Culture is the mirror of a community’s identity, the bridge connecting generations, and the living witness to history. The Oromo people possess a wealth of indigenous values and traditional systems passed down through generations. Among these, the Goobee and Shinooyyee traditional games hold a unique place and message within the Gada system, celebrating the end of the rainy season and the arrival of spring.
As the Oromo calendar transitions from the rainy season—a time of reflection—to the spring season, a symbol of hope and renewal, various thanksgiving ceremonies and traditional games are performed. One such celebration is the Goobee and Shinooyyee festival, a vibrant cultural practice observed by young men (Qero) and women (Qaree) as they dress in traditional attire and joyfully play together.
Goobee: A Festival of Light and Freedom for Young Men
Goobee is a festival for young men welcoming the light of spring with joy and hope. It is a time for them to declare their freedom and independence. The festival marks a significant milestone in the lives of young Oromo men, allowing them to express their identity and embrace their role in the community.
The rituals of Goobee are deeply symbolic. Young men gather in groups, dressed in their finest traditional attire, and participate in games and dances that celebrate the arrival of the new season. The festival is a declaration of readiness—a statement that they are prepared to take on the responsibilities of adulthood and contribute to the well-being of their community.
Shinooyyee: A Festival of Freedom and Identity for Young Women
Shinooyyee is a festival of freedom and identity for young Oromo girls. It marks the transition of young women from childhood to a stage of greater social recognition, providing a unique opportunity for them to express themselves freely.
During Shinooyyee, girls gather with friends to style their hair and dress in their finest ornaments, chanting and dancing with unparalleled freedom. They collect fragrant grass and give it to their neighbours as a symbol of abundance and blessing, receiving food and butter in return. The festival serves as a critical space for social bonding, strengthening relationships among girls and providing them with a sense of community and mutual support.
The significance of Shinooyyee extends beyond individual celebration. It is a collective affirmation of the value and dignity of young women, reinforcing their place within the broader Oromo society. The festival instils pride, confidence, and a deep sense of belonging.
The Prelude to Irreechaa
These festivals are the prelude to Irreechaa, the grand Oromo thanksgiving celebration. The celebration begins in late August and continues for weeks as youth in villages and towns unite in joy and unity. Goobee and Shinooyyee are not merely games—they are profound cultural events that reflect the beauty of nature, the honour of youth, and the resilience of a people.
The Gadaa system, of which these festivals are a core component, has selected eight high-level mountains where offering thanks to God is performed. The festivals embody the principles of peace, unity, and harmonious coexistence that are central to the Gadaa system.
A Symbol of Cultural Revival
Goobee and Shinooyyee are powerful symbols of Oromo identity and cultural revival. In recent years, the festivals have been revived and celebrated with remarkable enthusiasm in Finfinnee and throughout Oromia. They are organised with the support of cultural institutions and government bodies, underscoring the commitment to preserving and promoting the culture of the Oromo people.
As part of the Gadaa system, a UNESCO-recognised intangible cultural heritage, these festivals are significant in maintaining social cohesion and transmitting cultural values. They ensure that the wisdom of the ancestors continues to guide future generations.
Tourism and Economic Potential
Beyond cultural preservation, Goobee and Shinooyyee hold significant potential for the tourism sector. By promoting these vibrant traditions, Oromia can attract visitors seeking authentic cultural experiences. The festivals showcase the region’s beauty and the rich heritage of the Oromo people, contributing to sustainable development and economic growth.
The traditional clothing, music, dances, and rituals associated with Goobee and Shinooyyee offer a compelling attraction for tourists interested in cultural tourism. The economic benefits of such tourism can support local communities and incentivise further cultural preservation efforts.
A Symbol of Freedom and Self-Determination
The revival of these festivals represents the restoration of a lost cultural heritage. For years, these practices were suppressed under past regimes, but now they serve as a symbol of freedom and self-determination for the Oromo people. They are celebrated alongside other Oromo festivals, such as Irreechaa, which have become powerful symbols of peace, unity, and national cohesion.
Celebrating Goobee and Shinooyyee is itself an act of resistance—a declaration that the Oromo people will not be erased, that their culture will not be forgotten, and that their traditions will continue to thrive.
Conclusion: An Act of Future-Building
Preserving these cultural treasures is not just a matter of nostalgia; it is an act of future-building. By safeguarding and promoting Goobee and Shinooyyee, the community ensures that its children inherit a rich cultural legacy that strengthens the fabric of society and fosters a spirit of unity.
It is a collective responsibility to cherish, pass on, and promote these living resources as expressions of Oromo identity, values, and cultural beauty.
Culture is the mirror of a community’s identity, the bridge connecting generations, and the living witness to history. The Oromo people possess a wealth of indigenous values and traditional systems passed down through generations. Among these, the Goobee and Shinooyyee traditional games hold a unique place and message within the Gada system, celebrating the end of the rainy season and the arrival of spring.
As the Oromo calendar transitions from the rainy season—a time of reflection—to the spring season, a symbol of hope and renewal, various thanksgiving ceremonies and traditional games are performed. One such celebration is the Goobee and Shinooyyee festival, a vibrant cultural practice observed by young men (Qero) and women (Qaree) as they dress in traditional attire and joyfully play together.
Goobee is a festival for young men welcoming the light of spring with joy and hope . It is a time for them to declare their freedom and independence. Shinooyyee is a festival of freedom and identity for young Oromo girls. It marks the transition of young women from childhood to a stage of greater social recognition, providing a unique opportunity for them to express themselves freely .
During Shinooyyee, girls gather with friends to style their hair and dress in their finest ornaments, chanting and dancing with unparalleled freedom . They collect fragrant grass and give it to their neighbors as a symbol of abundance and blessing, receiving food and butter in return . The festival serves as a critical space for social bonding, strengthening relationships among girls and providing them with a sense of community and mutual support.
These festivals are the prelude to Irreecha, the grand Oromo thanksgiving celebration . The celebration begins in late August and continues for weeks as youth in villages and towns unite in joy and unity. Goobee and Shinooyyee are not merely games—they are profound cultural events that reflect the beauty of nature, the honor of youth, and the resilience of a people.
Goobee and Shinooyyee are powerful symbols of Oromo identity and cultural revival. In recent years, the festivals have been revived and celebrated with remarkable enthusiasm in Finfinnee and throughout Oromia. They are organized with the support of cultural institutions and government bodies, underscoring the government’s commitment to preserving and promoting the culture of the Oromo people. As part of the Gada system, a UNESCO-recognized intangible cultural heritage, these festivals are significant in maintaining social cohesion and transmitting cultural values.
Beyond cultural preservation, Goobee and Shinooyyee hold significant potential for the tourism sector. By promoting these vibrant traditions, Oromia can attract visitors seeking authentic cultural experiences. The festivals showcase the region’s beauty and the rich heritage of the Oromo people, contributing to sustainable development and economic growth.
The revival of these festivals represents the restoration of a lost cultural heritage. For years, these practices were suppressed under past regimes, but now they serve as a symbol of freedom and self-determination for the Oromo people . They are celebrated alongside other Oromo festivals, such as Irreecha, which have become powerful symbols of peace, unity, and national cohesion .
Preserving these cultural treasures is not just a matter of nostalgia; it is an act of future-building. By safeguarding and promoting Goobee and Shinooyyee, the community ensures that its children inherit a rich cultural legacy that strengthens the fabric of society and fosters a spirit of unity. It is a collective responsibility to cherish, pass on, and promote these living resources as expressions of Oromo identity, values, and cultural beauty.
How Oromo Cultural Festivals Can Mitigate Conflict and Build Social Cohesion
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In a world where youth are increasingly drawn to divisive ideologies, political extremism, and social unrest, the Oromo people possess a powerful alternative: their own rich cultural traditions. The festivals of Shinooyee and Goobee—celebrations of the Oromo new year and the transition from winter to spring—are not merely cultural events. They are mechanisms for peacebuilding, social cohesion, and the redirection of youth energy toward constructive ends.
This article argues that Shinooyee and Goobee have significant preventive benefits. When young people invest their time, knowledge, skills, and resources in promoting Oromo culture, they not only ensure the growth of their traditions but also contribute to a reduction in conflict and violence. By focusing on cultural development, youth can build peace rather than division.
Argument 1: Cultural Engagement as a Preventative Measure
Proposition: Youth participation in Shinooyee and Goobee celebrations reduces the likelihood of conflict and violence.
Supporting Points:
1. Redirecting Youth Energy Toward Constructive Ends
Young people possess immense energy, creativity, and passion. When these qualities are channelled into political extremism or ethnic rivalry, the result is often violence and instability. However, when youth are engaged in cultural activities—learning traditional songs, preparing for festivals, and preserving Oromo heritage—that same energy is redirected toward positive community building.
Shinooyee and Goobeyyee provide structured, meaningful activities that require collaboration, discipline, and commitment. Young people who are actively preparing for these festivals have less time and inclination for destructive behaviour. The festivals create “prosocial bonds that reduce isolation and renew civic agency” .
2. Fostering Intergenerational Connection
Shinooyee and Goobee bring together elders and youth, creating opportunities for the transmission of cultural knowledge, values, and wisdom. This intergenerational connection is essential for building understanding and respect across age groups.
When youth learn from elders—about history, culture, and the principles of the Gadaa system—they gain perspective on the struggles and triumphs of their people. This perspective reduces the likelihood of impulsive or radical behaviour, as youth see themselves as part of a larger historical narrative.
3. Promoting Peace and Reconciliation Values
Both Shinooyee and Goobee are rooted in the values of peace, reconciliation, and unity. The Gadaa system, of which these festivals are a part, “symbolises peace, unity, and harmonious coexistence among people”.
Before participating in these celebrations, individuals are expected to resolve conflicts and seek forgiveness. This practice teaches youth that peace is not abstract—it requires active effort and accountability. By internalising these values, young people become peacebuilders rather than conflict participants.
Argument 2: Economic and Social Benefits of Cultural Investment
Proposition: Investing youth resources in Shinooyee and Goobee generates positive economic and social returns.
Supporting Points:
1. Building Local Economies
Shinooyee and Goobee are economic drivers. The demand for traditional clothing, food, and crafts creates employment opportunities for artisans, tailors, and small businesses. By investing in these festivals, youth contribute to the economic vitality of their communities.
The Irreechaa Expo, for example, has become a platform for over 250 trade associations, providing economic opportunities and promoting cultural tourism. Similar economic benefits can be realised through the investment of youth resources in Shinooyee and Goobee.
2. Strengthening Social Networks
The festivals foster social networks that serve as safety nets in times of crisis. When youth participate in Shinooyee and Goobee, they build relationships with peers and elders across communities. These relationships can be drawn upon during times of hardship, reducing reliance on divisive or violent alternatives.
As one scholar observed, Irreechaa “brings people closer to each other and strengthens social bonds”. The same applies to Shinooyee and Goobee.
3. Preserving Cultural Heritage
By investing their resources in cultural promotion, youth ensure that Oromo traditions are not lost to modernity. This preservation is not merely nostalgic—it is a form of resistance against cultural erasure and a foundation for collective identity.
When youth understand their culture, they are less likely to adopt extremist ideologies that reject or denigrate their heritage. Instead, they become ambassadors of their culture, promoting understanding and respect across communities.
Argument 3: The Preventive Impact on Conflict
Proposition: Widespread investment in Shinooyee and Goobee can prevent the escalation of conflict.
Supporting Points:
1. Building Bridges Across Communities
Shinooyee and Goobee are not exclusive festivals. Members of various ethnic groups—Kembata, Kebena, Burji, Dawro, and Sidama—have described these celebrations as platforms for cultural exchange and multinational unity. When youth from diverse backgrounds participate together, they build relationships that transcend ethnic divisions.
2. Creating Alternative Narratives
Conflict often arises from narratives of grievance, victimhood, and enmity. Cultural festivals offer alternative narratives of resilience, gratitude, and common humanity. By promoting these narratives, youth challenge the divisive rhetoric that fuels conflict.
3. Demonstrating the Benefits of Peace
Shinooyee and Goobee are celebrations of hope and renewal. They demonstrate that peace is not only possible but desirable—that communities can thrive when they come together in celebration rather than conflict. By participating in these festivals, youth experience the tangible benefits of peace.
Rebuttal: Addressing Potential Counterarguments
Counterargument:“Culture is not a substitute for political change. Focusing on festivals distracts from the real issues facing the Oromo people.”
Rebuttal: Cultural engagement is not a substitute for political action—it is a complement to it. When youth are disconnected from their culture, they are more vulnerable to radicalisation and division. Cultural festivals like Shinooyee and Goobee provide the foundation of identity and community that makes political action more effective and principled.
Counterargument:“Investment in culture is a luxury we cannot afford when we face urgent political and economic challenges.”
Rebuttal: Culture is not a luxury—it is a necessity. The loss of culture is itself a form of oppression, and its preservation is a form of resistance. Moreover, cultural festivals generate economic benefits that address urgent needs. The Irreechaa Expo, for example, has become a platform for economic growth and community development .
Counterargument:“Celebrating culture does nothing to stop violence.”
Rebuttal: Cultural celebration does not stop violence on its own—but it creates the conditions in which violence is less likely. Communities that are culturally connected, socially cohesive, and economically vibrant are more resilient to conflict. Shinooyee and Goobee contribute to these conditions.
Conclusion: A Path to Peace Through Culture
Shinooyee and Goobee are not merely festivals—they are investments in peace. When young people invest their time, knowledge, skills, and resources in promoting Oromo culture, they are not only preserving their heritage—they are building a future of peace and stability.
By engaging in these traditions, youth become peacebuilders, cultural ambassadors, and community leaders. They create alternatives to violence and division, demonstrating that the path to a better future lies not in conflict but in cooperation, not in extremism but in cultural pride.
As the Oromo proverb says: “A person without culture is like a tree without roots.” By investing in Shinooyee and Goobee, youth are planting the roots of peace for generations to come.
This feature article is dedicated to Oromo youth everywhere who are working to preserve and promote their culture as a foundation for peace and unity.
A Story of Dispossession, Resilience, and the Unbroken Spirit of Gullallee
By Abdi Milkessa
The history of the Oromo people of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is a history of profound sorrow and indomitable resistance. It is a story that moves the heart to tears, sets the teeth on edge, and stirs the soul to action. It is a history that calls upon the Oromo people to reclaim their land, their identity, and their dignity.
As the wise saying goes: “The history of the Oromo Gullallee, like the history of other Oromo communities, grieves you, makes you weep, grinds your teeth in frustration, stirs your heart to action, and makes you proud.”
The Land and Its People
Finfinne was not built on empty land. It was built on the bones and blood of the Oromo people. The area now known as Addis Ababa was once the heartland of the Gullallee Oromo, one of the clans of the greater Tulama Oromo nation. Alongside the Gullallee, other Oromo clans—Eekkaa, Galaan, Meettaa Aabbuu, and Sululta—inhabited the region that surrounded what is now the capital.
The name Finfinne itself is Oromo, derived from the hot mineral springs (finfina) that bubble up from the earth in the area. For centuries, these springs were a source of healing and sustenance for the Oromo people and their cattle.
The land was rich and fertile, a land of pastures, rivers, and hills where the Oromo people lived according to the Gadaa system—a democratic governance structure that regulated every aspect of their lives.
The Arrival of the Colonizers
The arrival of Emperor Menelik II and his armies in the late 19th century marked the beginning of a dark chapter. Menelik, armed with modern European weapons, launched a campaign of conquest against the Oromo, Sidama, Gurage, and other peoples of the south. This was not a peaceful integration—it was colonisation.
The Oromo people of Gullallee were among the first to resist. They stood firm against Menelik’s forces, using their knowledge of the land and guerrilla tactics to defend their homeland. But the disparity in weaponry was overwhelming. The Oromo warriors, armed only with spears and shields, faced muskets and cannons.
One Oromo elder lamented the arrival of the colonisers in a poem:
“No more standing on Intotto, to look down at the pasture below, No more taking cattle to Finfinnee, to water at the mineral spring. No more gathering on Tulluu Daalattii, where the Gullallee assembly used to meet. Since Mashasha came, freedom has vanished.”
The Uprising of 1878
The Gullallee Oromo rose in a major uprising in 1878. They had endured years of oppression—land dispossession, cattle raids, and the subjugation of their women. The final straw came when Menelik’s soldiers began taking Oromo women by force.
According to oral tradition, the Oromo women of Gullallee, tired of being violated by the colonisers, gathered together and devised a plan. They told their husbands:
“We are being forced to sleep with the enemy. If you do not act, we will take matters into our own hands.”
The men, shamed into action, organised a rebellion. The Gullallee warriors launched a coordinated attack against the colonisers, using the cover of darkness and their intimate knowledge of the terrain.
But they were outmatched. Menelik sent a massive army under his nephew, Dajjaach Mashashaa Seifu, to crush the rebellion. The Gullallee were defeated. Thousands were killed, and the survivors were scattered.
The Dispossession Continues
The defeat of the Gullallee uprising was followed by a systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing. The Oromo were driven from the heart of Finfinne—from areas now known as Arat Kilo, Siddist Kilo, Piassa, Mercato, and beyond.
The land was given to Menelik’s generals and loyalists. Oromo farms were confiscated. Oromo cattle were taken. Oromo children were forced into servitude.
The Gullallee were scattered to the winds. Some fled to neighbouring Oromo areas—to Meettaa, Sooddo, Bacho, Ada’a Bargaa, Waliso, and Kuttaaye. Others remained in Finfinne, but their numbers dwindled as they were steadily pushed to the margins.
Even today, the dispossession continues. In the areas of Bole, Garji, Bulbula, Laaftoo, Makkannisa, Kaarra Qoree, Buraayyuu, Askoo, Shoogalee, and Qaallittii, Oromo families are being displaced to make way for new developments.
The Resilience of the Oromo Gullallee
Despite the centuries of oppression, the Oromo Gullallee have not been broken. They have preserved their culture, their language, and their identity against all odds.
Their resilience is captured in the songs they still sing:
“Bole was once a field of wheat and barley, Now it is covered with villas. The cattle that once grazed there are gone, The land has been taken by strangers.”
Another song laments the loss of the land while affirming the unbroken spirit of the people:
“Bole, O water of Bole, The villas have covered the field. Tomorrow we will go to Jimma, This evil time will pass. Stand firm, stand firm, do not give up!”
The Struggle Continues
The history of the Oromo Gullallee is not just a story of the past—it is a story of the present. The Oromo people of Finfinne and its surrounding areas continue to face displacement, marginalisation, and the erasure of their identity.
The current government, under the Prosperity Party, has continued the policies of its predecessors. The Oromo Special Zone surrounding Finfinne has been systematically dismantled. Oromo farmers in areas like Buraayyuu, Garjii, Bole, and Laaftoo have been displaced to make way for the expansion of the capital.
But the Oromo people have not given up. They continue to resist, to organise, and to demand justice.
A Call to Action
The history of the Oromo Gullallee is a call to action for all Oromo people. It is a reminder that the struggle for Finfinne is not just about land—it is about identity, dignity, and justice.
As the late Dr. Makuraa Bulchaa wrote:
“We have been lamenting for too long. Let us leave that behind and move forward—both at home and abroad. Let us organise our people, let us build our institutions, let us strengthen our unity, and let us fight for our freedom.”
The path to liberation is clear: unity, organisation, and determination. The Oromo people must overcome their divisions, strengthen their institutions, and build a coordinated struggle that will leave the colonisers with no option but to retreat.
Conclusion
The history of the Oromo people of Finfinne is a history of suffering, but it is also a history of resilience. From the heroes of Gullallee to the Qeerroo of today, the Oromo people have never ceased to resist.
The memory of Tufaa Munaa, Hasanuu Wadaay, and countless other heroes reminds us that the struggle for freedom is a sacred duty. Their sacrifice calls us to action.
Finfinne is not just a city—it is the heart of Oromia. And as long as the Oromo people remember their history, they will never give up the fight to reclaim it.
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo Gullallee and all the Oromo people who have endured displacement and oppression, and who continue to resist for a free and just Oromia.
When we speak of the great civilisations of antiquity, our minds often turn to Egypt, Greece, or Rome. But long before the Persian Empire rose to dominance, there existed in the heart of Africa a kingdom of extraordinary power, wealth, and sophistication—the Kingdom of Kush.
The Kingdom of Kush, with its three major cities of Meroe, Kerma, and Napata, emerged in the Nubian Desert south of Egypt along the Upper Nile River Valley from the 2nd millennium B.C. to the fourth century A.D. . For over a thousand years, Kush was a major power in the Nile valley, controlling an empire that at its height stretched from Central Sudan to the Mediterranean .
The achievements of this ancient civilisation challenge long-held beliefs that Egypt was the sole centre of advancement in the region. As renowned archaeologist Charles Bonnet’s excavations have revealed, Kush was not a mere vassal state of Egypt but a powerful and independent kingdom with its own distinctively indigenous culture . This sophisticated political state organised trade to the Mediterranean basin and built up a military strong enough to resist Egyptian forces .
The Black Pharaohs: A Legacy of Power
The Kushite rulers of Egypt’s 25th Dynasty, often referred to as the “Black Pharaohs,” represent a pivotal moment in the history of the Nile Valley. Emerging from the Kingdom of Kush at Napata in Nubia, these rulers not only unified Egypt after centuries of fragmentation but also reinvigorated pharaonic traditions .
The first major figure of this dynasty, King Piye, launched a campaign into Egypt during a period of political fragmentation known as the Third Intermediate Period. His Victory Stela records the subjugation of Delta rulers and proclaims his role as restorer of order . By 730 BCE, Piye had conquered Lower Egypt, establishing Kushite authority over both Upper and Lower Egypt .
The dynasty reached its zenith under Taharqa (690–664 BCE), whose reign is remembered for monumental building projects and ambitious foreign policy. Taharqa sponsored extensive temple construction at Karnak, Kawa, and Jebel Barkal, reinforcing his devotion to Amun and his claim to pharaonic legitimacy . He intervened in the Levant, supporting coalitions against Assyrian expansion, and is mentioned in both Biblical and Assyrian sources .
One of the most remarkable features of Meroitic civilisation was its powerful queens. The title “Candace,” meaning “sister,” was given to Kushite queens . Queens such as Amanirenas—who signed a peace treaty with the emperor Augustus—and Amanishakheto, whose treasure was looted in 1834, demonstrate the prominent role of women in Kushite society .
Kush: More Than a Footnote
The Kingdom of Kush was more than a civilisation; it was a power that commanded both land and sea. Kushite armies were formidable, and their military prowess allowed them to conquer and control Egypt itself . Kush also boasted a powerful navy, controlling trade routes along the Nile and beyond .
The economy of the ancient Kushites relied on trade in exotic African goods with Egypt and beyond. As middlemen, Kushite traders passed along ivory, ebony, incense, and other exotic goods from the South to the Egyptians, who then traded with other Mediterranean peoples . The city of Kerma, with its strategic location on the Nile River, controlled this crucial trade route .
Kush produced more gold than anywhere in the world at that time . Archaeologists have uncovered massive gold-processing operations at sites like Hosh el-Guruf, revealing the scale of Kush’s wealth . Minerals and high-quality stone were also mined for trade, and the Kushites introduced and developed iron metallurgy to the region .
A Sophisticated Society
The art and architecture of the Kushites reveal a sophisticated society of innovative craftsmen who constantly assimilated new artistic techniques from other lands . Notable architecture includes stone temple complexes such as the Lion Temple at Naqa and the steep-sided, solid pyramids found at Meroe and Jebel Barkal .
In fact, Sudan has more pyramids than all of Egypt—a testament to the grandeur of the Kushite civilisation . These tall, slender, graceful monuments bear witness to the lasting splendour of Kush .
Kushite art includes narrative tomb wall paintings and unique, eggshell-thin pottery with geometric patterns traded all over the Mediterranean . Stoic granite and bronze statues of gods and kings convey the religious beliefs of this ancient people .
The Question of Cush
The name “Kush” has been connected since at least the time of Josephus with the biblical character Cush, son of Ham (Genesis 10:6). Ham had four sons: Cush, Put, Canaan, and Mizraim (Egypt) . According to the Bible, Nimrod, a son of Cush, was the founder and king of Babylon, Erech, Akkad, and Calneh .
The Cushitic-speaking peoples, who are the ethnolinguistic groups speaking Cushitic languages natively, are today found primarily in the Horn of Africa, with minorities in Egypt, Sudan, Kenya, and Tanzania . Proto-Cushitic was spoken on the Ethiopian Highlands by 5000–4000 BC .
A Civilisation Worthy of Recognition
The Kingdom of Kush is not merely a footnote in the history of Africa—it is a testament to the power, ingenuity, and resilience of the peoples of the Nile Valley. As the American Journal of Archaeology notes in its review of The Nubian Pharaohs of Egypt, the term “Black Pharaohs” has sometimes been used to market exhibits, but the historical significance of Kush extends far beyond its interaction with Egypt . Sudanese colleagues and community members rightly resent the idea that the kings of ancient Sudan are only important because they ruled over Egypt . The Kingdom of Kush deserves to be remembered on its own terms.
We Knew This Was Coming — Yet We Chose to Stay Silent
By Koste Abdiisaa
If we had shown even 1% of the outrage we have expressed over the past two days three, four, or five years ago—when Fano killed hundreds of innocent Oromos in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and elsewhere—perhaps these killings would not have happened.
We knew this was coming. The signs were everywhere. The warnings were clear. Yet we chose to remain silent. We chose to look away. We chose to believe that the storm would pass us by.
But storms do not pass by those who refuse to prepare. They break over them.
The Warning Signs We Ignored
For years, the enemies of the Oromo people have been methodically preparing for this moment. While we argued among ourselves, they were opening training camps in our backyard. While we engaged in name-calling and petty divisions, they were building security structures and training hundreds of people to carry out their plans.
We saw it happening. We heard the reports. We knew that innocent farmers—our farmers—were being killed in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and countless other places. And what did we do?
We expressed outrage on social media. We posted our anger, shared our grief, and then went back to business as usual.
Our collective inaction allowed this to continue. Our silence gave them permission to proceed. Our failure to act was an invitation for more violence.
The Consequences of Inaction
This is not about hindsight. This is about foresight—and our failure to use it. We cannot pretend that these killings were unexpected. We knew what was coming. We had every warning. But we failed to act.
And now, the consequences are here.
The killing of our innocent farmers is not just a tragedy—it is a judgment on our collective failure to protect our own. It is the result of years of political naivety, misplaced priorities, and a refusal to confront the reality of the threat we faced.
We were good at crying after the fact. We were good at expressing outrage on social media after tragedies happened. But we were very poor at recognizing threats early on, listening to those who recognized them, and preparing ourselves to face them.
The Deeper Outrage
Like many of you, I am outraged by the killing of our innocent farmers. But I am even more outraged by our inaction—our lack of political awareness, our failure to recognize and respond to such cruelty for so long.
What is even more troubling is that some of our so-called political entities—those who claim to speak for us—continue to seek alignment with those responsible. They act as if there is still some humanity left in them to appeal to. They still hope for dialogue with those who have shown, time and again, that they have no interest in peace, only in domination.
This is not leadership. This is delusion.
And we, as a people, have allowed it. We have allowed ourselves to be led by those who refuse to see the enemy for what they are. We have allowed ourselves to be distracted by petty divisions while our people are being slaughtered.
The Beginning, Not the End
Let us not pretend that this is the end. This is the beginning. The attacks will continue. The killings will escalate. And if we do not act now—with unity, determination, and clarity—the tragedies we see today will seem small compared to what is coming.
I fear that we may still fail to act in a timely manner. I fear that we will continue to cry and express outrage for a week, and then return to normal life. I fear that we will continue to do what we seem to be good at: mourning after the fact, but never preparing for what lies ahead.
A Call to Look Within
If this senseless killing of our people does not make us angry enough to question our collective inaction, then perhaps we need to look within ourselves and ask: What kind of society have we become?
Have we become a people who only react after the damage is done? Have we become a people who prioritize social media outrage over real action? Have we become a people who are more concerned with who is right than with what is right?
We must ask ourselves these questions. And we must answer them honestly.
The Path Forward
We cannot change the past. The blood that has been spilled cannot be unspilled. But we can change the future. We can act now—today—to ensure that these tragedies do not continue.
This requires several things:
Unity: We must put aside our petty divisions and unite as a people. Our enemies are united; we must be even more united.
Awareness: We must wake up to the reality of the threat we face. We must recognize the signs and act before it is too late.
Action: We must support those who are willing to sacrifice and risk their lives to defend our people. We must build the structures and institutions necessary to protect ourselves.
Accountability: We must hold our political entities accountable. We must demand that they prioritize the defense of our people over their own political ambitions.
Resilience: We must be prepared for the long fight ahead. This is not a battle that will be won in a day. It requires patience, courage, and an unwavering commitment to our people.
Conclusion: Enough Is Enough
The killing of our innocent farmers is a crime against humanity. But our collective inaction is a crime against ourselves.
We cannot afford to continue down this path. We cannot afford to remain silent while our people are being slaughtered. We cannot afford to wait until the next tragedy to express our outrage.
Enough is enough.
Let us honor the memory of those who have been killed by resolving to act—not just with words, but with deeds. Let us build a future where our people are safe, our land is protected, and our dignity is restored.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Nagaan haa jabaatu!
This reflection is dedicated to the innocent Oromo farmers who have lost their lives, and to all those who are determined to build a future of peace, justice, and security for our people.
(Finfinne, 12 August 2026) -Ethiopia’s youth are not just the leaders of tomorrow—they are the architects of today. With the country’s demographic composition showing that young people make up the largest segment of the population, this is not merely a statistic—it is a tremendous opportunity to secure prosperity and lasting development for the nation.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali has called on the youth to be the engine of change, the driving force behind transformation, and the solid pillars of Ethiopia’s sovereignty.
The Youth: A Force for Positive Change
In a recent message, the Prime Minister emphasized that Ethiopian youth are guided by noble goals and a clear vision for the future. They are the primary motor of transformation in our society—the unshakable pillars upon which the nation’s sovereignty rests.
Today’s youth are writing a new chapter in the history of Ethiopia. They have turned away from harmful legacies of the past—unproductive traditions, unnecessary rivalries, and destructive conflicts. Instead, they are focusing on development, progress, and the fight against poverty.
A Government Committed to Youth Empowerment
The “Prosperity Party” government is working with dedication and commitment to strengthen the comprehensive participation of youth in all spheres of life. The role of youth in leadership and decision-making is being reinforced, recognizing that the future of Ethiopia depends on the active engagement of its young people.
Key priorities include ensuring equal opportunities for all young people, strengthening youth leadership roles in governance and society, promoting comprehensive participation in economic, social, and political life, and building a nation where young people can thrive and contribute fully.
A Call to Action: Building Our National Vision Together
The Prime Minister has called upon all youth to engage actively in the development of our nation, to work with love and dedication for the prosperity of Ethiopia, to reject division and conflict while embracing unity and progress, and to embrace innovation and creativity to build a brighter future.
Conclusion: The Youth Are Our Hope
Ethiopia’s youth are the heartbeat of the nation, the hope of the future, and the strength of the present. Their energy, creativity, and commitment will shape the destiny of our people for generations to come.
Ethiopia Prevails!
Youth is Power!
Change is Now!
This feature article is dedicated to all the youth of Ethiopia—the architects of a brighter future!
In the early 1960s, Ethiopia was a nation of silence. Political parties were banned. Open dissent was crushed. The empire of Haile Selassie I, with its ancient Amharic-speaking elite, governed through a system of centralized control that left little room for the voices of its largest ethnic group—the Oromo.
Yet, in the cramped offices of Addis Ababa, three small self-help groups began to meet. The Jibat and Macha, the Metta Robii, and the Tulama Shawa associations had been formed to provide modest social relief to Oromo communities. But in 1963, these three organizations merged into something far more significant. They became the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association—Waldaa Wal-gargaarsa Maccaa fi Tuulamaa—and in doing so, they ignited a fire that would reshape Oromo history forever.
A Name That United a People
The association took its name from two of the major Borana Oromo clans: Machaa and Tulema. But its vision was far broader than any single clan. It was designed to embrace all Oromos, irrespective of religion or region, and even welcomed non-Oromo nationalities who accepted its objectives. Its founders were a remarkable group: Hail Mariam Gamada, a lawyer; Alemu Qixxeesa, a retired colonel; Mamo Mezemer; and others who had been educated in the imperial system but had “subsequently rediscovered their culture”.
The most prominent leader was Tadesse Birru, a former general in the Ethiopian police force and territorial army. A Shewa Oromo who had been fully integrated into Amhara culture, his Oromo origins were not apparent to many until he began to champion the cause of his people. His conversion was a powerful symbol: a man who had risen to the highest ranks of the imperial establishment, turning his back on privilege to fight for his own people.
Two Levels of Purpose
The association operated on two distinct levels. The first was practical and visible: it built schools, health clinics, roads, and water supplies across Oromia. It constructed churches and mosques for believers who had none. It provided financial and legal assistance for the disabled and unemployed.
But the second objective was political—and far more dangerous. In an era when political parties were forbidden, the Macha-Tulama Association became a vehicle for Oromo nationalism. It was the first movement to articulate Oromo grievances in a public, organized manner. It championed “the social, educational, cultural and political rights of the Oromo people”. It politicized the masses and, through its dynamic Youth Wing, produced revolutionary literature that circulated underground. Its very existence marked “the public rise of Oromo nationalism”.
The Threat to Empire
The association’s rapid growth was breathtaking. At its height, it claimed as many as 200,000 members. It expanded “very rapidly all over Oromiyaa as a Pan-Oromo movement”. It was most successful in the south, particularly in Arsi, where Oromos had been relegated to the status of tenants on their own land after being conquered by Menelik’s forces.
For the imperial government, this was an existential threat. The Ethiopian state accused the association of committing “acts of terror” in an effort to suppress the developing Oromo National Movement. The repression was swift and brutal.
The Crackdown
In 1966, the Macha-Tulama Association was banned. Its leaders were arrested, imprisoned, and some were executed. Tadesse Birru, Mamo Mezemir, Alemu Kitessa, and others were imprisoned and killed for their humanitarian and political activities. The association was banned during the imperial regime, again under the Derg, and once more in 2011 under the EPRDF regime. It was accused of “threatening Ethiopia’s unity—an unfounded claim,” according to its current president.
Yet the organization refused to die. It survived underground, and its members continued to organize. The suppression of the Macha-Tulama Association became “an immediate reason for the birth of” a more militant organization. In 1974, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was formed, largely from the underground cells of the Macha-Tulama Association.
A Legacy That Endures
Today, the Macha-Tulama Association—now officially known as the Mecha and Tulema Self-Help Association—continues its work. It regained its legal status in 2019. It celebrated its 60th anniversary in 2024, a testament to its resilience.
Its current president, Diribi Damuse, has outlined the association’s ongoing humanitarian efforts: supporting internally displaced people from Western Oromia, assisting those affected by drought in Borena and Guji, and providing aid to university students and Abba Gada leaders. The association, he emphasized, “has united members from diverse backgrounds, including military, students, intellectuals, and grassroots, including non-Oromo members from Wolayita, Sidama, and other ethnic groups”.
The Unfinished Struggle
The Macha-Tulama Association’s place in Oromo history is secure. It was the first organized, mass-based expression of Oromo identity in the modern era. It bridged the gap between the rural peasantry and the urban intelligentsia. It laid the groundwork for every Oromo political movement that followed.
But its story is also a warning. The association was banned not because it committed violence, but because it united a people. Its leaders were killed not for crimes, but for the crime of demanding dignity. The imperial state, and every regime that followed, understood that a united Oromo people was a threat to centralized power.
As the association continues its work—building schools, feeding the hungry, preserving culture—it carries with it the memory of those who gave their lives. Mamo Mezemir, Tadesse Birru, Alemu Kitessa, and so many others are not just names in a history book. They are the foundation upon which modern Oromo consciousness was built.
The Macha-Tulama Association was the spark. The fire it lit continues to burn.
—
Sources: UNHCR Refugee Review Tribunal; Canada Immigration and Refugee Board; Addis Standard; Wikipedia; AfricaBib; Taylor & Francis; Advocacy for Oromia.
The air in Oromia is heavy with a sense of urgency. Across the region and its surrounding areas, a silent tremor of concern is reverberating through the hearts of its people. We are witnessing a pivotal moment in our history, a time fraught with challenges that test the very fabric of our society. The question is no longer if we will act, but when—and how boldly.
As we look at the current state of affairs, it is impossible to ignore the profound anxieties that grip our communities. The safety net that once held our families together is fraying under the weight of economic strain, environmental upheaval, and political instability. We are, to put it plainly, standing on the precipice of a great ordeal. The need for a unified, robust, and relentless response—a determined stand against the tide of adversity—has never been more critical.
This is not merely a time for sorrow; it is a time for strategy. The path forward is not found in despair, but in the deliberate construction of a new paradigm. We must build a fortress of resilience, brick by brick, institution by institution. It is through the creation of resilient systems—in agriculture, education, and governance—that we can effectively combat the crises that threaten to overwhelm us. We need a “fala/ gaachanaa” (shield) that is not just reactive but proactive, designed to protect the most vulnerable and secure the borders of our collective future.
Yet, the ultimate shield for Oromia is not made of steel or stone; it is made of the mind and spirit of its youth. The young men and women of this generation are the architects of tomorrow. To leave them untrained, unmotivated, or disconnected is to invite disaster. Our imperative is clear: we must educate, energize, and organize the Oromo youth.
This is more than a call to action; it is a call to transformation. We must transform our schools into crucibles of critical thinking, our communities into hubs of entrepreneurial energy, and our political spaces into arenas of constructive dialogue. By doing so, we ensure that our youth do not become victims of circumstance, but rather, become the standard-bearers of a proud heritage. They must become the vanguard that carries the torch of Oromia forward, ready to stand as “gaachana” (champions) for their land and their people.
It is a saddening truth that the heritage of the Oromo people—a legacy of resilience, democracy, and cultural richness—is at risk of being eroded. We are custodians of a “Dhaloota qaroo” (a heritage of value), a distinct identity that has survived for millennia. To protect this inheritance is to diversify it; to bring in new voices, new ideas, and new energy. We must ensure that the narrative of our people is written not by our oppressors, but by our own hands, in our own words.
The time for deliberation is over. The foundations of a new era must be laid today. It is not enough to hope for a brighter tomorrow; we must labor for it. Starting today, we must commit to the arduous but noble task of rebuilding. Starting today, we must bridge the divides that separate us. Starting today, we must empower the next generation to take the helm.
The challenges are great, but the spirit of Oromia is greater. Let us meet this moment with the courage it demands. The hour of need is upon us, but it is also an hour of opportunity. Let us rise, unite, and forge a destiny worthy of the sacrifices of our ancestors and the dreams of our children.
Examining the Constitutional and Statutory Provisions Recognizing Oromia’s Special Interest in the Capital
By Dhabessa Wakjira
(Melbourne-11 August 2026) The question of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is not merely a matter of political debate or historical narrative. It is also a matter of law. Over the past four decades, a series of federal and regional legal instruments have recognized and codified the unique relationship between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital.
From the transitional period following the fall of the Derg to the present day, Ethiopian law has acknowledged that Finfinne, by virtue of its location within the State of Oromia, gives rise to a “special interest” for Oromia—an interest that encompasses social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters . This legal framework, while contested in its implementation, provides a constitutional foundation for the Oromo people’s claim to their historical capital.
Federal Legal Instruments: The Constitutional and Statutory Framework
A. Proclamation No. 7/1984: Establishing National Regional Self-Governments
The legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne predates the 1995 Constitution. In the transitional period following the fall of the Derg regime, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia enacted Proclamation No. 7/1984 to establish National Regional Self-Governments.
Article 3(1) of this proclamation identified the Oromo people as one of the nations, nationalities, and peoples entitled to establish a regional self-government, designated as “Region 4.” Critically, Article 3(4) of the proclamation stated that the “special national interests and political rights of Oromo” over Harari (Region 13) and Addis Ababa (Region 14) would be protected .
This provision represented the first formal legal acknowledgment of Oromia’s special claim over the capital following the collapse of the unitary state. It recognized that the city’s location within Oromia created a unique relationship that could not be ignored, even as the city was designated as a separate administrative entity.
B. The FDRE Constitution, Article 49(5): The Constitutional Recognition
The most significant legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is enshrined in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution, adopted in 1995.
Article 49(5) states:
“The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa, regarding the provision of social services or the utilization of natural resources and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Ababa within the State of Oromia, shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.”
This provision was the product of extensive debate during the Constitutional Assembly. The legislative history reveals that the Oromo representatives argued for the inclusion of this clause on several grounds:
Geographical reality: Finfinne is located within the State of Oromia.
Historical connection: The city was established on Oromo land and is the heart of Oromia.
Practical necessity: The city’s expansion affects surrounding Oromo farming communities.
Constitutional identity: The city serves as Oromia’s capital and is deeply connected to Oromo identity .
The clause was approved with 507 votes in favour and only 6 against, demonstrating broad consensus on the principle of Oromia’s special interest.
C. Addis Ababa City Administration Charter Proclamation No. 87/1989
The first charter for the Addis Ababa City Administration, Proclamation No. 87/1989, provided detailed provisions on the relationship between the city and Oromia.
Article 33 of this proclamation established four key elements of Oromia’s special interest:
Boundary Determination: The city’s boundary shall be delimited jointly by the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government.
Seat of Government: The Oromia Regional Government has the right to establish its seat in Addis Ababa.
Access to Services: Social services provided by the City Administration to Addis Ababa residents shall also be accessible to residents of neighbouring Oromia communities, who shall be entitled to benefit from those services on an equal footing.
Consultation on Development: The City Administration shall undertake development activities affecting Oromia only in consultation and agreement with the Oromia Regional Government.
This charter represented a significant legal acknowledgment of the practical interdependence between the city and its surrounding region .
D. Amended City Charter Proclamation No. 311/1995 and No. 361/1995
Subsequent amendments to the City Charter, including Proclamation No. 311/1995 and Proclamation No. 361/1995, modified the framework for the relationship between the city and Oromia.
Article 62 of these proclamations, concerning the relationship between the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government, provided that:
The City Administration shall maintain a relationship based on fruitful cooperation with Oromia.
In accordance with Article 49(5) of the Constitution, Oromia’s interest shall be respected. The particulars shall be determined by agreement between the City Administration and the Regional Government or by a law enacted by the House of Peoples’ Representatives.
Article 5 of these proclamations, concerning the city’s boundaries, departed from the earlier charter. It provided that the boundary shall be delimited by agreement between the City Administration and Oromia or pursuant to the decision of the Federal Government—a provision that allowed for federal determination of boundaries without necessarily requiring the consent of the Oromia Regional Government .
This shift represented a legal narrowing of Oromia’s special interest compared to the 1989 charter, a development that has been a source of ongoing tension.
Regional Legal Instruments: The Oromia Constitutional Framework
A. The Oromia Transitional Constitution (1984)
The first constitution of the Oromia National Regional State, enacted in 1984 through Proclamation No. 2/1985, established the fundamental identity of the region.
This historic document, adopted by the newly established Oromia Council following popular elections, declared:
Article 55: The name of the region shall be Oromia.
Article 57: The working language of the region shall be Afaan Oromoo, written in the Latin script.
Article 58: The capital city of the region shall be Finfinne.
This constitution represented the first formal assertion of Oromo self-governance and affirmed Finfinne as the heart of Oromia.
B. The Oromia Constitution (1987)
The second Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 1/1987, reaffirmed the region’s identity and capital following the transition to a civilian government.
Article 6 of this constitution confirmed that Finfinne is the capital city of the Oromia Regional State, maintaining the continuity of the region’s constitutional identity.
C. The Amended Oromia Constitution (1994) and Proclamation No. 94/1997
The third Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 46/1994 following the political reforms of 1993, introduced a significant change: Article 6 declared that the capital of Oromia would be Adama.
This change was made following Proclamation No. 35/1992, which had designated Adama as Oromia’s capital effective July 1992. However, this decision was met with widespread public opposition and protest.
Following the 1997 elections, the Oromia Regional Government, responding to popular demand, returned its seat to Finfinne without preconditions. Subsequently, Proclamation No. 94/1997, adopted by the Oromia Council, amended the constitution to restore Finfinne as the capital of Oromia.
Article 2(3) of this proclamation formally declared that the capital of Oromia shall be Finfinne, reversing the 1994 amendment. This decision reflected the deep historical and cultural connection between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital .
The Ongoing Debate: Implementation and Contestation
While the legal framework recognizing Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is well-established, its implementation has been a source of persistent tension.
The Special Interest Council
The draft proclamation on Oromia’s special interest in Addis Ababa contemplates the establishment of a Joint Council composed of delegates from both the City Government and Oromia Regional State . However, legal experts have noted shortcomings in the draft, including the postponement of determining key details such as the number of members, structure, mandates, and tenure—matters that should be clearly defined in the establishing legislation .
The 2014 Master Plan Controversy
The 2014 Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan, which proposed expanding the city’s boundaries by 1.1 million hectares into surrounding Oromia districts, ignited widespread protests and led to hundreds of deaths. Critics argued that the plan was centrally imposed without prior consultation or participation of the Oromia Regional Government, in violation of constitutional principles .
The Failure to Fully Implement Article 49(5)
Legal commentators have noted that the concept of “special interest” was intended to imply a form of ownership and the immunity of the Oromo people from eviction from the city . However, successive federal governments have been accused of failing to implement the constitutional provision meaningfully, instead pursuing policies that marginalize Oromo communities in and around the capital .
Conclusion: A Legal Framework Awaiting Implementation
The legal instruments examined in this article reveal a consistent pattern: from the transitional period to the present day, Ethiopian law has recognized Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne. The FDRE Constitution, the City Charters, and the Oromia Constitutions all acknowledge the unique relationship between the city and the region that surrounds it.
However, legal recognition alone is insufficient. The gap between the law on paper and its implementation in practice has been a source of ongoing tension and conflict. The failure to fully implement Article 49(5), the controversies over boundary expansions, and the inadequate representation of Oromo interests in the governance of the capital have all contributed to the perception that Oromia’s constitutional rights are being violated.
The path forward lies in the genuine implementation of the constitutional and legal framework—through joint administrative mechanisms, meaningful consultation, and the protection of Oromo communities affected by the city’s expansion. As one legal commentator has noted: “The concept of special interest entered the Ethiopian legal lexicon to ensure that the Oromo people, whose land was taken to establish the capital, would not be excluded from the benefits of the city’s existence” . Fulfilling this vision requires not only legal recognition but also political will.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Seerri haa raawwatamu!
This feature article is based on a review of federal and regional legal instruments and is dedicated to all those who seek the full implementation of Oromia’s constitutional rights in Finfinne.
Advocacy for Oromia was established in 2010 with the purpose of enabling and empowering Oromo people by providing accurate and timely information that will help to make better choices to create the kind of future in which they wish to live.
It also provides information focus on the major issues facing us in the 21st century and it is going to try and bring a balanced approach with factual information that is positive and solution based.
The website has been in operation for the last nine years with the mission of promoting and advancing causes of Oromo people through advocacy, community education, information service, capacity building, awareness raising and promotion.
The website is also the official site of Advocacy for Oromia Association in Victoria Australia Inc., a non-profit organisation, registered under the Associations Incorporation Reform Act 2012 in Victoria as April 2014.
Our team already had considerable community development experience and expertise. Our various projects helped to develop our confidence and the capacity of our agency. Our team used every gained knowledge, skills and experiences as an opportunity to design and develop new approaches, to documenting progress, supporting positive employment outcomes, liaising with community stakeholders, and conduct evaluation.
Advocacy for Oromia is devoted to establishing Advocacy for Oromia organisation to close the gaps where we can stand for people who are disadvantaged and speaking out on their behalf in a way that represents the best interests of them. We are committed to supporting positive settlement and employment outcomes for Victoria’s Oromo community.
Advocacy for Oromia Office
Addresses:
39 Clow St,
Dandenong VIC 3175
=====================
247-251 Flinders Lane
Melbourne VIC 3000
Activities Address
Springvale Neighbourhood House Inc
Address: 46-50 Queens Ave, Springvale VIC 3171
Postal Address:
P. O. Box 150
Noble Park, Vic 3174
With your support, we can continue to help community build a better future.
Advocacy for Oromia Mental Health Program
The aim of the program is to improving the mental health and well-being of Oromo community in Victoria. It aims to assist those experiencing, mental ill-health, their families and carers of all ages within this community to address the social determinants of mental health for Oromo community. It helps:
Identify and build protective factors,
Reduce stigma and discrimination
Build capacity for self-determination
Better understand mental wellbeing, mental ill-health and the impacts of trauma
The goal of the project is to increase mental health literacy of Oromo community that aims:
To assist people with mental health issues
To increase the capacity of mental health worker
To better understand mental wellbeing
To provide mental health education and information
To address the social and cultural causes of mental health issues
Advocacy for Oromia will organise information session, women performance, radio programs, culturally adopted conversations on Oromo Coffee Drinking ceremony, providing training for mental health guides and forum and producing educational materials on the selected groups and geographical area.
Human Rights Education Program
The Human Rights Education Program is a community based human rights program designed to develop an understanding of everyone’s common responsibility to make human rights a reality in each community.
Human rights can only be achieved through an informed and continued demand by people for their protection. Human rights education promotes values, beliefs and attitudes that encourage all individuals to uphold their own rights and those of others.
The aim of the program is to build an understanding and appreciation for human rights through learning about rights and learning through rights. We aimed at building a universal culture of human rights. Thus, we aimed:
To build an understanding and appreciation for human rights through learning about rights and learning through rights.
To build capacities and sharing good practice in the area of human rights education and training
To develop human rights education and training materials and resources
The goal of the project is to increase human rights literacy of Oromo community that aims:
To better understand human rights
To increase the capacity of human rights worker
To analyse situations in human rights terms
To provide human rights education and information
To develop solidarity
To strategize and implement appropriate responses to injustice.
The ultimate goal of education for human rights is empowerment, giving people the knowledge and skills to take control of their own lives and the decisions that affect them.
Human rights education constitutes an essential contribution to the long-term prevention of human rights abuses and represents an important investment in the endeavour to achieve a just society in which all human rights of all persons are valued and respected.
Advocacy for Oromia will organise information session, performance, radio programs, culturally adopted conversations on Oromo Coffee Drinking ceremony, providing training for Human Rights guides and forum and producing educational materials on the selected groups and geographical area.
Community Safety Program
The program aims to strengthen existing collaborations and identify opportunities for the development of partnerships aimed at community safety and crime prevention activities. This approach seeks to improve the individual and collective quality of life by addressing concerns regarding the wider physical and social environment. Importantly, community safety means addressing fear of crime and perceptions of safety as without this any actions to address the occurrence of crime and anti-social behaviour are of less value.
Advocacy for Oromia 