Category Archives: Press Release
Passing the Torch with Honour: A Night of Unity and Generational Strength at Guyyaa Yuubota 2026 in Minnesota
Oromo Elders and Youth Come Together to Celebrate a Legacy of Resilience and Hope in St. Paul
By Maatii Sabaa
(St. Paul, Minnesota — 11August 2026)-In a powerful display of intergenerational unity and cultural pride, the Oromo community in Minnesota came together for Guyyaa Yuubota 2026, a celebration that was more than just an event—it was a profound ceremony of respect, remembrance, and the sacred passing of the torch from one generation to the next.
The event, held in the heart of “Little Oromia,” saw Oromo elders, leaders, and youth gather side by side, reinforcing the unbroken chain of identity and struggle that defines the Oromo people. It was an evening where the wisdom of the past met the energy of the future, and where the torch of liberation was passed respectfully, deliberately, and with immense pride.
A Ceremony of Blessings and Song
The proceedings at Guyyaa Yuubota opened in accordance with ancient Oromo tradition, with the solemn recitation of the Eebba Manguddoo—the Great Blessing—and the singing of the Faaruu Alaabaa, the Oromo national anthem. These rituals, which call upon Waaqa (God) for peace, prosperity, and success, served as a spiritual foundation for the work that followed.
The atmosphere was one of reverence and unity. Oromo oral literature, encompassing forms such as eebba (blessings) and faaruu (songs of praise), has sustained the community across generations, and on this night, it was on full display.
Passing the Torch: The Role of Elders and Youth
The central theme of the evening was the respectful transfer of responsibility and knowledge from the elders to the youth. The elders, who witnessed the early days of the struggle, sat alongside youth who were born in the diaspora, forging an intergenerational bond that strengthens the community’s resilience.
This tradition is a cornerstone of Oromo culture. The elders are the custodians of history, the guardians of the Gadaa principles, and the living memory of the struggle for liberation. By passing the torch to the youth, they ensure that the flame of Oromummaa (Oromo identity) continues to burn brightly.
As one community leader observed, the Oromo carry their ancient Gadaa principles with them into the future, no matter where they are in the world. This occasion was a testament to that enduring spirit—a reminder that the Oromo identity is not just about remembering the past, but about actively engaging with the present and building for the future.
The Significance of Minnesota’s “Little Oromia”
The choice of Minnesota for such a significant gathering is deeply meaningful. Over the past three decades, Minnesota has earned the affectionate title of “Little Oromia” for hosting one of the largest Oromo populations outside of East Africa. The state has become a sanctuary and a springboard for Oromo activism, where culture thrives through language, music, faith, and political organization.
The Oromo community centers in the Twin Cities have become hubs for organizing and celebration, making them the ideal setting for an event that bridges generations and honors the past while looking toward the future.
Looking to the Future: Consistency and Determination
The evening was not only about honoring the past but about setting a course for the future. The message to the youth was clear: consistency and determination remain the foundation of lasting progress and success. In the long and often brutal struggle for Oromo self-determination, it is the day-in and day-out commitment of a people who refuse to be erased that sustains the movement.
Conclusion: A Legacy Secured
Guyyaa Yuubota 2026 in Minnesota was a resounding success, a beautiful reminder of the strength of the Oromo people when they stand together. It was a night where the elders’ blessings were received with humility, and the youth’s energy was embraced with hope. The torch has been passed, and it is held high.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo elders who have paved the way and the youth who carry the torch forward.
Revitalizing Oromo History: Recognizing Errors and Gaps in Oromo Historiography-Part Three
A Critical Examination of the Challenges Facing Oromo Historical Studies
By Hailu Gonfa
This article is not intended as a concluding statement, but rather as a starting point for further research and discussion. It is my hope that historians, scholars, and all those interested in Oromo history will engage with these reflections, deepen the analysis, and contribute to the vital work of revitalizing Oromo historiography.
3.1. Revitalizing History Is Not Simply About Uncovering the Hidden
When we speak of revitalizing Oromo history, the first thought that often comes to mind is uncovering what has been hidden, forgotten, or misrepresented. This is necessary and important. But the work of revitalization must also be viewed from another perspective. It requires us to honestly examine the errors, gaps, contradictions, and failures within our own historical record.
A people who selectively remember only what glorifies them, while hiding what does not flatter them, have not truly revitalized their history. A people who examine their history in its entirety—drawing strength from its achievements and learning from its mistakes—are the ones who move forward with wisdom. Revitalization is not an exercise in self-praise; it is an exercise in self-knowledge. And self-knowledge requires knowing not only what elevates us, but also what diminishes us.
3.2. Oromo History Must Not Be Written Only by Outsiders
One of the major gaps in Oromo historiography is that for a long time, much of the research and writing about Oromo history has come from external perspectives. This is not to say that outsiders should not study Oromo history—on the contrary, external scholarship has made significant contributions. However, when a people’s history is interpreted primarily by outsiders, that people risks learning about themselves only through the eyes of others.
It is therefore essential to strengthen and support Oromo historians, scholars, writers, linguists, cultural experts, Gadaa researchers, and political and legal scholars. Oromo people must research, write, and engage in scholarly debate about their own history. This is not a rejection of others—it is the assertion of one’s own voice in matters that concern one’s own identity.
3.3. The Gap in Documentation
If a people wishes to pass their history on to future generations, they must document it. The Oromo people possess a rich oral tradition—history, proverbs, poetry, songs, stories of heroes, place names, customs, and social memory are all preserved in the oral tradition. However, oral transmission is vulnerable to change, loss, and distortion over time.
The great task awaiting the current generation is the transition from oral tradition to written and digital documentation. This includes written texts, audio recordings, video documentation, photographs, maps, digital archives, and books. What we document today will be the foundation upon which future generations will build their understanding of who they are.
3.4. Blending Personal Memory and Historical Evidence
One challenge in historical research is the mixing of personal memory with evidence-based history. A person may remember what they heard, saw, or were told by their elders. But to verify that such memory constitutes accurate history, it must be cross-referenced with other sources.
Revitalized Oromo history must move from “This is what I heard” to “What is the evidence?” Evidence may include government archives, ancient manuscripts, books, university research, oral testimonies, place names, archaeological findings, documentaries, personal recollections, and both internal and external sources. All must be examined together.
3.5. History as More Than Heroism
In Oromo historiography, there is sometimes an excessive focus on heroes and heroism. Heroes are important. A people must know and honour their heroes. But to build a people’s history solely around heroes is to impoverish it. A people’s history includes farmers, mothers, youth, teachers, professionals, traders, elders, artists, scholars, health workers, soldiers, and all the diverse builders of society.
A revitalized Oromo history must be a history of the people, not merely a history of heroes. Heroism belongs to a few; history must embrace the many.
3.6. Avoiding the Narrowing of Oromo History to the Struggle for Liberation
Another gap that sometimes appears in Oromo historiography is the tendency to define Oromo history primarily, or even exclusively, through the lens of political and armed struggle. The struggle is an important part of Oromo history, but it is only one part.
The Oromo people possess a rich Gadaa system, a deep philosophy, social institutions, culture and ethics, language, agricultural expertise, economic practices, conflict resolution mechanisms, environmental knowledge, and a vibrant literary and oral tradition. A revitalized Oromo history must ask not only “Who did the Oromo fight?” but also “How did the Oromo live? How did they govern themselves? How did they resolve conflicts? What did they create?”
3.7. The Danger of “We Are Always Right, They Are Always Wrong”
One of the great pitfalls in national historiography is the tendency to view oneself as always right and others as always wrong. This approach prevents genuine learning from history. The Oromo people have had relationships with many communities—relationships of cooperation, conflict, exchange, intermarriage, political alliance, and cultural borrowing.
To reduce all of this to a simple binary of “good versus evil” is to distort history and impoverish our understanding. A revitalized history must ask “What happened? Why did it happen? Who did what? What was the outcome?” This is the transition from myth-making to historical inquiry.
3.8. The Gap of Historical Context
Every historical event must be examined within its own time and place. It is a mistake to judge the past by the standards of the present. What a people thought, did, and believed a hundred years ago may have been shaped by conditions very different from our own. A proper understanding of Oromo history requires examining events within their own political, economic, social, environmental, and relational contexts.
3.9. Internal Diversity Within Oromo History
The Oromo people are spread across a vast territory with diverse regions, clans, dialects, cultures, and experiences. Sometimes, the history of one group is presented as the history of all Oromo, or the history of one group is separated from others. A revitalized historiography must avoid both errors: it must not minimize the history of any region, and it must not deny the diversity that exists. The correct path is to acknowledge our diversity while building a shared history.
3.10. Distinguishing Between Struggle and Its Mistakes
A struggle may have a just cause, but that does not mean every action taken in its name is just. This is an important and mature insight. In revitalizing Oromo history, we must distinguish between the goal, the method, and the outcome. The goal may be just, but the method chosen to achieve it may be flawed. This requires us to ask: What succeeded? What failed? What can we learn? What must we not repeat?
This is not about condemning individuals or groups—it is about learning from the past so that future generations do not repeat the same mistakes.
3.11. The Gap of Women in Oromo History
When writing Oromo history, it is easy to focus on those who held political or military power. But Oromo women have played a vital role in social, economic, cultural, family, educational, and peacebuilding life. A revitalized history must ask: “Where are the Oromo women in our history?” It must document the stories of mothers, farmers, teachers, professionals, artists, scholars, leaders, and community participants. Without women, the history of the Oromo people is incomplete.
3.12. Youth’s Role in History-Making
History often focuses on the elders and heroes of the past. But the younger generation also plays a role in history. Oromo youth must not only learn history—they must also research, write, and document it. Using digital technology, they can create digital archives, podcasts, documentaries, short videos, historical maps, e-books, websites, and research papers. Oromo history must move from the library and the academy into the digital age.
3.13. The Gap of Language and Translation
It is essential to write and document Oromo history in Afaan Oromoo, because the language carries the culture, thought, ethics, and worldview of the people. But it is also important to translate Oromo history into Amharic, English, other Ethiopian languages, and international languages. This ensures that Oromo history is not only for Oromo people, but is accessible to neighbours, scholars, and the wider world.
3.14. Separating History from Contemporary Politics
Historical research is sometimes influenced by the politics of the present. People may interpret the past in ways that serve their current political interests. This can distort historical scholarship. Oromo historiography must strive to be free from political manipulation and based on rigorous social science research. History should not be written simply to praise or attack a particular individual, group, or government. It should be written to provide truth, evidence, and lessons for future generations.
3.15. Learning from Errors Is Not Weakness
When a people openly acknowledges its historical errors, that is not a sign of weakness. On the contrary, it is a sign of maturity. A people who learn from their mistakes are less likely to repeat them. Hiding our failures does not strengthen us—understanding them does. Let us honour our heroes, but also learn from their errors. This is the foundation of mature historiography.
3.16. New Principles for Revitalizing Oromo History
If we are to revitalize Oromo history, we must agree on several guiding principles:
- Evidence-Based: What we say must be supported by evidence, or we must seek it.
- Balanced: We must not mix good and bad indiscriminately, but examine both.
- Self-Critical: We must not fear criticizing ourselves.
- Comparative: We must examine multiple sources and compare them.
- Respectful of Diversity: We must include the histories of diverse regions, clans, genders, and generations.
- Independent of Political Agendas: History should not serve the political interests of a single moment.
- Generational: We must not only research history but pass it on in an understandable way.
- Forward-Looking: We must learn from the past and use it to build the future.
Conclusion: Revitalization as Self-Knowledge
Revitalizing Oromo history is not simply about uncovering what has been hidden. It is about looking at everything—what brings us pride and what brings us shame, what strengthens us and what weakens us, what succeeded and what failed. A people who only praise their history do not know themselves. A people who only condemn their history lose confidence in themselves. But a people who know their history honestly, draw strength from what is good, learn from what is wrong, and build for the future—that is a mature people.
A revitalized Oromo history must move from self-praise to self-knowledge, from self-knowledge to self-criticism, from self-criticism to learning, from learning to renewal, and from renewal to building the future.
By openly examining the errors and gaps in Oromo history, we do not diminish the Oromo people. We do not flee from historical truth. Because a people who know their history honestly are the only ones who can guide their history toward a path of growth and modernity.
In the next section—Part Four: “Oromo History in the Construction of Ethiopia” —we will explore what role the Oromo played in Ethiopian history, what they contributed, what they lacked, and what they must build.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Seenaan Oromoo haa haaromfu!
Dogoggora keenya irraa haa barannu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Hailu Gonfa and is dedicated to all those committed to the honest, rigorous, and balanced revitalization of Oromo history.
Wealth Creation Strategies for Indigenous Oromians
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Why Wealth Creation Matters Now
The Oromo people have historically been excluded from economic opportunities across Ethiopia. Successive regimes systematically prevented Oromos from building economic assets, with more than 60% of Ethiopia’s exportable commodities, over 60% of staple food, 70% of industrial raw materials, and 80% of hydro power coming from Oromia—yet no Oromo has been able to qualify among the top 10 richest people in the country. This is not a coincidence; it is the result of deliberate economic marginalization.
But the Oromo people have always had the tools for economic resilience. The Gadaa system contains powerful economic principles that our ancestors used to build and sustain wealth: hard work, planning, mutual assistance, and community-based resource management. The proverb “Tuulamanii taa’anii, Waaqa ofii hin komatan” reminds us: “It is not right to blame God for not working hard.” Hard work and commitment are the sources of wealth.
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The Gadaa Foundation for Wealth
Our approach is rooted in the economic wisdom of the Gadaa system:
Hard Work and Planning
“Jabaatan jabaa nyaatu, laafan foxxoqxuu nyaatu” — “The strong eat the strong, and the weak eat the weak.” This proverb reminds us that hard work is mandatory in daily life, and that everyone needs to plan to work hard and secure their future.
Community Support Systems
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Guddifachaa (Adoption)
The Oromo practice of guddifachaa demonstrates the belief that children are assets and the community shares responsibility for their welfare and education. This is the foundation of generational wealth—investing in the next generation’s education, skills, and economic opportunities.
Hard Work and Self-Reliance
The Gadaa system emphasizes that people should not wait for others to solve their economic problems. “Hojii hojjechuu isa malee gaafa du’aa hin galus” — “Without work, the day does not end.”.
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Safiya, an Oromo entrepreneur: Forced to flee Ethiopia, she built a successful business making traditional Oromo beadwork in Nairobi. Her handmade designs are sold for special occasions like weddings, and she now supports her family independently. She says: “I have hope in what I am making with my hands. I believe in it, I believe in myself.“.
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Finfinne and the Question of Historical Recognition: A Response to Moges Zewudu Teshome
Acknowledging History, Guaranteeing Citizenship, and Building a Foundation for Coexistence
By Iyasu Enoro
The debate surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—has long been characterized by competing narratives, political posturing, and deep-seated fears. In a recent contribution to this discourse, Moges Zewudu Teshome raised important concerns about the implications of recognizing Oromia’s connection to the capital. He argues that the central issue is not administration but the fear that Finfinne could be placed under the exclusive control of one ethnic group. He further suggests that linking Finfinne to Oromia would expose millions of residents to exclusion and discrimination.
While these concerns deserve serious discussion and should not be dismissed lightly, they do not adequately address the historical question at the centre of the debate. This response seeks to engage with Moges Zewudu Teshome’s arguments constructively while offering a broader perspective on the historical, constitutional, and practical dimensions of the Finfinne question.
The Core Issue: Historical Recognition, Not Ethnic Ownership
The first and most fundamental issue is that the discussion about Finfinne is fundamentally a question of historical recognition, not ethnic ownership. Oromo claims regarding Finfinne do not arise from the belief that only Oromo people should live in the city. Rather, they stem from the historical fact that the area known as Finfinne existed before the establishment of the city and was inhabited by Oromo communities.
Historical accounts recognize that the region was known as Finfinne—a name meaning “place of hot springs”—and that Oromo clans lived there before Menelik II established the city in 1886. This is not a matter of political convenience; it is a matter of documented historical fact.
Therefore, acknowledging Finfinne’s Oromo heritage is not equivalent to demanding the expulsion, marginalization, or disenfranchisement of non-Oromo residents. The recognition of indigenous history should not be confused with ethnic exclusivity. Just as the recognition of Māori heritage in New Zealand does not require the exclusion of non-Māori New Zealanders, the recognition of Oromo heritage in Finfinne does not require the exclusion of non-Oromo residents.
The question is not whether Finfinne belongs exclusively to any one group. The question is whether the city’s history and heritage will be acknowledged, respected, and integrated into its governance framework.
The International Precedent: Indigenous Recognition as a Foundation for Coexistence
The argument that any stronger relationship between Finfinne and Oromia inevitably leads to oppression requires examination. Around the world, indigenous peoples seek recognition of their connection to ancestral territories without necessarily seeking exclusive political control over those territories.
- In Australia, the High Court’s landmark Mabo decision rejected the doctrine of terra nullius and recognized Native Title rights. Indigenous Australians gained legal recognition of their ancestral connection to land without affecting the equal civil and political rights of other Australians.
- In New Zealand, the Treaty of Waitangi provides a foundation for protecting Māori rights, culture, and claims to ancestral lands while ensuring equal citizenship for all New Zealanders.
- In Canada, First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples possess constitutionally recognized indigenous rights. Land claims agreements and self-government arrangements acknowledge historical connections to traditional territories while cities and communities remain open to residents of all backgrounds.
- In the United States, Native American tribes retain certain rights related to self-government, culture, and ancestral territories. These rights coexist with the citizenship rights of all residents.
These examples demonstrate a common international principle: recognizing indigenous peoples’ historical and ancestral connections to land does not require denying democratic, civil, or human rights to other residents. Rather, both sets of rights can coexist.
The question then becomes: Why is acknowledging the Oromo historical connection to Finfinne often interpreted as a threat, while acknowledging the historical connection of other peoples to their ancestral lands is viewed as legitimate?
The Historical Grievances: More Than Administrative Boundaries
The response to Oromo claims regarding Finfinne often avoids the historical grievances associated with the city’s formation. For many Oromos, the debate is not simply about administrative boundaries but about the legacy of nineteenth-century state expansion, land dispossession, and cultural marginalization.
The establishment of Finfinne under Menelik II was accompanied by the displacement of Oromo communities from their ancestral lands, the confiscation of Oromo property, and the systematic erasure of Oromo identity. This history is not a distant memory; it is a living reality that has shaped the relationship between the Oromo people and the Ethiopian state for over a century.
Ignoring these concerns and portraying the discussion solely as a future governance issue risks repeating a pattern in which indigenous historical claims are dismissed rather than engaged. A genuine dialogue about Finfinne must acknowledge this history and address the grievances it has created.
Governance Failures Do Not Invalidate Historical Claims
Citing failures of governance or ethnic violence elsewhere in Oromia does not invalidate the historical relationship between Finfinne and Oromia. Historical facts do not become less valid because contemporary political institutions are imperfect.
If there are governance failures, those failures should be addressed directly through constitutional reform, rule of law, and democratic accountability. They should not be used to deny the historical identity of a place. To argue that recognizing Oromo heritage in Finfinne is dangerous because of governance failures in other parts of Oromia is to confuse the issue. The problem of poor governance exists regardless of Finfinne’s status, and it must be addressed on its own terms.
The Constitutional Dimension: A Special Interest Already Recognized
The Ethiopian constitution itself recognizes a special interest of Oromia in Finfinne because of the city’s location within Oromia and its relationship to the surrounding region. Article 49(5) of the Constitution affirms Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters arising from the city’s location within the State of Oromia.
The existence of this constitutional provision demonstrates that the relationship between Finfinne and Oromia is not an invented political claim, but a matter already recognized within Ethiopia’s legal framework. The Constitution does not grant Oromia exclusive ownership or control over the capital. Rather, it acknowledges a practical and historical reality: the city is located within Oromia, and its functioning depends on resources, infrastructure, and cooperation from surrounding Oromo communities.
The question is not whether the Constitution recognizes a relationship between Finfinne and Oromia. The question is how that relationship should be implemented in practice.
A False Choice: Oromia Versus Ethiopia
The fear that recognizing Finfinne’s history automatically means surrendering the city to ethnic domination creates a false choice. The debate should not be framed as “Oromia versus Ethiopia.” Rather, it should be framed as how Ethiopia can acknowledge historical realities while guaranteeing equal citizenship, democratic governance, and dignity for all who call Finfinne home.
The real challenge facing Ethiopia is not choosing between Oromo rights and Ethiopian citizenship. It is finding a political framework that can accommodate both. Recognition of Finfinne’s Oromo heritage and protection of the rights of all Finfinne residents are not mutually exclusive goals. In fact, a durable solution will likely require both.
A sustainable future for Finfinne requires acknowledging several truths simultaneously:
- Finfinne is Ethiopia’s capital and belongs to all its residents. The city’s diverse population—Oromo, Amhara, Gurage, Tigrayan, Somali, and others—all have a stake in its future.
- Finfinnee has deep historical and cultural ties to the Oromo people. This heritage must be acknowledged and respected, not denied or erased.
- Oromo culture continues to enrich the city’s identity and development. The city is stronger for its diversity, and the contributions of all communities should be celebrated.
- Finfinne’s expansion directly affects neighboring Oromo communities. Their voices must be heard in decisions that affect their lives.
- Oromia possesses constitutionally recognized interests in matters concerning the city. These interests must be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms and cooperative governance.
- Development should benefit affected communities rather than marginalize them. Fair compensation, consultation, and participation are essential.
The Path Forward: A Framework for Coexistence
The path forward is not ownership, exclusion, or historical denial. It is partnership built on constitutional respect, cultural recognition, economic fairness, and genuine cooperation.
Such a framework would include:
- Implementation of Constitutional Provisions: Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne, as recognized in Article 49(5), should be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms that ensure meaningful Oromo participation in decisions affecting the city and surrounding communities.
- Cultural Recognition: The Oromo heritage of Finfinnee should be acknowledged through cultural institutions, public recognition, and educational programs that celebrate the city’s diverse history.
- Fair Development: Urban expansion should be planned with meaningful consultation with affected communities, ensuring fair compensation, environmental protection, and shared benefits.
- Inclusive Governance: All residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—should have equal rights to participation, public services, and legal protection.
- Shared Prosperity: The economic benefits of the capital’s growth should be shared with surrounding communities, creating a virtuous cycle of development rather than a pattern of exploitation.
Conclusion: Honoring History, Building the Future
The Finfinne question will not be resolved through confrontation or denial. It will be resolved through honest acknowledgment of history, respect for constitutional principles, and a shared commitment to building a future where all Ethiopians—Oromo and non-Oromo alike—can live with dignity, security, and hope.
Finfinne is for all Ethiopians.
Finfinnee is Oromo heritage.
The future is shared.
The recognition of Finfinne’s Oromo heritage and the protection of the rights of all Finfinne residents are not mutually exclusive goals. They are complementary pillars of a just and sustainable future.
Acknowledging history does not mean surrendering the city to ethnic domination. It means building a foundation of trust, understanding, and coexistence that can sustain Ethiopia for generations to come.
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Oromia fi Finfinne walitti haa qabatan!
Nagaan haa bulaa!
This feature article is a response to Moges Zewudu Teshome and is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and sustainable solution to the question of Finfinne.
Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa: The Macha-Tulama Association Declares That Their Inclusion in National Dialogue Is an Attempt to Weaken the Oromo People
A Historic Statement on the Struggle for Oromo Land, Identity, and Justice
By Daandii Ragabaa
(SBO/VOL — HAGAYYA 10, 2026) In a powerful and uncompromising statement, the Waldaa Maccaa fi Tuulamaa (Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association) has declared that the inclusion of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa in the national dialogue agenda is a deliberate attempt to weaken and undermine the Oromo people. The association, which has long been a voice for Oromo rights and historical justice, has issued a clear warning: the Oromo people will not accept the theft of their ancestral land, and the struggle for justice will continue.
The Macha-Tulama Association’s statement comes at a critical moment, as Ethiopia’s national dialogue process unfolds and the status of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—and its surrounding areas, including Dirree Dhawaa, remain deeply contested.
A Declaration of Historical Truth
The Macha-Tulama Association has issued its statement as a direct response to the agenda items concerning Oromia and Oromo rights being brought before the national dialogue. The association has made its position clear:
“Even today, our ancestral land is being stolen.”
“Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are Oromo.”
These declarations are not political slogans; they are assertions of historical truth. The association has reminded the Oromo people and the world of the atrocities committed during the Menelik era, when the Oromo people were systematically dispossessed of their land, their dignity, and their lives.
Remembering the Atrocities of the Menelik Era
The Macha-Tulama Association has brought the dark history of the Menelik era back into the spotlight, reminding the Oromo people of the crimes committed against their ancestors.
“Menelik committed an unforgivable crime against the Oromo people when he separated Finfinne from its Oromo owners,” the association declared.
The association detailed the atrocities of that era, naming specific victims and families who suffered under Menelik’s expansionist campaign:
- Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa was executed by hanging.
- His father, mother, and three children were killed in a brutal and inhumane manner.
- Qajeelaa Dooyyoo and Guraaraa Dooyyoo were also executed, along with their mother, in a similarly horrific fashion.
- Shubbuu Ejersoo had his hands and feet severed before being killed.
- Aaxalee Jaatanii was starved to death in detention—denied food until life was extinguished.
These were not random acts of violence. They were part of a systematic campaign to break the spirit of the Oromo people, to erase their presence from Finfinne, and to establish a new political order built on Oromo suffering.
The Suffering Continues: Three Generations of Pain
The Macha-Tulama Association declared that the suffering of the Oromo people over Finfinne has now spanned three generations. From the initial dispossession under Menelik to the brutal repression under the Derg regime and now to the present day—the Oromo people have paid a heavy price.
“During the Derg era, many Oromo paid a great price for Finfinne,” the association stated. “The wound is still not healed.”
The association raised a pointed and urgent question:
“As long as this truth exists on this earth, the question of ‘Whose Finfinne is it?’ will always be asked. What has brought us to this point?”
The answer, according to the association, lies in the persistent refusal of successive Ethiopian regimes to acknowledge Oromo rights.
A Challenge to the Current Regime
The Macha-Tulama Association has posed a direct challenge to the architects of the ongoing injustice:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land and their rights. How can you govern on someone else’s land? What right do you have to claim authority over people who do not belong to you? It would have been better for you to struggle for your own land rather than occupy ours.”
The association’s statement is a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Ethiopian state as it currently exists. It questions not just the governance of Finfinne but the entire framework of domination that has denied Oromo people their rights for over a century.
The National Dialogue: A Tool of Deception?
The Macha-Tulama Association expressed deep concern about the ongoing national dialogue and how the issues of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are being treated within it.
According to the association, the dialogue is not being used as a genuine mechanism for reconciliation and justice. Instead, it is being manipulated to further marginalize the Oromo people and to legitimize the ongoing dispossession of Oromo land.
“The agenda of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought to the national dialogue to weaken the Oromo people,” the association declared. “The old politics of the Abyssinian elite continues, refusing to step back from the land that rightfully belongs to Oromo.”
The association emphasized that the ongoing process is not just disrespectful—it is a violation of basic rights and dignity. The association described the current situation as “an insult that crosses all boundaries” and declared that “something that did not exist before has now arrived” —a reference to the unprecedented nature of the current assault on Oromo rights.
A Call to Resistance and Unity
In the face of these challenges, the Macha-Tulama Association issued a clear and urgent call to the Oromo people:
“The Oromo people must fight for their land and their rights.”
The association’s call to action is not a call to violence—it is a call to resistance, to unity, and to the defense of Oromo rights through every legitimate means available. It is a call to refuse subjugation, to refuse silence, and to refuse to accept the theft of Oromo land as a settled fact.
The association also addressed the issue of Dirree Dhawaa—the area that has become a symbol of Oromo resistance and a flashpoint of conflict. The association’s declaration that Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are inseparable from the broader Oromo struggle serves as a reminder that these are not isolated issues—they are part of a continuous thread of resistance that stretches back over a century.
The Historical Context: Dirree Dhawaa as a Symbol of Resistance
Dirree Dhawaa is more than just a piece of land—it is a symbol of Oromo resilience and a monument to the struggle for justice. It is the site where Oromo people have gathered to demand their rights, where they have faced brutal repression, and where they have continued to return in defiance of all efforts to silence them.
The association’s statement linking Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa in the same breath is significant. It sends a clear message: the Oromo people will not accept piecemeal solutions. They will not accept partial recognition. They will not accept the suggestion that one part of their historical homeland can be compromised while another is defended.
Both Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are Oromo.
A Historical Challenge to the Ethiopian State
The Macha-Tulama Association’s statement is not just a declaration of grievance—it is a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Ethiopian state as it currently exists.
By raising the question “Whose Finfinne is it?” —and by insisting that Oromo people have the right to live on their own land with dignity, self-respect, and self-determination—the association is questioning the foundational narrative upon which the Ethiopian state was built.
The association’s demand is not for charity or concessions. It is for recognition of historical truth, for justice for past crimes, and for a future in which Oromo people are treated as equals in their own homeland.
The Path Forward: Recognition, Justice, and Peace
The Macha-Tulama Association’s statement concludes with a clear vision for what must happen:
The wounds of the past must be acknowledged. The atrocities committed against the Oromo people—from the Menelik era to the present—cannot be ignored or forgotten. They must be named, documented, and taught.
Justice must be pursued. Those who committed crimes against the Oromo people must be held accountable. This is not revenge—it is the foundation of lasting peace.
Oromo rights must be recognized. The Oromo people have the right to their land, their language, their culture, and their self-determination. This is not negotiable.
The national dialogue must be genuine. If the dialogue is to be meaningful, it must include a full and honest discussion of Finfinne, Dirree Dhawaa, and all the historical injustices suffered by the Oromo people.
Conclusion: The Struggle Continues
The statement of the Macha-Tulama Association is a powerful reminder that the struggle for Oromo justice is far from over. The wounds of the past remain open. The injustices of the present continue. And the future remains uncertain.
But one thing is clear: the Oromo people will not give up their land, their rights, or their dignity. They will continue to resist. They will continue to demand justice. And they will continue to remember the sacrifices of those who came before—from Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa to the thousands of unnamed Oromo who have given their lives for Finfinne and for Oromia.
As the association stated:
“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land. This struggle has not ended—it continues. And it will continue until justice is done.”
Finfinne is Oromo.
Dirree Dhawaa is Oromo.
Oromia is Oromo.
The struggle continues.
For the memory of Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa, Qajeelaa Dooyyoo, Guraaraa Dooyyoo, Shubbuu Ejersoo, Aaxalee Jaatanii, and all the Oromo martyrs who gave their lives for the land.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Dirree Dhawaa haa jabaattu!
This feature article is dedicated to the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association and all those who continue to speak truth to power in the pursuit of justice for the Oromo people.
Finfinne: The Living Sacrifice of the Oromo People for Identity, Dignity, and Oromummaa
The Land Where Ancestors Poured Their Blood — and Where the Struggle Continues
By Daandii Ragabaa
There are places that are more than geography. There are places that are memory, identity, and the very soul of a people. Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is such a place for the Oromo people. It is not merely a capital city; it is the historical heart of Oromia, the ancestral homeland of the Oromo nation, and the site of an ongoing struggle for recognition, dignity, and justice.
Throughout history, the Oromo people have paid a heavy price to defend their connection to Finfinne. They have sacrificed their lives, their freedom, and their dreams—all for the sake of their identity, their dignity, and their Oromummaa (Oromo identity). The land itself is soaked with the blood of ancestors who refused to surrender their heritage.
Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, and Jara Tuturu —these names are not merely historical figures. They are living witnesses to the sacrifice that the Oromo people have made for Finfinne. Their stories are etched into the memory of the Oromo nation, a testament to the unwavering commitment of a people who refuse to be erased from their own homeland.
Finfinne: Not Just a City, But a Sacred Trust
For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not a piece of real estate to be negotiated or bartered. It is the place where their ancestors lived, loved, prayed, and died. It is the site of their cultural heritage, the cradle of their language, and the symbol of their historical presence in the region.
Long before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire under Menelik II, the area known as Finfinnee was inhabited by the Oromo people. The city’s very name is Oromo—meaning “place of hot springs.” This is not a coincidence; it is a testament to the Oromo people’s deep and enduring connection to the land.
But this connection has been contested. The establishment of the city and the subsequent displacement of the Oromo people were acts of dispossession that have never been fully acknowledged or addressed. For generations, the Oromo people have been told that they are not the rightful owners of Finfinne, that their history is a myth, and that their claims are illegitimate.
Yet the Oromo people have never accepted this narrative. They have continued to assert their identity, to demand recognition, and to sacrifice for their homeland.
The Sacrifice of Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, and Jara Tuturu
Among the countless Oromo martyrs who have given their lives for Finfinne, the names of Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, and Jara Tuturu stand out as symbols of resistance, courage, and unwavering commitment to Oromummaa.
These individuals were not merely victims of oppression; they were active participants in the struggle to defend Oromo identity and land. They understood that Finfinne was not just a city—it was the heart of their nation, the embodiment of their history, and the foundation of their future.
Their sacrifices were not in vain. Their memory inspires a new generation of Oromo youth who continue to demand justice and recognition. Their names are spoken with reverence in Oromo homes, in cultural gatherings, and in the stories passed down from elders to children.
They are the living witnesses—even in death—to the truth that Finfinne is Oromo land, and the Oromo people will never abandon it.
The Historical Context: A Legacy of Dispossession
To understand the significance of the Oromo people’s sacrifice for Finfinne, one must understand the history of dispossession that the Oromo people have endured.
In the late 19th century, the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire under Menelik II brought the Oromo people under the control of a new political order. The establishment of Finfinne as the capital of the empire was accompanied by the displacement of Oromo communities, the confiscation of Oromo land, and the systematic erasure of Oromo identity.
This dispossession was not accidental; it was a deliberate policy of the empire to consolidate control over the region and to marginalize the Oromo people. The Oromo people were excluded from political power, denied access to their own resources, and subjected to cultural and linguistic oppression.
Despite these challenges, the Oromo people have never surrendered their identity. They have continued to speak their language, practice their culture, and assert their rights. And they have continued to sacrifice—in ways both great and small—for their connection to Finfinne.
The Struggle Continues: A New Generation Rises
Today, a new generation of Oromo youth is carrying forward the legacy of Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, Jara Tuturu, and countless others who came before them.
They are the Qeerroo—the young people who have taken to the streets to demand justice, who have faced tear gas and bullets, who have been imprisoned and tortured, and who have refused to be silenced. They are the cultural activists who are reviving Oromo language, music, and art. They are the intellectuals who are documenting Oromo history and challenging the narratives that have been used to marginalize their people.
They are the ones who remind the world that Finfinne is Oromo, that Oromummaa is not a political slogan but a deep and abiding identity, and that the struggle for justice will continue until the Oromo people are fully recognized and respected.
The Meaning of Sacrifice in Oromo Culture
In Oromo culture, sacrifice is not a burden—it is a sacred duty. The Oromo people understand that freedom and dignity are not given; they are won. They understand that the land is not just a resource—it is a sacred trust passed down from ancestors to future generations.
The sacrifice of Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, and Jara Tuturu is a reflection of this cultural value. Their willingness to give their lives for Finfinne is not an act of desperation; it is an act of profound love and commitment to their people, their culture, and their homeland.
It is the same spirit that animated the Oromo resistance against the Derg regime, the same spirit that fueled the Qeerroo movement, and the same spirit that continues to inspire Oromo activism around the world.
A Message to the World
The Oromo people’s connection to Finfinne is not a matter of political convenience; it is a matter of historical truth and moral justice. The Oromo people have lived on this land for generations, and their connection to it is inseparable from their identity.
The world must recognize that the Oromo people’s claim to Finfinne is not an act of aggression or a threat to others. It is a demand for justice, a recognition of historical truth, and an affirmation of a people’s right to their own land.
The world must also recognize that the Oromo people’s struggle for Finfinne is part of a broader struggle for human rights, self-determination, and dignity—a struggle that is shared by indigenous peoples everywhere.
Conclusion: The Land Lives On
The sacrifice of the Oromo people for Finfinne is not a story of defeat; it is a story of resilience, courage, and enduring hope. Though Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, and Jara Tuturu have passed from this world, their spirit lives on in the hearts of the Oromo people.
Their sacrifice is a reminder that Finfinne is not just a city—it is a symbol of the Oromo people’s indomitable spirit, their refusal to be erased, and their unwavering commitment to justice.
As the Oromo saying goes: “Biyya abbaa keessaa hin ba’inu” —”One does not abandon the land of one’s father.”
The Oromo people have not abandoned Finfinne, and they never will.
Finfinne is Oromo.
The sacrifice of the ancestors is not forgotten.
The struggle for justice continues.
Oromummaa lives on.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, fi Jara Tuturu haa barabaraan jabaatan!
This feature article is dedicated to Tufa Aredo, Jara Jarra, Jara Tuturu, and all the Oromo martyrs who have given their lives for Finfinne and for the dignity and identity of the Oromo people.
The Question of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa: Toward a Balanced and Sustainable Solution
Navigating History, Constitutional Rights, and the Complex Realities of Governance
By Jafer Ali
The question of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—and its surrounding areas, including Dirree Dhawaa, has long been one of the most contentious and emotionally charged issues in Ethiopian political discourse. For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not merely a city; it is the heart of their ancestral homeland, a symbol of their historical presence, and a constitutional matter that has yet to be resolved. For others, it is the capital of Ethiopia, the seat of the federal government, and a city that belongs to all Ethiopians.
The debate has intensified as the national dialogue process unfolds, and the question of how to resolve the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has become central to discussions about the future of Ethiopia’s federal system, ethnic relations, and governance structure.
This article seeks to explore the key questions surrounding Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa, examining the constitutional, historical, political, and practical dimensions of the issue. It argues that a sustainable solution must move beyond simplistic claims of ownership and instead focus on a framework of mutual consent, shared benefit, and constitutional fidelity.
The Key Questions
The debate over Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa can be distilled into two fundamental questions:
1. What does the Constitution say?
The Ethiopian Constitution, adopted in 1995, establishes the federal structure of the country and recognizes the rights of nations, nationalities, and peoples. Article 49(5) specifically recognizes Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne regarding social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters arising from the city’s location within the State of Oromia.
This constitutional provision has been the subject of intense debate. For Oromo advocates, it represents a legal acknowledgment of the city’s historical and geographical connection to Oromia—a connection that has never been fully implemented. For others, the provision is a compromise that balances the city’s role as the federal capital with the rights of the surrounding region.
2. What does the people demand?
The Oromo people’s demand regarding Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is clear and consistent: the city is Oromo land, and its rightful owners are the Oromo people. The demand is often framed as a call for the city to be placed under the administrative jurisdiction of the Oromia Regional Government or for the Oromo people to have greater control over the city’s governance and resources.
This demand is rooted in a historical narrative that the city was established on Oromo land through conquest and dispossession, and that the Oromo people have never consented to the city’s status as a separately administered entity.
The Need for a Balanced Approach
The challenge of resolving the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa lies in reconciling these two perspectives. On one hand, the Oromo people’s historical and constitutional claims cannot be ignored. On the other hand, the city’s role as the federal capital, its international significance, and the presence of diverse communities cannot be dismissed.
A balanced approach must consider the following dimensions:
1. The Constitutional Dimension
The Constitution provides a starting point for resolving the issue. Article 49(5) recognizes Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne, but the provision has never been fully implemented. A sustainable solution must begin by implementing this constitutional provision through joint administrative mechanisms, resource-sharing agreements, and coordinated governance frameworks.
However, any implementation must respect the city’s role as the federal capital and the rights of all its residents. The Constitution does not provide for the city to be placed under Oromia’s exclusive administrative control. Rather, it envisions a framework of cooperation and shared responsibility.
2. The Historical Dimension
The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne is a fact that must be acknowledged. The area known as Finfinnee was inhabited by Oromo people before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire, and the city’s name itself is Oromo, meaning “place of hot springs.”
But historical claims alone cannot determine the city’s future. The city has evolved over the past century into a multi-ethnic metropolis that is home to people from across Ethiopia. The current residents—Oromo, Amhara, Gurage, Tigrayan, and others—have legitimate claims to the city as their home. A just solution must respect both the historical rights of the Oromo people and the contemporary rights of all residents.
3. The Political Dimension
The status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is a political question that requires political solutions. It cannot be resolved through unilateral declarations or zero-sum demands. It requires negotiation, compromise, and good-faith dialogue between the federal government, the Oromia regional government, and other stakeholders.
The political dimension also includes considerations of power, representation, and resource allocation. Any solution must ensure that the Oromo people have a meaningful voice in the governance of the city while also ensuring that all residents are treated equally and fairly.
4. The Practical Dimension
Finfinne is not just a symbol; it is a functioning city with millions of residents, extensive infrastructure, and a critical role in Ethiopia’s economy and international relations. The city is home to the African Union headquarters, numerous diplomatic missions, and major economic enterprises.
Any change in the city’s governance must consider the practical implications for its residents, businesses, and international partners. Disruption to the city’s administration could have far-reaching consequences that extend beyond Oromia.
The Complexities of the Dirree Dhawaa Question
While the focus has often been on Finfinne, the question of Dirree Dhawaa is equally significant. Dirree Dhawaa is a symbol of Oromo resistance—a site where the Oromo people have gathered to demand their rights and have faced repression from state forces.
The status of Dirree Dhawaa is closely linked to the broader question of Oromo land rights and the expansion of the capital. The area is located within Oromia and has been the focus of protests and resistance. A sustainable solution for Finfinne must also address the concerns of communities in Dirree Dhawaa and other surrounding areas.
The Risk of Unilateral Decisions
The debate over Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is not without risk. Unilateral decisions—whether by the federal government or the Oromia regional government—could have serious consequences. As history has shown, when the boundaries of the capital were previously redrawn, it led to widespread protests, conflict, and political instability.
The controversy over the 2014 Finfinne Integrated Development Master Plan highlighted these risks. The proposed expansion of the capital into surrounding Oromia districts led to widespread protests that spread throughout Oromia and eventually led to the cancellation of the plan. The experience demonstrated that decisions made in the capital directly affect neighboring Oromo communities, and that meaningful consultation and participation are essential.
The Need for Comprehensive Analysis
Before any decision is made on the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa, a comprehensive analysis is needed. This analysis should consider:
- The interests of all residents: The rights and needs of all residents of the city must be respected.
- The interests of the Oromo people: The historical and constitutional claims of the Oromo people must be acknowledged.
- The interests of the federal government: The city’s role as the federal capital must be protected.
- The interests of the Oromia regional government: The region’s constitutional rights and interests must be respected.
- The interests of the broader Ethiopian people: The solution must serve the long-term stability and unity of the country.
A Possible Framework for Resolution
A sustainable resolution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa must be based on mutual consent, shared benefit, and constitutional fidelity. A possible framework could include:
1. Implementation of Constitutional Provisions
Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne, as recognized in Article 49(5), should be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms that ensure meaningful Oromo participation in decisions affecting the city and surrounding communities. This could include joint committees, shared decision-making structures, and resource-sharing agreements.
2. Recognition of Historical Rights
The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa should be recognized through cultural institutions, public acknowledgment, and educational programs that celebrate the city’s diverse history.
3. Fair Development and Consultation
Urban expansion and development should be planned with meaningful consultation with affected communities, ensuring fair compensation, environmental protection, and shared benefits.
4. Inclusive Governance
All residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—should have equal rights to participation, public services, and legal protection. The city’s governance should reflect its diversity and ensure that all voices are heard.
5. Shared Prosperity
The economic benefits of the capital’s growth should be shared with surrounding communities, creating a virtuous cycle of development rather than a pattern of exploitation.
The Role of Dialogue and Mutual Consent
Ultimately, the solution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa must be based on dialogue and mutual consent. The federal government and the Oromia regional government must engage in good-faith negotiations to find a mutually acceptable governance framework.
The national dialogue process provides an opportunity to address this issue in a comprehensive and inclusive manner. However, the dialogue must be genuine, transparent, and committed to finding a solution that serves the interests of all parties.
Conclusion: Toward a Just and Sustainable Future
The question of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is one of the most complex and consequential issues facing Ethiopia today. It touches on history, identity, constitutional rights, governance, and the future of the nation.
A sustainable solution cannot be based on unilateral declarations, zero-sum demands, or the denial of legitimate rights. It requires a commitment to dialogue, constitutional fidelity, and the recognition that the interests of all parties—the Oromo people, the residents of the city, the federal government, and the broader Ethiopian people—must be balanced.
The status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa is not just a question of ownership—it is a question of justice, governance, and the future of Ethiopia itself.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Nagaan haa bulaa!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and sustainable solution to the status of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa.
Finfinne: A Question of Law, Governance, and Political Will
Moving Beyond History to Constitutional and Administrative Solutions
By Birhanu Lenjiso (PhD)
The debate surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—has long been entangled in competing historical narratives, emotional appeals, and identity politics. But at its core, the question of Finfinne’s status is not primarily historical or geographical. It is a question of law, governance, and political will.
Finfinne is the capital of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. It serves as the seat of the federal government. But it is also a city located within the boundaries of Oromia, and this geographical reality carries constitutional implications that cannot be ignored. The distinction between the city’s role as a federal capital and its regional location must be clearly understood if we are to find a sustainable solution.
The Constitutional Framework: A City Within Oromia
Finfinne did not become the capital of Ethiopia because it lacked an owner. It became the capital because the Oromo people—the rightful owners of the land—consented to its role as the seat of the federal government. This consent was formalized in the Ethiopian Constitution, which recognized Oromia’s “special interest” in the city concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters.
This constitutional recognition is not a declaration of Oromo ownership in the exclusive sense. Rather, it acknowledges a practical reality: the city is located within Oromia, and its daily functioning and development depend on resources, infrastructure, and cooperation from surrounding Oromo communities.
Two distinct dimensions must be clearly distinguished:
- The city’s regional status — its location within Oromia and its relationship with the surrounding communities.
- The city’s federal status — its role as the capital of Ethiopia and the seat of the federal government.
Both dimensions are legitimate and must be respected. The challenge is to find a governance framework that honours both.
The Oromo Position: A Clear and Legitimate Demand
The Oromo people’s demand regarding Finfinne is clear and straightforward: Finfinne should remain the capital of Ethiopia, but its administration should be placed under the jurisdiction of Oromia.
This demand is rooted in the following considerations:
- Geographical Reality: Finfinne is surrounded by Oromia and is an integral part of the Oromo homeland.
- Historical Connection: The area known as Finfinnee has been inhabited by Oromo people for generations and holds deep cultural significance.
- Constitutional Recognition: The Constitution recognizes Oromia’s special interest in the city, a provision that has never been fully implemented.
- Practical Necessity: The city’s development and the well-being of surrounding communities are interconnected and require coordinated governance.
The Oromo position is not a rejection of Finfinne’s role as the federal capital. It is a demand for constitutional implementation, administrative justice, and practical cooperation.
The Importance of Legal and Administrative Clarity
The debate over Finfinne should not be reduced to competing historical claims or identity-based appeals. While history and geography provide important context, the core question is one of law and governance.
What is the legal status of Finfinne?
How should its relationship with Oromia be governed?
How can the constitutional provisions regarding Oromia’s special interest be implemented?
These are the questions that demand answers. Repeatedly invoking historical grievances or geographical arguments without addressing the legal and administrative dimensions does not move the debate forward. It only complicates the process and deepens divisions.
Separating History, Law, Politics, and Identity
To make progress on the Finfinne question, we must develop the discipline of separating different dimensions of the issue:
- History: The historical connection between the Oromo people and the land on which Finfinne was built is a fact. It is not a question—it is a reality that must be acknowledged.
- Geography: The city is located within Oromia. This is a geographical fact, not a political claim. It has implications for governance, resource sharing, and administrative cooperation.
- Constitutional Law: The Constitution recognizes Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne. This is a legal provision that requires implementation. How this implementation should occur is a matter of legal interpretation and political negotiation.
- Politics: The demand for administrative control over Finfinne is a political question. It is subject to debate, negotiation, and compromise. It is not a historical or geographical inevitability—it is a matter of political will and constitutional interpretation.
- Identity: Finfinne holds deep cultural and symbolic meaning for the Oromo people. This identity dimension must be respected, but it should not dominate the legal and administrative discussions.
By separating these dimensions, we can engage in a more productive and less emotionally charged debate.
The Need for a Framework Agreement
The Finfinne question will not be resolved through unilateral declarations or zero-sum demands. It requires a framework agreement that addresses the following key issues:
- Constitutional Implementation: How can Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne be implemented in practice? What joint administrative mechanisms are needed?
- Administrative Relations: How should the federal government, the Oromia regional government, and the city administration coordinate their activities?
- Resource Sharing: How should the city’s resources—including land, water, and infrastructure—be managed in a way that benefits both the city and surrounding communities?
- Development Planning: How can urban expansion and development be planned in a way that respects the rights and interests of affected communities?
- Citizen Participation: How can all residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—participate in the governance of the city?
Such an agreement must be based on mutual respect, constitutional fidelity, and a commitment to justice.
The Danger of Historical Simplification
One of the greatest obstacles to resolving the Finfinne question is the tendency to reduce complex issues to simplistic historical claims.
Those who argue that Finfinne is simply “Oromo land” or that it is simply “Ethiopian capital” are missing the point. The city is both. It is the capital of Ethiopia and the historical heart of Oromia. These two truths are not contradictory—they are complementary.
The challenge is to create governance arrangements that honour both truths. This requires moving beyond historical claims and engaging in practical, constitutional discussions.
A Call for Pragmatism and Cooperation
The Finfinne question has been debated for decades. It has been the source of conflict, protest, and political tension. It has divided communities and strained relationships. But it does not have to be a source of endless conflict.
A sustainable solution requires:
- Acknowledgment of Historical Facts: The Oromo people’s historical connection to Finfinne must be acknowledged. This is not a concession—it is an acknowledgment of reality.
- Respect for Constitutional Provisions: Oromia’s special interest in the city, as recognized in the Constitution, must be implemented. The Constitution is not a suggestion—it is the supreme law of the land.
- Political Will: The federal government and the Oromia regional government must engage in good-faith negotiations to find a mutually acceptable governance framework.
- Focus on Practical Solutions: The debate should focus on practical questions of governance, resource sharing, and administrative coordination—not on abstract claims of ownership or identity.
Conclusion: A Path Forward
The Finfinne question is ultimately a question of law and governance. It is about how the city should be administered, how resources should be shared, and how the relationship between the city and surrounding communities should be governed.
The Oromo people’s demand—that Finfinne remain the capital of Ethiopia while its administration is placed under Oromia—is a legitimate political claim. It is rooted in constitutional provisions, historical realities, and practical considerations. It deserves to be taken seriously.
But the resolution of this question will not come from historical debates or identity-based appeals. It will come from good-faith negotiations, constitutional implementation, and a commitment to justice.
Let us focus on the law.
Let us focus on governance.
Let us focus on practical solutions.
Let us build a future where Finfinne serves as a city for all Ethiopians while honouring its historical and constitutional relationship with Oromia.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Oromia fi Finfinne walitti haa qabatan!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dr. Birhanu Lenjiso and is dedicated to all those who are committed to finding a just, constitutional, and lasting solution to the question of Finfinne.
A Historical Reflection on the Betrayal of Abiishee Garbaa: Lessons for the Oromo Struggle Today
How Deception, Diplomacy, and Divide-and-Rule Tactics Defeated a Leader—and What the Oromo Liberation Army Must Learn
By Dinknesh Dheeressaa
As I observe the events unfolding in our midst today, I am reminded of a painful chapter in Oromo history—the story of Abiishee Garbaa, a leader whose fate was sealed not by the strength of his enemies on the battlefield, but by their cunning, deception, and manipulation of Oromo unity.
This is not merely a tale of the past. It is a mirror held up to the present. The same tactics that brought down Abiishee Garbaa are being employed today against the Oromo people and their liberation struggle. The question we must ask ourselves is: Have we learned the lessons of history?
The Historical Context: Abiishee Garbaa and the Gojjam Invasion
According to the authoritative book “Seenaa Abiishee Garbaa fi Gootota Oromoo Biroo” by Ginbaar Nagaraa Kumsaa (2013), the story of Abiishee Garbaa is one of betrayal, deception, and the tragic fragmentation of Oromo unity .
In the years 1854/55, following the death of Garbaa Huruubaa—the ruler of Horro and Abiishee’s father—the region fell into political turmoil. No new leader had been appointed to rule Horro, and this power vacuum was exploited by the Gojjam forces. They crossed the Mormor River through Amuru and launched a devastating campaign against the Horro people .
Abiishee, compelled to defend his people and claim his father’s legacy, mobilized his forces. He gathered the Qondaaltota (warriors) of Horro and successfully repelled the Gojjam invaders. Despite multiple attempts, the Gojjam forces could not defeat Abiishee in direct military confrontation .
But they did not need to.
The Tactics of Deception: Divide, Bribe, and Betray
Unable to defeat Abiishee through conventional warfare, the Gojjam forces turned to a different strategy: division and deception.
They exploited internal rifts within the Horro leadership. One of Abiishee’s own commanders, Soorii Galaa, who had opposed Abiishee’s leadership, defected to the enemy. Soorii Galaa fled to Gojjam, where he was received and employed. He then conspired to betray his people, using his insider knowledge to undermine Oromo resistance .
This pattern is all too familiar. As the Oromo proverb says: “Soogiddaan soogidda cabsu” —”Salt breaks salt.” The enemy does not always need to destroy you from the outside. Often, they find someone from within to do the work for them.
The Gojjam forces used a combination of modern weaponry, espionage, bribery, and deception. They pitted Oromo leaders against each other, spreading rumours, creating alliances based on false promises, and exploiting personal ambitions and grievances to shatter the unity of the Oromo people .
The Role of Qadiidaa Wannabee: False Diplomacy and Betrayal
The most infamous act of deception was the role of Qadiidaa Wannabee. Unable to defeat Abiishee through force, the Gojjam forces enlisted Qadiidaa to lure Abiishee into a trap through the promise of peace. Qadiidaa went to Abiishee, swore oaths of friendship, and assured him that the Gojjam forces were sincere in their desire for reconciliation .
Abiishee, believing in the promise of peace, agreed to meet the Gojjam forces at a location they had prepared. He set out without his weapons—unarmed, trusting in the word of Qadiidaa.
But it was a trap.
As Abiishee entered the camp of the Gojjam forces, the Amhara forces, who had been lying in wait, surrounded him. Soorii Galaa—the defector—served as the translator. Abiishee was disarmed and taken captive .
The Humiliation and Tragic End
Abiishee was not given a warrior’s death. Instead, he was subjected to unspeakable humiliation. He was bound with heavy wooden yokes—the same yokes used to bind oxen. He was paraded and forced to walk to Gojjam. Stripped of his dignity, his clothing, and his freedom, he was led like an animal before his enemies.
According to the account, when Abiishee realized the depth of the deception and the humiliation he had been forced to endure, his grief and rage were so overwhelming that he chewed off his own fingers in despair .
This tragic ending is a searing reminder: when unity is broken, when trust is misplaced, when the enemy’s diplomacy is a mask for violence, the price is catastrophic.
The Relevance of History: The Oromo Liberation Army Today
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is not just a historical curiosity. It is a lesson for the Oromo Liberation Army (WBO) today. As the armed wing of the Oromo struggle, the WBO faces challenges that echo the past:
1. The Danger of Deception and False Diplomacy
Today, the Ethiopian government and its allies are skilled in the same tactics that defeated Abiishee. They offer peace, dialogue, and reconciliation—but often, these are merely tools for disarmament and control. The legacy of Qadiidaa Wannabee lives on. Abiishee’s mistake was trusting the word of an enemy who offered peace while preparing to destroy him.
The WBO must remain vigilant. Not every hand extended in peace is sincere. Some are reaching for a weapon.
2. The Need for Unity
Abiishee’s downfall was accelerated by division within his own leadership. The defection of Soorii Galaa and the internal conflicts among the Horro commanders fractured their resistance. The enemy exploited these divisions masterfully.
The WBO must guard against internal fragmentation. The Oromo struggle is a collective effort, and unity is its greatest strength. As the Oromo saying goes: “Tokkummaan jabina” —”Unity is strength.”
3. The Power of Knowledge and Preparation
Abiishee’s defeat was also a failure of intelligence and preparation. He underestimated his enemies, overestimated their sincerity, and failed to anticipate the trap they had set.
The WBO must prioritize intelligence, strategy, and preparation. The enemy is often more cunning than they appear. Knowledge of history, awareness of tactics, and readiness for deception are essential weapons in the struggle.
The Broader Lesson: History Must Not Be Forgotten
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is part of the larger history of Oromo resistance—a history that has been systematically suppressed and erased. As one historian notes, studies focusing on the history of Oromo heroes like Abiishee Garbaa are relatively scarce, and the historical narratives have often been shaped by external perspectives .
Recovering and teaching Oromo history is therefore a political act. It is an act of resistance against the erasure of Oromo identity and memory. It is a way of ensuring that the mistakes of the past are not repeated.
The book “Seenaa Abiishee Garbaa fi Gootota Oromoo Biroo” is one such effort to reclaim that history. By telling the stories of Oromo heroes, it provides the younger generation with the knowledge they need to continue the struggle with wisdom and determination.
A Call to Action: Learn from the Past, Build for the Future
The story of Abiishee Garbaa is a cautionary tale. It reminds us that the struggle for Oromo liberation is not only a battle against external enemies but also against internal divisions and naivety.
Today, the Oromo Liberation Army and the broader Oromo movement face challenges that require wisdom, unity, and vigilance. The Ethiopian government continues to use the same tactics of divide-and-rule that were employed against Abiishee. False diplomacy, offers of peace, and political manipulation are still weapons in their arsenal.
The lesson is clear: the enemy does not always come with guns. Sometimes they come with promises.
The WBO and all Oromo people must learn from the mistakes of the past. They must:
- Study history to understand the tactics of their enemies.
- Remain united and guard against internal division.
- Be vigilant in the face of false diplomacy.
- Prepare strategically for both political and military challenges.
Conclusion: Honouring the Memory of Abiishee Garbaa
Abiishee Garbaa was a leader who fought bravely to defend his people and his land. He was defeated not by a stronger enemy on the battlefield, but by betrayal, division, and deception. His story is a tragedy—but it is also a lesson.
As Dinknesh Dheeressaa reminds us: “The wounds of history are not just memories; they are warnings. They tell us what we must not do again.”
The Oromo struggle has been marked by many such tragedies. But each tragedy has also produced heroes, martyrs, and lessons. If we honour the memory of Abiishee Garbaa, we must do so by learning from his story—by ensuring that the same mistakes are not repeated.
Let us learn from the past so that the future may be free.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Seenaa haa barannu!
WBO haa jabaattu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Dinknesh Dheeressaa and is dedicated to all those who continue to struggle for Oromo liberation and who seek wisdom from the lessons of history.
Finfinne and Oromia: A Shared Future Rooted in History, Culture, and Constitutional Reality
Moving Beyond Ownership Toward Partnership, Justice, and Lasting Coexistence
By Iyasu Enoro
The debate surrounding Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—has long been characterized by competing narratives, political posturing, and historical grievances. Too often, the discussion has been reduced to a simplistic and divisive question: Who owns the city?
But a modern capital city is not private property. It is not a piece of land to be claimed, contested, or parceled out among competing groups. Finfinne belongs to all its residents and serves as the political, economic, and cultural heart of Ethiopia. At the same time, recognizing this reality should not require ignoring the city’s historical, cultural, geographical, and constitutional relationship with Oromia.
The path forward requires moving beyond the zero-sum logic of ownership toward a framework of partnership, recognition, and shared responsibility. This is not only possible—it is essential for the long-term stability, justice, and prosperity of both the capital and the surrounding Oromo communities.
The Historical and Constitutional Foundation
Finfinne, known historically as Finfinnee, is surrounded by Oromia and remains deeply connected to the Oromo people who have lived in the area for generations. The city’s very name, Finfinnee—meaning “place of hot springs”—is Oromo, a testament to its indigenous roots.
The Ethiopian Constitution recognizes this unique relationship. Article 49(5) affirms Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne concerning social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters arising from the city’s location within the State of Oromia.
This constitutional recognition is not a declaration of exclusive ownership. Rather, it acknowledges a practical and historical reality: the future of Finfinne and the future of surrounding Oromo communities are inseparable.
The clause, repeatedly violated according to Oromo advocates, represents a constitutional acknowledgment that the relationship between the capital and Oromia is not merely symbolic—it has direct implications for governance, resource sharing, and the well-being of communities on both sides of the city’s borders.
Oromia’s Cultural Contribution to Finfinne
The story of Finfinne cannot be separated from the story of Oromo culture and heritage. Long before modern political debates emerged, the area known as Finfinnee was part of the social and cultural landscape of the Tulama Oromo. It was a place of springs, grazing lands, and cultural significance.
Today, Oromo culture continues to shape the identity of the capital:
- Afaan Oromoo has become increasingly visible in public life, media, education, business, and cultural institutions.
- Oromo artists, musicians, writers, academics, entrepreneurs, athletes, and public servants continue to contribute significantly to the cultural and economic life of Finfinne.
- Major Oromo cultural celebrations such as Irreecha have strengthened cultural connections between the capital and the broader Oromia region.
- The growing recognition of the name Finfinnee alongside Finfinne represents an effort to acknowledge the city’s historical roots while preserving its role as a national capital.
Recognizing Oromo heritage does not diminish the contributions of Amharas, Gurages, Siltes, Somalis, Tigreans, Afars, or any other community. Finfinne has been built by the collective efforts of many peoples. A truly inclusive city should celebrate all of these contributions, including those of the Oromo people whose historical connection to the area remains undeniable.
Development and Its Impact on Oromo Communities
The relationship between Finfinne and Oromia is not merely symbolic. It has direct consequences for people living in the surrounding areas.
The controversy over the 2014 Finfinne Integrated Development Master Plan highlighted these concerns. Many Oromo communities feared that the proposed expansion of the capital into surrounding Oromia districts would lead to displacement, loss of farmland, and reduced local control over resources. The resulting protests spread throughout Oromia and eventually led to the cancellation of the plan.
The experience demonstrated an important reality: decisions made in Finfinne often directly affect neighboring Oromo communities.
Rapid urbanization continues to create challenges, including:
- Conversion of agricultural land into residential and commercial developments
- Pressure on water sources, environmental resources, and public infrastructure shared by both the city and surrounding communities
- Economic disruption for farming families whose livelihoods depend on land affected by urban expansion
- Concerns regarding fair compensation, consultation, and participation in development projects
- Cultural and linguistic pressures that can emerge when traditional communities are absorbed into rapidly expanding urban areas
These are not theoretical concerns. They are everyday realities for many communities living around Finfinne, making consultation and cooperation essential for sustainable development.
The Economic Impact of Finfinne’s Growth on Oromia
The relationship between Finfinne and Oromia is also economic. As Ethiopia’s capital has expanded, both the benefits and burdens of that growth have increasingly been felt in surrounding Oromo communities.
Recent research has documented the scale of this impact:
- A 2024 study examining land-use change in Finfinne reported that the city’s built-up area increased by 25.28 percent between 2000 and 2020. During the same period, agricultural land decreased by 15.92 percent and vegetation cover declined by 9.35 percent as urban development expanded outward.
- Much of this expansion was linked to housing projects, infrastructure construction, industrial development, and investment activities that transformed peri-urban landscapes.
- Research on communities affected by urban expansion found significant economic consequences for many farmers whose land was expropriated. Many displaced farmers experienced declines in income, while others were pushed into temporary or lower-paid employment after losing access to agricultural land.
- Another study found that urban expansion negatively affected multiple aspects of the lives of affected Oromo farming communities, including their economic and social wellbeing.
At the same time, Finfinne’s growth has also created opportunities for Oromo residents through:
- Employment in the city’s expanding economy
- Transportation links connecting Oromia to the capital
- Education and access to urban institutions
- Business expansion and market access
- Industrial investment creating new economic opportunities
The challenge is ensuring that the benefits of development are fairly shared and that the communities most directly affected by urban growth are not excluded from decision-making processes.
This reality helps explain why Oromia’s constitutional special interest in Finfinne remains relevant today. The issue is not ownership of the capital but ensuring that decisions regarding land use, infrastructure, natural resources, public services, and urban expansion are made with meaningful participation from the communities most affected by them.
Beyond Ownership: Toward Partnership
The real question is not who owns Finfinne. The city cannot and should not belong exclusively to any single ethnic group. At the same time, denying Oromia’s historical presence, cultural contribution, economic stake, and constitutionally recognized interests does not promote justice or long-term stability.
A sustainable future requires acknowledging several truths simultaneously:
- Finfinne is Ethiopia’s capital and belongs to all its residents. It is a city for all Ethiopians, regardless of their ethnic background.
- Finfinnee has deep historical and cultural ties to the Oromo people. This heritage must be acknowledged and respected.
- Oromo culture continues to enrich the city’s identity and development. The city is stronger for its diversity.
- Finfinne’s expansion directly affects neighboring Oromo communities. Their voices must be heard in decisions that affect their lives.
- Oromia possesses constitutionally recognized interests in matters concerning the city and its relationship with surrounding communities.
- Development should benefit affected communities rather than marginalize them. Fair compensation, consultation, and participation are essential.
A Vision for the Future
The path forward is therefore not ownership, exclusion, or historical denial. It is partnership built on constitutional respect, cultural recognition, economic fairness, and genuine cooperation.
This vision includes:
1. Constitutional Implementation
Oromia’s “special interest” in Finfinne, as recognized in Article 49(5) of the Constitution, should be implemented through joint administrative mechanisms that ensure meaningful Oromo participation in decisions affecting the capital and surrounding communities.
2. Cultural Recognition
The Oromo heritage of Finfinnee should be acknowledged through cultural institutions, public recognition, and educational programs that celebrate the city’s diverse history.
3. Fair Development
Urban expansion should be planned with meaningful consultation with affected communities, ensuring fair compensation, environmental protection, and shared benefits.
4. Inclusive Governance
All residents of Finfinne—regardless of ethnicity—should have equal rights to participation, public services, and legal protection.
5. Shared Prosperity
The economic benefits of the capital’s growth should be shared with surrounding communities, creating a virtuous cycle of development rather than a pattern of exploitation.
Conclusion: A Foundation for Lasting Coexistence
Finfinne can remain a city for all Ethiopians while also recognizing the heritage of Finfinnee, protecting the interests of surrounding Oromo communities, and respecting the constitutional principles designed to govern the relationship between the capital and Oromia.
Such an approach offers the strongest foundation for justice, stability, inclusion, and lasting coexistence.
The debate over Finfinne will not be resolved through confrontation or denial. It will be resolved through honest acknowledgment of history, respect for constitutional principles, and a shared commitment to building a future where all Ethiopians—Oromo and non-Oromo alike—can live with dignity, security, and hope.
Finfinne is for all Ethiopians.
Finfinnee is Oromo heritage.
The future is shared.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Oromia fi Finfinne walitti haa qabatan!
This feature article is dedicated to all residents of Finfinne and all Oromo communities whose lives are connected to the capital—past, present, and future.
Advocacy for Oromia 