in the system.
The lesson is clear: Democracy is not just something that happens in parliament; it must be practiced in families, schools, communities, and every sphere of life.
2.12. A Critical Examination of Gadaa
To revive Oromo history, we must not romanticize Gadaa. We must examine it critically.
- What were its strengths? Its participatory governance, accountability mechanisms, and peaceful conflict resolution.
- What were its limitations? The exclusion of certain groups, particularly women, from full participation in decision-making.
A critical examination of Gadaa does not diminish its value. On the contrary, it gives us a more complete and honest picture of our history—and a richer source of lessons for today.
2.13. Gadaa as a Source of Ideas
The danger is that Gadaa becomes a symbol, a flag, or a costume—something we wave but do not think about. If we want to learn from Gadaa, we must ask the hard questions:
- How do we limit power?
- How do we hold leaders accountable?
- How do we make decisions through deliberation?
- How do we resolve conflicts through reconciliation?
- How do we transfer power peacefully?
- How do we make law supreme?
- What do we pass on to future generations?
These are not just historical questions. They are questions for today and tomorrow. Gadaa offers a starting point for answering them.
2.14. Gadaa and Modern Democracy
We should not isolate Gadaa from the world, nor should we uncritically adopt foreign models. The way forward is to combine:
- Our own experience — The wisdom of Gadaa.
- Global knowledge — Insights from democratic theory and practice.
- Scientific inquiry — Rigorous research and analysis.
Gadaa + Global Democracy + Scientific Inquiry = A Path Forward.
2.15. Is Gadaa Oromo Property or Human Property?
This is a profound question. Gadaa is Oromo history and heritage. But the values embedded in it—deliberation, reconciliation, accountability, limits on power—are universal human values.
Gadaa is Oromo heritage. But its lessons are not for Oromo alone. And at the same time, universalizing Gadaa does not erase its Oromo identity.
The challenge is to honor Gadaa as Oromo history while sharing its wisdom with the world.
2.16. A Message to the New Generation
To the Oromo youth of today:
Do not reduce Gadaa to song, dance, or costume. Carry its ideas.
- See power as accountability, not privilege.
- See deliberation as strength, not weakness.
- See consensus as victory, not surrender.
- See diversity as wealth, not conflict.
- See law as supreme, not individual will.
- See leadership as service, not domination.
- See history as learning, not nostalgia.
If you do this, Gadaa will not be a relic of the past; it will be a living guide for the future.
Conclusion: Revitalizing History, Building the Future
Gadaa is not just about remembering the past. It is about engaging with the questions of today and tomorrow. Oromo history is not a museum; it is a living source of ideas, values, and lessons.
The new generation of Oromo must carry Gadaa forward—not as a heritage to be preserved in isolation, but as a philosophy to be applied in the modern world.
Let us not worship our history; let us study it critically. Let us not only celebrate our heroes; let us also learn from their accountability. Let us not only remember our victories; let us also learn from our defeats.
This is how we revitalize Oromo history. This is how we build the future.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Gadaan haa jabaattu!
Seenaan Oromoo haa haaromfu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Hailu Gonfa and is dedicated to all those who are committed to revitalizing Oromo history, studying the Gadaa system with honesty and rigor, and applying its lessons to the challenges of today.
The Question of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa: Toward a Balanced and Sustainable Solution
Navigating History, Constitutional Rights, and the Complex Realities of Governance
By Jafer Ali
The question of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—and its surrounding areas, including Dirree Dhawaa, has long been one of the most contentious and emotionally charged issues in Ethiopian political discourse. For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not merely a city; it is the heart of their ancestral homeland, a symbol of their historical presence, and a constitutional matter that has yet to be resolved. For others, it is the capital of Ethiopia, the seat of the federal government, and a city that belongs to all Ethiopians.
The debate has intensified as the national dialogue process unfolds, and the question of how to resolve the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has become central to discussions about the future of Ethiopia’s federal system, ethnic relations, and governance structure.
This article seeks to explore the key questions surrounding Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa, examining the constitutional, historical, political, and practical dimensions of the issue. It argues that a sustainable solution must move beyond simplistic claims of ownership and instead focus on a framework of mutual consent, shared benefit, and constitutional fidelity.
The Key Questions
The debate over Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa can be distilled into two fundamental questions:
1. What does the Constitution say?
The Ethiopian Constitution, adopted in 1995, establishes the federal structure of the country and recognizes the rights of nations, nationalities, and peoples. Article 49(5) specifically recognizes Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne regarding social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters arising from the city’s location within the State of Oromia.
This constitutional provision has been the subject of intense debate. For Oromo advocates, it represents a legal acknowledgment of the city’s historical and geographical connection to Oromia—a connection that has never been fully implemented. For others, the provision is a compromise that balances the city’s role as the federal capital with the rights of the surrounding region.
2. What does the people demand?
The Oromo people’s demand regarding Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is clear and consistent: the city is Oromo land, and its rightful owners are the Oromo people. The demand is often framed as a call for the city to be placed under the administrative jurisdiction of the Oromia Regional Government or for the Oromo people to have greater control over the city’s governance and resources.
This demand is rooted in a historical narrative that the city was established on Oromo land through conquest and dispossession, and that the Oromo people have never consented to the city’s status as a separately administered entity.
The Need for a Balanced Approach
The challenge of resolving the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa lies in reconciling these two perspectives. On one hand, the Oromo people’s historical and constitutional claims cannot be ignored. On the other hand, the city’s role as the federal capital, its international significance, and the presence of diverse communities cannot be dismissed.
A balanced approach must consider the following dimensions:
1. The Constitutional Dimension
The Constitution provides a starting point for resolving the issue. Article 49(5) recognizes Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne, but the provision has never been fully implemented. A sustainable solution must begin by implementing this constitutional provision through joint administrative mechanisms, resource-sharing agreements, and coordinated governance frameworks.
However, any implementation must respect the city’s role as the federal capital and the rights of all its residents. The Constitution does not provide for the city to be placed under Oromia’s exclusive administrative control. Rather, it envisions a framework of cooperation and shared responsibility.
2. The Historical Dimension
The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne is a fact that must be acknowledged. The area known as Finfinnee was inhabited by Oromo people before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire, and the city’s name itself is Oromo, meaning “place of hot springs.”
But historical claims alone cannot determine the city’s future. The city has evolved over the past century into a multi-ethnic metropolis that is home to people from across Ethiopia. The current residents—Oromo, Amhara, Gurage, Tigrayan, and others—have legitimate claims to the city as their home. A just solution must respect both the historical rights of the Oromo people and the contemporary rights of all residents.
3. The Political Dimension
The status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is a political question that requires political solutions. It cannot be resolved through unilateral declarations or zero-sum demands. It requires negotiation, compromise, and good-faith dialogue between the federal government, the Oromia regional government, and other stakeholders.
The political dimension also includes considerations of power, representation, and resource allocation. Any solution must ensure that the Oromo people have a meaningful voice in the governance of the city while also ensuring that all residents are treated equally and fairly.
4. The Practical Dimension
Finfinne is not just a symbol; it is a functioning city with millions of residents, extensive infrastructure, and a critical role in Ethiopia’s economy and international relations. The city is home to the African Union headquarters, numerous diplomatic missions, and major economic enterprises.
Any change in the city’s governance must consider the practical implications for its residents, businesses, and international partners. Disruption to the city’s administration could have far-reaching consequences that extend beyond Oromia.
The Complexities of the Dirree Dhawaa Question
While the focus has often been on Finfinne, the question of Dirree Dhawaa is equally significant. Dirree Dhawaa is a symbol of Oromo resistance—a site where the Oromo people have gathered to demand their rights and have faced repression from state forces.
The status of Dirree Dhawaa is closely linked to the broader question of Oromo land rights and the expansion of the capital. The area is located within Oromia and has been the focus of protests and resistance. A sustainable solution for Finfinne must also address the concerns of communities in Dirree Dhawaa and other surrounding areas.
The Risk of Unilateral Decisions
The debate over Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is not without risk. Unilateral decisions—whether by the federal government or the Oromia regional government—could have serious consequences. As history has shown, when the boundaries of the capital were previously redrawn, it led to widespread protests, conflict, and political instability.
The controversy over the 2014 Finfinne Integrated Development Master Plan highlighted these risks. The proposed expansion of the capital into surrounding Oromia districts led to widespread protests that spread throughout Oromia and eventually led to the cancellation of the plan. The experience demonstrated that decisions made in the capital directly affect neighboring Oromo communities, and that meaningful consultation and participation are essential.
The Need for Comprehensive Analysis
Before any decision is made on the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa, a comprehensive analysis is needed. This analysis should consider:
- The interests of all residents: The rights and needs of all residents of the city must be respected.
- The interests of the Oromo people: The historical and constitutional claims of the Oromo people must be acknowledged.
- The interests of the federal government: The city’s role as the federal capital must be protected.
- The interests of the Oromia regional government: The region’s constitutional rights and interests must be respected.
- The interests of the broader Ethiopian people: The solution must serve the long-term stability and unity of the country.
A Possible Framework for Resolution
A sustainable resolution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa must be based on mutual consent, shared benefit, and constitutional fidelity. A possible framework could include:
1. Implementation of Constitutional Provisions
Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne, as recognized in Article 49(5), should be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms that ensure meaningful Oromo participation in decisions affecting the city and surrounding communities. This could include joint committees, shared decision-making structures, and resource-sharing agreements.
2. Recognition of Historical Rights
The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa should be recognized through cultural institutions, public acknowledgment, and educational programs that celebrate the city’s diverse history.
3. Fair Development and Consultation
Urban expansion and development should be planned with meaningful consultation with affected communities, ensuring fair compensation, environmental protection, and shared benefits.
4. Inclusive Governance
All residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—should have equal rights to participation, public services, and legal protection. The city’s governance should reflect its diversity and ensure that all voices are heard.
5. Shared Prosperity
The economic benefits of the capital’s growth should be shared with surrounding communities, creating a virtuous cycle of development rather than a pattern of exploitation.
The Role of Dialogue and Mutual Consent
Ultimately, the solution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa must be based on dialogue and mutual consent. The federal government and the Oromia regional government must engage in good-faith negotiations to find a mutually acceptable governance framework.
The national dialogue process provides an opportunity to address this issue in a comprehensive and inclusive manner. However, the dialogue must be genuine, transparent, and committed to finding a solution that serves the interests of all parties.
Conclusion: Toward a Just and Sustainable Future
The question of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is one of the most complex and consequential issues facing Ethiopia today. It touches on history, identity, constitutional rights, governance, and the future of the nation.
A sustainable solution cannot be based on unilateral declarations, zero-sum demands, or the denial of legitimate rights. It requires a commitment to dialogue, constitutional fidelity, and the recognition that the interests of all parties—the Oromo people, the residents of the city, the federal government, and the broader Ethiopian people—must be balanced.
The status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is not just a question of ownership—it is a question of justice, governance, and the future of Ethiopia itself.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Nagaan haa bulaa!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and sustainable solution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa.
Irreechaa: The Oromo Thanksgiving — A Celebration of Creation, Renewal, and Gratitude
Honouring Waaqa Through Ancient Rituals of Rain, Peace, and Fertility
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the heart of the Oromo nation, a sacred tradition unfolds each year—a celebration that connects the living to their creator, their ancestors, and the natural world that sustains them. Irreechaa is more than a cultural festival; it is the spiritual heartbeat of the Oromo people, a profound expression of thanksgiving to Waaqa (God) for the gift of life, the renewal of the seasons, and the promise of abundance.
As the Oromo people gather at sacred sites—atop mountains, along riverbanks, and around the shores of lakes—they carry bunches of fresh grass and flowers, symbols of creation and gratitude. They sing, they pray, and they reaffirm their faith in the one universal creator. This is Irreechaa: the Oromo Thanksgiving Day.
The Oromo Belief in One God: Waaqa Tokko
The Oromo people are one of the indigenous peoples of East Africa, with a rich cultural heritage that stretches back millennia. Central to their worldview is a profound and unwavering belief in monotheism—the belief in one God, whom they call Waaqa.
The Oromo are not fetishists. They do not worship the forces of nature; rather, they see in them the manifestations of Waaqa’s power and wisdom. The Oromo people hold this faith so deeply that any expression of doubt regarding the unity of God is met with strong protest. For the Oromo, there is and will always be but one God—Waaqa Tokko—the unique, universal creator and master of all existence.
This belief is the foundation upon which the Irreechaa ceremony is built. It is a celebration not of nature itself, but of the creator whose wisdom and power are revealed through nature’s beauty, fertility, and renewal.
The Gadaa System and Qaalluu Institution: The Framework of Irreechaa
To fully understand Irreechaa, one must understand the broader cultural and political systems of the Oromo people, particularly the Gadaa system and the Qaalluu institution.
The Gadaa system is a millennia-old democratic governance structure based on generational age sets, egalitarian principles, and rotating leadership. It has been recognized by UNESCO as part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. The Qaalluu institution, on the other hand, is the spiritual authority that maintains harmony between society, nature, and the spiritual realm.
Irreechaa is intimately connected to both. The Qaalluus (spiritual leaders) and the Abbaa Malkaas (lineal chiefs of the areas) are at the top hierarchies of the ritual. The Qaalluus give instructions and directives regarding the location and timing of the ritual, ensuring that it is conducted in accordance with ancient traditions.
The Philosophy of Irreechaa: Life, Death, and Resurrection
Irreechaa is not merely a ritual; it is a comprehensive philosophical worldview that reflects the Oromo people’s understanding of existence.
The ceremony embodies a profound admiration for the miraculous spiritual powers of Waaqa and the living secret of generation. The ever-greenness and productivity of plants, the regeneration of life, the replacement of the old by the new, and the death and resurrection of fruits are seen as manifestations of Waaqa’s wisdom.
According to this belief, all is accomplished by the will of Waaqa.
The cycle of seasons—the death of vegetation in the dry season and its resurrection with the rains—is likened to the cycle of life itself. It reflects a philosophy of life after death, of renewal, and of hope.
Historically, this worldview is believed to have originated from the ancient Cushitic people living along the Nile Valley. While the Oromo Waaqeffannaa is not identical to the religious practices of these ancient peoples, it shares a common origin in the Nile Valley Cushitic civilization.
The Two Major Irreechaa Celebrations
The Irreechaa ritual ceremony is conducted at different places and times, governed by its own system and portrayed by its own ritual practices. By and large, it takes place at two major areas:
1. Irreechaa Tulluu — The Mountain Celebration
Irreechaa Tulluu is the ritual ceremony conducted at the top of mountains. It is performed at the beginning of the spring season, usually in the month of March.
For three months prior, the land has endured the harshness of the dry season (bona) . Both people and cattle suffer from drought, shortage of water, and scarcity of grasses. It is during this time of hardship that the Oromo people gather on the mountain tops to pray to Waaqa to send rain, to bring relief, and to restore life to the land.
The mountain tops are solitary places characterized by moisture conducive for praying. This ritual ceremonial practice is said to have closely related to the worship practiced by ancient settlers of peoples of the Nile Valley.
2. Irreechaa Malkaa — The Riverbank Celebration
Irreechaa Malkaa is celebrated immediately after the end of the rainy season, in the middle of September (Fulbaana). It is a time of transition—when the darkness and fog of the rainy season give way to the brightness of spring (Birraa) .
This ritual ceremony is accomplished not only along the banks of rivers but also around lakes and their vicinities. The most famous of these celebrations takes place at Hora Arsadi, near Bishoftu town, a site of profound historical and cultural significance.
This Irreechaa holiday is sometimes known as Ayyaana Birraa (the Birraa holiday). It is the time when relatives, families, and clans, separated by rivers and floods during the rainy season, are able to meet and reconnect.
The Significance of Hora Arsadi
Hora Arsadi, the iconic site of Irreechaa Malkaa, is located adjacent to Bishoftu town, not far from Oda Nabe—one of the Oromo religious, political, and historical centers of ancient times.
The name “Hora Arsadi” is derived from a man named Arsadi, who is said to have belonged to the Liban lineage. The site is a sacred space, where the Oromo people gather annually to give thanks, to pray, and to renew their connection to Waaqa and to each other.
At this site, the Abbaa Malkaas and the Abbaa Gadaas have vital participatory roles. Communities carrying bunches of lovely grasses and flowers in their hands—symbols of creation and abundance—praise, bless, and pray to Waaqa.
The Rituals of Irreechaa
The Irreechaa ceremony is a rich tapestry of song, dance, prayer, and community fellowship.
Carrying the Bunch of Grasses and Flowers
Participants hold in their hands fresh grass and flowers—symbols of the creation they are praising. This act embodies the essence of Irreechaa: “Uumamaan uumaa raajjeeffanna” —we pray and admire the creator having creations in hands.
After the thanksgiving songs are sung, the bunches of flowers and grasses are laid over, symbolizing the offering of gratitude to Waaqa.
The Songs of Irreechaa
The songs of Irreechaa are deeply moving and spiritually charged. The women, decorated in Caaccuu (beads) cultural suits and holding Siiqqee (cultural slender sticks), sing the melody:
“Maareyoo! Maareyoo…!”
The men, holding Harooressa (male sticks), respond with:
“Irrechoo yaa irrecha malkaa roobaafi nagaa…”
This call and response is a prayer for rain, peace, and fertility—for the well-being of the community and the promise of abundance.
The Return Home
After the prayers, all participants return to their villages, accompanying the Abbaa Malkaa and their clan leaders. The journey back is marked by joy, fellowship, and the reaffirmation of community bonds.
Children and Youth Celebrations
Children with peer groups sing seasonal and love songs. This is the season when young people select their partners, give and receive gifts, and express their best wishes to one another through cultural songs. It is a time of hope, renewal, and the celebration of life.
The Cultural and Spiritual Meaning of Irreechaa
Irreechaa embodies the core values of Oromo culture and spirituality:
1. Gratitude to the Creator
The ceremony is an act of thanksgiving, acknowledging that all life and abundance come from Waaqa.
2. Renewal and Hope
Irreechaa marks the transition from hardship to hope, from the scarcity of the dry season to the abundance of spring.
3. Community and Unity
The celebration brings together families, clans, and communities, reinforcing the bonds of kinship and solidarity.
4. Connection to Nature
The use of fresh grass and flowers symbolizes the Oromo people’s deep connection to the natural world and their role as stewards of creation.
5. Peace and Reconciliation
Irreechaa is also a time for reconciliation—for mending relationships, resolving conflicts, and fostering peace within the community.
Irreechaa in the Modern Era
Today, Irreechaa has grown beyond its traditional boundaries. The annual celebration at Hora Arsadi now draws hundreds of thousands of Oromo people from across Ethiopia and the diaspora. It has become a powerful expression of Oromo identity, unity, and cultural pride.
The ceremony has also garnered international recognition. It serves as a reminder of the Oromo people’s rich cultural heritage and their enduring connection to their land, their faith, and their traditions.
In the diaspora, Oromo communities in cities like Minneapolis, Seattle, Melbourne, and Toronto have also begun to celebrate Irreechaa, ensuring that the tradition continues across borders. These celebrations preserve cultural identity, connect younger generations to their heritage, and create spaces for community bonding.
A Call to Preserve and Celebrate
As the Oromo people continue to navigate the challenges of the modern world, Irreechaa remains a source of strength, hope, and identity. It is a reminder of who they are, where they come from, and the values that unite them as a people.
Irreechaa is more than a holiday—it is a way of life. It is a philosophy of gratitude, a celebration of creation, and a reaffirmation of faith in the one universal creator.
As the participants gather at Hora Arsadi and other sacred sites, they carry not just bunches of grass and flowers, but the hopes, prayers, and dreams of an entire nation.
Irreechoo yaa irrecha malkaa roobaafi nagaa!
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Irreechaa haa jabaattu!
Waaqa haa galatannu!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo people—past, present, and future—who carry the spirit of Irreechaa in their hearts, and to the generations yet to come who will continue this sacred tradition.
Advocacy for Oromia 