Category Archives: Gumaa

The Spark That Lit a Fire: The Macha-Tulama Association and the Birth of Modern Oromo Consciousness

By Our Senior Correspondent

In the early 1960s, Ethiopia was a nation of silence. Political parties were banned. Open dissent was crushed. The empire of Haile Selassie I, with its ancient Amharic-speaking elite, governed through a system of centralized control that left little room for the voices of its largest ethnic group—the Oromo.

Yet, in the cramped offices of Addis Ababa, three small self-help groups began to meet. The Jibat and Macha, the Metta Robii, and the Tulama Shawa associations had been formed to provide modest social relief to Oromo communities. But in 1963, these three organizations merged into something far more significant. They became the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association—Waldaa Wal-gargaarsa Maccaa fi Tuulamaa—and in doing so, they ignited a fire that would reshape Oromo history forever.

A Name That United a People

The association took its name from two of the major Borana Oromo clans: Machaa and Tulema. But its vision was far broader than any single clan. It was designed to embrace all Oromos, irrespective of religion or region, and even welcomed non-Oromo nationalities who accepted its objectives. Its founders were a remarkable group: Hail Mariam Gamada, a lawyer; Alemu Qixxeesa, a retired colonel; Mamo Mezemer; and others who had been educated in the imperial system but had “subsequently rediscovered their culture”.

The most prominent leader was Tadesse Birru, a former general in the Ethiopian police force and territorial army. A Shewa Oromo who had been fully integrated into Amhara culture, his Oromo origins were not apparent to many until he began to champion the cause of his people. His conversion was a powerful symbol: a man who had risen to the highest ranks of the imperial establishment, turning his back on privilege to fight for his own people.

Two Levels of Purpose

The association operated on two distinct levels. The first was practical and visible: it built schools, health clinics, roads, and water supplies across Oromia. It constructed churches and mosques for believers who had none. It provided financial and legal assistance for the disabled and unemployed.

But the second objective was political—and far more dangerous. In an era when political parties were forbidden, the Macha-Tulama Association became a vehicle for Oromo nationalism. It was the first movement to articulate Oromo grievances in a public, organized manner. It championed “the social, educational, cultural and political rights of the Oromo people”. It politicized the masses and, through its dynamic Youth Wing, produced revolutionary literature that circulated underground. Its very existence marked “the public rise of Oromo nationalism”.

The Threat to Empire

The association’s rapid growth was breathtaking. At its height, it claimed as many as 200,000 members. It expanded “very rapidly all over Oromiyaa as a Pan-Oromo movement”. It was most successful in the south, particularly in Arsi, where Oromos had been relegated to the status of tenants on their own land after being conquered by Menelik’s forces.

For the imperial government, this was an existential threat. The Ethiopian state accused the association of committing “acts of terror” in an effort to suppress the developing Oromo National Movement. The repression was swift and brutal.

The Crackdown

In 1966, the Macha-Tulama Association was banned. Its leaders were arrested, imprisoned, and some were executed. Tadesse Birru, Mamo Mezemir, Alemu Kitessa, and others were imprisoned and killed for their humanitarian and political activities. The association was banned during the imperial regime, again under the Derg, and once more in 2011 under the EPRDF regime. It was accused of “threatening Ethiopia’s unity—an unfounded claim,” according to its current president.

Yet the organization refused to die. It survived underground, and its members continued to organize. The suppression of the Macha-Tulama Association became “an immediate reason for the birth of” a more militant organization. In 1974, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was formed, largely from the underground cells of the Macha-Tulama Association.

A Legacy That Endures

Today, the Macha-Tulama Association—now officially known as the Mecha and Tulema Self-Help Association—continues its work. It regained its legal status in 2019. It celebrated its 60th anniversary in 2024, a testament to its resilience.

Its current president, Diribi Damuse, has outlined the association’s ongoing humanitarian efforts: supporting internally displaced people from Western Oromia, assisting those affected by drought in Borena and Guji, and providing aid to university students and Abba Gada leaders. The association, he emphasized, “has united members from diverse backgrounds, including military, students, intellectuals, and grassroots, including non-Oromo members from Wolayita, Sidama, and other ethnic groups”.

The Unfinished Struggle

The Macha-Tulama Association’s place in Oromo history is secure. It was the first organized, mass-based expression of Oromo identity in the modern era. It bridged the gap between the rural peasantry and the urban intelligentsia. It laid the groundwork for every Oromo political movement that followed.

But its story is also a warning. The association was banned not because it committed violence, but because it united a people. Its leaders were killed not for crimes, but for the crime of demanding dignity. The imperial state, and every regime that followed, understood that a united Oromo people was a threat to centralized power.

As the association continues its work—building schools, feeding the hungry, preserving culture—it carries with it the memory of those who gave their lives. Mamo Mezemir, Tadesse Birru, Alemu Kitessa, and so many others are not just names in a history book. They are the foundation upon which modern Oromo consciousness was built.

The Macha-Tulama Association was the spark. The fire it lit continues to burn.

Sources: UNHCR Refugee Review Tribunal; Canada Immigration and Refugee Board; Addis Standard; Wikipedia; AfricaBib; Taylor & Francis; Advocacy for Oromia.

The Hour of Need: Forging a Resilient Future for Oromia and Its People

By Maatii Sabaa

The air in Oromia is heavy with a sense of urgency. Across the region and its surrounding areas, a silent tremor of concern is reverberating through the hearts of its people. We are witnessing a pivotal moment in our history, a time fraught with challenges that test the very fabric of our society. The question is no longer if we will act, but when—and how boldly.

As we look at the current state of affairs, it is impossible to ignore the profound anxieties that grip our communities. The safety net that once held our families together is fraying under the weight of economic strain, environmental upheaval, and political instability. We are, to put it plainly, standing on the precipice of a great ordeal. The need for a unified, robust, and relentless response—a determined stand against the tide of adversity—has never been more critical.

This is not merely a time for sorrow; it is a time for strategy. The path forward is not found in despair, but in the deliberate construction of a new paradigm. We must build a fortress of resilience, brick by brick, institution by institution. It is through the creation of resilient systems—in agriculture, education, and governance—that we can effectively combat the crises that threaten to overwhelm us. We need a “fala/ gaachanaa” (shield) that is not just reactive but proactive, designed to protect the most vulnerable and secure the borders of our collective future.

Yet, the ultimate shield for Oromia is not made of steel or stone; it is made of the mind and spirit of its youth. The young men and women of this generation are the architects of tomorrow. To leave them untrained, unmotivated, or disconnected is to invite disaster. Our imperative is clear: we must educate, energize, and organize the Oromo youth.

This is more than a call to action; it is a call to transformation. We must transform our schools into crucibles of critical thinking, our communities into hubs of entrepreneurial energy, and our political spaces into arenas of constructive dialogue. By doing so, we ensure that our youth do not become victims of circumstance, but rather, become the standard-bearers of a proud heritage. They must become the vanguard that carries the torch of Oromia forward, ready to stand as “gaachana” (champions) for their land and their people.

It is a saddening truth that the heritage of the Oromo people—a legacy of resilience, democracy, and cultural richness—is at risk of being eroded. We are custodians of a “Dhaloota qaroo” (a heritage of value), a distinct identity that has survived for millennia. To protect this inheritance is to diversify it; to bring in new voices, new ideas, and new energy. We must ensure that the narrative of our people is written not by our oppressors, but by our own hands, in our own words.

The time for deliberation is over. The foundations of a new era must be laid today. It is not enough to hope for a brighter tomorrow; we must labor for it. Starting today, we must commit to the arduous but noble task of rebuilding. Starting today, we must bridge the divides that separate us. Starting today, we must empower the next generation to take the helm.

The challenges are great, but the spirit of Oromia is greater. Let us meet this moment with the courage it demands. The hour of need is upon us, but it is also an hour of opportunity. Let us rise, unite, and forge a destiny worthy of the sacrifices of our ancestors and the dreams of our children.

The time to start is now.

Legal Foundations of Finfinne’s Special Status: A Review of Federal and Regional Laws

Examining the Constitutional and Statutory Provisions Recognizing Oromia’s Special Interest in the Capital


By Dhabessa Wakjira


(Melbourne-11 August 2026) The question of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is not merely a matter of political debate or historical narrative. It is also a matter of law. Over the past four decades, a series of federal and regional legal instruments have recognized and codified the unique relationship between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital.

From the transitional period following the fall of the Derg to the present day, Ethiopian law has acknowledged that Finfinne, by virtue of its location within the State of Oromia, gives rise to a “special interest” for Oromia—an interest that encompasses social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters . This legal framework, while contested in its implementation, provides a constitutional foundation for the Oromo people’s claim to their historical capital.


Federal Legal Instruments: The Constitutional and Statutory Framework

A. Proclamation No. 7/1984: Establishing National Regional Self-Governments

The legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne predates the 1995 Constitution. In the transitional period following the fall of the Derg regime, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia enacted Proclamation No. 7/1984 to establish National Regional Self-Governments.

Article 3(1) of this proclamation identified the Oromo people as one of the nations, nationalities, and peoples entitled to establish a regional self-government, designated as “Region 4.” Critically, Article 3(4) of the proclamation stated that the “special national interests and political rights of Oromo” over Harari (Region 13) and Addis Ababa (Region 14) would be protected .

This provision represented the first formal legal acknowledgment of Oromia’s special claim over the capital following the collapse of the unitary state. It recognized that the city’s location within Oromia created a unique relationship that could not be ignored, even as the city was designated as a separate administrative entity.

B. The FDRE Constitution, Article 49(5): The Constitutional Recognition

The most significant legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is enshrined in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution, adopted in 1995.

Article 49(5) states:

“The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa, regarding the provision of social services or the utilization of natural resources and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Ababa within the State of Oromia, shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.”

This provision was the product of extensive debate during the Constitutional Assembly. The legislative history reveals that the Oromo representatives argued for the inclusion of this clause on several grounds:

  • Geographical reality: Finfinne is located within the State of Oromia.
  • Historical connection: The city was established on Oromo land and is the heart of Oromia.
  • Practical necessity: The city’s expansion affects surrounding Oromo farming communities.
  • Constitutional identity: The city serves as Oromia’s capital and is deeply connected to Oromo identity .

The clause was approved with 507 votes in favour and only 6 against, demonstrating broad consensus on the principle of Oromia’s special interest.

C. Addis Ababa City Administration Charter Proclamation No. 87/1989

The first charter for the Addis Ababa City Administration, Proclamation No. 87/1989, provided detailed provisions on the relationship between the city and Oromia.

Article 33 of this proclamation established four key elements of Oromia’s special interest:

  1. Boundary Determination: The city’s boundary shall be delimited jointly by the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government.
  2. Seat of Government: The Oromia Regional Government has the right to establish its seat in Addis Ababa.
  3. Access to Services: Social services provided by the City Administration to Addis Ababa residents shall also be accessible to residents of neighbouring Oromia communities, who shall be entitled to benefit from those services on an equal footing.
  4. Consultation on Development: The City Administration shall undertake development activities affecting Oromia only in consultation and agreement with the Oromia Regional Government.

This charter represented a significant legal acknowledgment of the practical interdependence between the city and its surrounding region .

D. Amended City Charter Proclamation No. 311/1995 and No. 361/1995

Subsequent amendments to the City Charter, including Proclamation No. 311/1995 and Proclamation No. 361/1995, modified the framework for the relationship between the city and Oromia.

Article 62 of these proclamations, concerning the relationship between the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government, provided that:

  1. The City Administration shall maintain a relationship based on fruitful cooperation with Oromia.
  2. In accordance with Article 49(5) of the Constitution, Oromia’s interest shall be respected. The particulars shall be determined by agreement between the City Administration and the Regional Government or by a law enacted by the House of Peoples’ Representatives.

Article 5 of these proclamations, concerning the city’s boundaries, departed from the earlier charter. It provided that the boundary shall be delimited by agreement between the City Administration and Oromia or pursuant to the decision of the Federal Government—a provision that allowed for federal determination of boundaries without necessarily requiring the consent of the Oromia Regional Government .

This shift represented a legal narrowing of Oromia’s special interest compared to the 1989 charter, a development that has been a source of ongoing tension.


Regional Legal Instruments: The Oromia Constitutional Framework

A. The Oromia Transitional Constitution (1984)

The first constitution of the Oromia National Regional State, enacted in 1984 through Proclamation No. 2/1985, established the fundamental identity of the region.

This historic document, adopted by the newly established Oromia Council following popular elections, declared:

  • Article 55: The name of the region shall be Oromia.
  • Article 57: The working language of the region shall be Afaan Oromoo, written in the Latin script.
  • Article 58: The capital city of the region shall be Finfinne.

This constitution represented the first formal assertion of Oromo self-governance and affirmed Finfinne as the heart of Oromia.

B. The Oromia Constitution (1987)

The second Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 1/1987, reaffirmed the region’s identity and capital following the transition to a civilian government.

Article 6 of this constitution confirmed that Finfinne is the capital city of the Oromia Regional State, maintaining the continuity of the region’s constitutional identity.

C. The Amended Oromia Constitution (1994) and Proclamation No. 94/1997

The third Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 46/1994 following the political reforms of 1993, introduced a significant change: Article 6 declared that the capital of Oromia would be Adama.

This change was made following Proclamation No. 35/1992, which had designated Adama as Oromia’s capital effective July 1992. However, this decision was met with widespread public opposition and protest.

Following the 1997 elections, the Oromia Regional Government, responding to popular demand, returned its seat to Finfinne without preconditions. Subsequently, Proclamation No. 94/1997, adopted by the Oromia Council, amended the constitution to restore Finfinne as the capital of Oromia.

Article 2(3) of this proclamation formally declared that the capital of Oromia shall be Finfinne, reversing the 1994 amendment. This decision reflected the deep historical and cultural connection between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital .


The Ongoing Debate: Implementation and Contestation

While the legal framework recognizing Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is well-established, its implementation has been a source of persistent tension.

The Special Interest Council

The draft proclamation on Oromia’s special interest in Addis Ababa contemplates the establishment of a Joint Council composed of delegates from both the City Government and Oromia Regional State . However, legal experts have noted shortcomings in the draft, including the postponement of determining key details such as the number of members, structure, mandates, and tenure—matters that should be clearly defined in the establishing legislation .

The 2014 Master Plan Controversy

The 2014 Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan, which proposed expanding the city’s boundaries by 1.1 million hectares into surrounding Oromia districts, ignited widespread protests and led to hundreds of deaths. Critics argued that the plan was centrally imposed without prior consultation or participation of the Oromia Regional Government, in violation of constitutional principles .

The Failure to Fully Implement Article 49(5)

Legal commentators have noted that the concept of “special interest” was intended to imply a form of ownership and the immunity of the Oromo people from eviction from the city . However, successive federal governments have been accused of failing to implement the constitutional provision meaningfully, instead pursuing policies that marginalize Oromo communities in and around the capital .


Conclusion: A Legal Framework Awaiting Implementation

The legal instruments examined in this article reveal a consistent pattern: from the transitional period to the present day, Ethiopian law has recognized Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne. The FDRE Constitution, the City Charters, and the Oromia Constitutions all acknowledge the unique relationship between the city and the region that surrounds it.

However, legal recognition alone is insufficient. The gap between the law on paper and its implementation in practice has been a source of ongoing tension and conflict. The failure to fully implement Article 49(5), the controversies over boundary expansions, and the inadequate representation of Oromo interests in the governance of the capital have all contributed to the perception that Oromia’s constitutional rights are being violated.

The path forward lies in the genuine implementation of the constitutional and legal framework—through joint administrative mechanisms, meaningful consultation, and the protection of Oromo communities affected by the city’s expansion. As one legal commentator has noted: “The concept of special interest entered the Ethiopian legal lexicon to ensure that the Oromo people, whose land was taken to establish the capital, would not be excluded from the benefits of the city’s existence” . Fulfilling this vision requires not only legal recognition but also political will.


Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!

Finfinne haa jabaattu!

Seerri haa raawwatamu!


This feature article is based on a review of federal and regional legal instruments and is dedicated to all those who seek the full implementation of Oromia’s constitutional rights in Finfinne.

For the Cause of Finfinne: Entering Finfinne Itself Is Better Than Entering the Forest

A Reflection on Strategy, Presence, and the Path Forward for Oromo Liberation


By Dhabessa Wakjira


In the long and arduous struggle for Oromo liberation, the question of strategy has always been central. For decades, the Oromo people have employed various methods of resistance—armed struggle in the forests, political advocacy in the diaspora, and mass protests in the streets. Each has its place and its purpose. But there is a principle that deserves careful consideration:

“Dhimma Finfinneetiif bosona seenuu caalaa Finfinneedhuma seenuutu karaa filatamaadha.”

“For the cause of Finfinne, entering Finfinne itself is better than entering the forest.”

This is not a dismissal of armed struggle or the sacrifices made by those who have fought in the forests. It is a strategic reflection on the nature of the struggle for Finfinne and the most effective means of achieving justice for the Oromo people’s ancestral capital.


The Significance of Finfinne

Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is not just any city. It is the historical and spiritual heart of the Oromo people. It is the place where the Oromo people lived for generations before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire. It is the site of their cultural heritage, the cradle of their language, and the symbol of their historical presence in the region.

For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not a bargaining chip. It is not a political football to be kicked around by competing interests. It is their ancestral homeland, and their connection to it is inseparable from their identity.

The struggle for Finfinne is therefore not just a political struggle—it is a struggle for the very soul of the Oromo nation. It is a struggle for recognition, for justice, and for the restoration of a people’s connection to their land.


The Forest and the City: Two Strategies

Historically, the Oromo liberation movement has employed two primary strategies: armed struggle in the forests and political organizing in the cities. Both have their strengths and limitations.

The Forest Strategy

Armed struggle has been a vital part of the Oromo resistance. The Oromo Liberation Army (WBO) has fought bravely against successive Ethiopian regimes, and their sacrifices have inspired generations. The forest has been a sanctuary for those who could not operate openly, a place where resistance could be sustained even in the darkest times.

However, the forest strategy has limitations. It is physically demanding, resource-intensive, and often results in heavy casualties. It can also be geographically remote from the centers of political power, limiting its direct impact on urban populations and decision-makers.

The City Strategy

The city strategy—entering Finfinne itself—offers a different approach. It recognizes that the struggle for Finfinne cannot be won solely in the forests. It must be waged in the city itself, among its residents, in its institutions, and in its political life.

Entering Finfinne means:

  • Building a presence in the city’s political and civic institutions
  • Organizing communities within the city
  • Advocating for Oromo rights in the urban space
  • Challenging the narrative that denies Oromo history
  • Demanding recognition of Finfinne’s Oromo heritage
  • Participating in governance to shape the city’s future

This strategy recognizes that Finfinne is not just a piece of land to be claimed from the outside—it is a living city with millions of residents, a complex political landscape, and a role as Ethiopia’s capital. Engaging with the city directly is essential for achieving justice.


Why Entering Finfinne Matters

1. Presence Is Power

In politics, presence is power. If the Oromo people are absent from Finfinne’s political and civic life, their voice will not be heard. Entering Finfinne means being present where decisions are made, where policies are shaped, and where the future of the city is determined.

2. The City Is the Symbol

Finfinne is not just a city—it is a symbol. It is the symbol of Oromo dispossession and the symbol of Oromo resistance. To enter Finfinne is to reclaim that symbol. It is to assert that the Oromo people have a rightful place in their ancestral capital.

3. The City Is the Center of Power

Finfinne is the seat of the Ethiopian government, the African Union, and numerous diplomatic missions. It is the center of political and economic power in Ethiopia. To influence the future of Finfinne, the Oromo people must be present at the center of that power.

4. The City Is a Space for Organizing

Finfinne is home to millions of people, including a significant Oromo population. It is a space for organizing, for building alliances, and for creating a movement that can effect change from within. By entering Finfinne, the Oromo people can build a movement that is rooted in the city itself.

5. The City Is the Future

The future of Finfinne will be shaped by those who are present in the city. If the Oromo people are absent, others will shape that future. Entering Finfinne ensures that the Oromo people have a say in what that future looks like.


The Path Forward

The principle that “entering Finfinne is better than entering the forest” is not a rejection of armed struggle. It is a call to recognize that the struggle for Finfinne must be waged on multiple fronts. It must include:

  1. Political organizing in the city
  2. Advocacy for Oromo rights in national and international forums
  3. Legal action to challenge unjust policies
  4. Cultural preservation to maintain Oromo heritage in the city
  5. Economic empowerment to build Oromo prosperity
  6. Public awareness to educate residents about Finfinne’s history
  7. Participation in governance to shape the city’s future

This multi-front approach recognizes that the struggle for Finfinne is not just about the past—it is about the present and the future. It is about ensuring that the Oromo people have a rightful place in their ancestral capital and that the city reflects the diversity and history of the Oromo nation.


A Call to Action

The time has come for the Oromo people to enter Finfinne—not as visitors, but as participants. Not as outsiders, but as rightful inhabitants. Not as supplicants, but as citizens with equal rights.

Entering Finfinne means:

  • Registering to vote in the city’s elections
  • Participating in civic organizations that shape the city’s life
  • Advocating for Oromo rights in the city’s institutions
  • Building businesses that create jobs and prosperity
  • Educating residents about Finfinne’s Oromo history
  • Demanding recognition of Oromo heritage in the city’s public spaces

This is not an easy path. It requires patience, persistence, and courage. But it is a path that offers a real chance for lasting change.


Conclusion: A New Chapter in the Struggle

The Oromo people have fought for Finfinne for generations. They have sacrificed their lives, their freedom, and their dreams. They have entered the forests, faced the guns, and endured the prisons. But the struggle is not over.

“Dhimma Finfinneetiif bosona seenuu caalaa Finfinneedhuma seenuutu karaa filatamaadha.”

“For the cause of Finfinne, entering Finfinne itself is better than entering the forest.”

This is a call to a new chapter in the struggle—a chapter of presence, participation, and engagement. A chapter where the Oromo people enter the city they love and claim their rightful place in it.

Let us enter Finfinne. Let us build a future where the Oromo people are recognized, respected, and empowered in their ancestral capital. Let us create a city that reflects the beauty, diversity, and resilience of the Oromo nation.


Finfinne is Oromo.

Entering Finfinne is the path forward.

The struggle continues.


Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!

Finfinne haa jabaattu!

Finfinnee haa seennu!


This feature article is dedicated to all those who have fought for Finfinne and to those who will continue the struggle in the city itself—the heart of the Oromo nation.

A Vision for the Future: Dereje Mamuye Welcomes Guests at the Grand Opening of Godo Housing and Smart Real Estate

African Holding Group Founder and CEO Celebrates a New Era of Innovation and Development


By Maatii Sabaa


In a moment of celebration and vision, Dereje Mamuye, the Founder and CEO of African Holding Group, delivered a warm welcome message at the special inauguration ceremony of Godo Housing and Smart Real Estate. The event, which marked a significant milestone in the company’s journey, was a testament to the power of vision, innovation, and commitment to building a better future.

The ceremony was not just a celebration of a new development; it was a celebration of the spirit of enterprise that drives progress and transforms communities. As Mamuye addressed the gathered dignitaries, partners, and community members, his message resonated with hope, determination, and a deep sense of purpose.


A Leader’s Vision: Dereje Mamuye and African Holding Group

Dereje Mamuye is a prominent entrepreneur and visionary leader whose work has had a significant impact on the business landscape. As the Founder and CEO of African Holding Group, he has been at the forefront of driving innovation and development across various sectors.

African Holding Group is known for its commitment to excellence and its focus on creating value for communities. Under Mamuye’s leadership, the company has grown to become a major player in the industry, with a reputation for integrity, quality, and innovation. His vision is rooted in the belief that business can be a force for good—a tool for creating jobs, building communities, and empowering individuals.

Mamuye’s journey is an inspiration to many. His rise from humble beginnings to becoming a successful entrepreneur is a testament to the power of hard work, determination, and a clear vision. He is a role model for young people, showing that with dedication and perseverance, anything is possible.


Godo Housing and Smart Real Estate: A Milestone in Development

The inauguration of Godo Housing and Smart Real Estate represents a significant achievement in the field of real estate and housing. The project embodies the principles of innovation, sustainability, and community-centered design.

Godo Housing is not just a development; it is a vision for the future of housing. The project incorporates smart technology, sustainable design, and a focus on creating communities where people can thrive. By combining modern technology with thoughtful design, Godo Housing is setting a new standard for real estate development.

The project was a collaborative effort, reflecting the power of partnerships and the shared commitment to building a better future. The support of partners, investors, and community members was essential in bringing this vision to life.


A Message of Welcome and Gratitude

In his welcome address, Dereje Mamuye expressed his heartfelt gratitude to all those who contributed to the success of the project. He welcomed guests with warmth and humility, emphasizing the importance of community and collaboration.

“Today marks a significant milestone in our journey,” Mamuye said. “We are grateful to all those who have supported us along the way. This project is a testament to what can be achieved when we work together with vision and determination.”

Mamuye’s message was one of hope and optimism. He spoke of the potential of the project to transform lives and communities, and he expressed his confidence in the future.


Innovation and Sustainability: The Future of Real Estate

The Godo Housing and Smart Real Estate project is a model for the future of real estate development. It incorporates a range of innovative features, including:

  • Smart Technology: The integration of smart technology to enhance convenience, efficiency, and security.
  • Sustainability: Environmentally friendly design and construction practices that reduce the environmental impact.
  • Community Focus: A focus on creating communities where people can live, work, and thrive.
  • Quality Design: Thoughtful design that prioritizes comfort, functionality, and aesthetics.

These features reflect the vision of the project’s creators and their commitment to creating spaces that meet the needs of modern life.


A Greeting of Welcome

In his address, Dereje Mamuye extended a warm welcome to all the guests. He offered his thanks for their presence and support for this important milestone. This welcome message was a true reflection of the spirit of the event.


A Celebration of Partnership

The inauguration ceremony was also a celebration of the partnerships that made the project possible. Mamuye acknowledged the contributions of investors, partners, and community members, emphasizing that the success of the project was a collective achievement.

“We are grateful for the trust and confidence that our partners have placed in us,” Mamuye said. “It is through collaboration and shared vision that we can achieve great things.”

The event was attended by a distinguished group of guests, including business leaders, government officials, and community members. The diverse attendance reflected the broad support for the project and its potential to have a positive impact.


The Legacy of Dereje Mamuye

Dereje Mamuye is not just a businessman; he is a visionary leader who is committed to making a difference. His work has inspired many, and his legacy will continue to grow as he builds on his achievements.

His commitment to giving back to the community is a core part of his philosophy. He believes that true success is measured not only by financial achievement but by the positive impact one has on the lives of others. This philosophy is reflected in the projects he undertakes and the values he upholds.


Conclusion: A Bright Future Ahead

The inauguration of Godo Housing and Smart Real Estate marks the beginning of a new chapter in the story of African Holding Group and its visionary leader, Dereje Mamuye. The project is a testament to what can be achieved when vision, innovation, and commitment come together.

As the company continues to grow and innovate, it will undoubtedly continue to make a positive impact on communities and inspire others to pursue their dreams. The welcome message of Dereje Mamuye is a reminder that the journey of building a better future is one that we must all undertake together.


Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!

Godo Housing haa jabaattu!

African Holding Group haa jabaattu!


This feature article is dedicated to Dereje Mamuye, the African Holding Group, and all those who are working to build a better future through innovation, vision, and commitment.

Passing the Torch with Honour: A Night of Unity and Generational Strength at Guyyaa Yuubota 2026 in Minnesota

Oromo Elders and Youth Come Together to Celebrate a Legacy of Resilience and Hope in St. Paul


By Maatii Sabaa


(St. Paul, Minnesota — 11August 2026)-In a powerful display of intergenerational unity and cultural pride, the Oromo community in Minnesota came together for Guyyaa Yuubota 2026, a celebration that was more than just an event—it was a profound ceremony of respect, remembrance, and the sacred passing of the torch from one generation to the next.

The event, held in the heart of “Little Oromia,” saw Oromo elders, leaders, and youth gather side by side, reinforcing the unbroken chain of identity and struggle that defines the Oromo people. It was an evening where the wisdom of the past met the energy of the future, and where the torch of liberation was passed respectfully, deliberately, and with immense pride.


A Ceremony of Blessings and Song

The proceedings at Guyyaa Yuubota opened in accordance with ancient Oromo tradition, with the solemn recitation of the Eebba Manguddoo—the Great Blessing—and the singing of the Faaruu Alaabaa, the Oromo national anthem. These rituals, which call upon Waaqa (God) for peace, prosperity, and success, served as a spiritual foundation for the work that followed.

The atmosphere was one of reverence and unity. Oromo oral literature, encompassing forms such as eebba (blessings) and faaruu (songs of praise), has sustained the community across generations, and on this night, it was on full display.


Passing the Torch: The Role of Elders and Youth

The central theme of the evening was the respectful transfer of responsibility and knowledge from the elders to the youth. The elders, who witnessed the early days of the struggle, sat alongside youth who were born in the diaspora, forging an intergenerational bond that strengthens the community’s resilience.

This tradition is a cornerstone of Oromo culture. The elders are the custodians of history, the guardians of the Gadaa principles, and the living memory of the struggle for liberation. By passing the torch to the youth, they ensure that the flame of Oromummaa (Oromo identity) continues to burn brightly.

As one community leader observed, the Oromo carry their ancient Gadaa principles with them into the future, no matter where they are in the world. This occasion was a testament to that enduring spirit—a reminder that the Oromo identity is not just about remembering the past, but about actively engaging with the present and building for the future.


The Significance of Minnesota’s “Little Oromia”

The choice of Minnesota for such a significant gathering is deeply meaningful. Over the past three decades, Minnesota has earned the affectionate title of “Little Oromia” for hosting one of the largest Oromo populations outside of East Africa. The state has become a sanctuary and a springboard for Oromo activism, where culture thrives through language, music, faith, and political organization.

The Oromo community centers in the Twin Cities have become hubs for organizing and celebration, making them the ideal setting for an event that bridges generations and honors the past while looking toward the future.


Looking to the Future: Consistency and Determination

The evening was not only about honoring the past but about setting a course for the future. The message to the youth was clear: consistency and determination remain the foundation of lasting progress and success. In the long and often brutal struggle for Oromo self-determination, it is the day-in and day-out commitment of a people who refuse to be erased that sustains the movement.


Conclusion: A Legacy Secured

Guyyaa Yuubota 2026 in Minnesota was a resounding success, a beautiful reminder of the strength of the Oromo people when they stand together. It was a night where the elders’ blessings were received with humility, and the youth’s energy was embraced with hope. The torch has been passed, and it is held high.

Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!


This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo elders who have paved the way and the youth who carry the torch forward.

A Night of Fellowship and Purpose: Oromo Diaspora Celebrates Partnership and Progress

Oromia Diaspora Association Commends Successful Collaborative Event and Applauds Supporters


By Daandii Ragabaa


It was an evening of connection and community as the Oromia Diaspora Association (ODA) came together with fellow diaspora organizations for a special dinner event. The gathering, hosted in partnership with the Consortium of Ethiopian Diaspora Associations and the Ethiopian Diaspora Service, provided a platform for fellowship, networking, and shared commitment to the development of communities both in Ethiopia and abroad.

The event was a resounding success, marking a significant milestone in the growing collaboration between diaspora groups. As the ODA noted in its statement, the beautiful evening was a testament to what can be achieved when communities unite with a common vision.


A Message of Thanks and Acknowledgment

In a statement reflecting on the event, the Oromia Diaspora Association conveyed heartfelt gratitude to the partner organizations that made the night possible. The association emphasized that the success of the gathering was a direct result of hard work and partnership.

“On behalf of the Oromia Diaspora Association, we wish to thank the Consortium of Ethiopian Diaspora Associations and the Ethiopian Diaspora Service for this beautiful evening of fellowship and dinner.”

The statement highlighted the significance of the event, not just as a social occasion, but as a meaningful step forward in strengthening ties between different communities. It is through such initiatives that diaspora groups can better coordinate their efforts and have a more significant impact on their communities both locally and globally.


The Power of Diaspora Unity

The event served as a vivid reminder of the immense potential of the Ethiopian diaspora. The Oromo diaspora in particular is a vibrant community spread across the globe, with its members actively contributing to social, economic, and developmental initiatives. The partnership with the consortium and government service structures reinforces the idea that collaboration is key to maximizing this potential.

This sense of unity is especially valuable given the diverse backgrounds and experiences within the broader Ethiopian and Oromo communities. Engaging with others through fellowship helps bridge communities and build a more cohesive front for tackling shared challenges.


Looking Ahead: Building on Success

The sentiment of the evening was one of looking forward. The Oromia Diaspora Association expressed a strong desire to continue working together with its partners in the future. The success of this event is not an endpoint but a foundation upon which further collaborative projects can be built.

“The event was a great success, and we deeply appreciate your hard work and partnership. We look forward to working together more in the future!”

As the Ethiopian Diaspora Service continues its efforts to connect with and empower the global Ethiopian community, events like this underscore the importance of meaningful engagement. The service plays a crucial role as a bridge, facilitating investment, cultural connection, and community building among the diaspora.


Conclusion: A Bright Future for Diaspora Collaboration

The successful fellowship and dinner event marks a positive chapter in the ongoing story of diaspora engagement. The commitment shown by the Oromia Diaspora Association and its partners is a sign of a stronger, more united community ready to contribute to sustainable development and cultural preservation.

The evening was a celebration of the ties that bind the community—a testament to the power of unity, shared purpose, and a collective vision for the future. The momentum gained from this event promises a future of even greater collaboration and achievement.


Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!

Oromia Diaspora Association haa jabaattu!


This feature article is dedicated to the Oromia Diaspora Association and all diaspora communities working together for the development and unity of their people.

The Lion Who Fell Fighting: Remembering Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu (1943–1992)

By Daandii Ragabaa (Adapted into a feature story based on various sources)

His name means “Lion” in Oromo. And like a lion, Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu lived with courage, fought with conviction, and died with his boots on—somewhere in the forests of western Oromia, in 1992. Three decades later, his grave remains unknown. But his story, carried by oral tradition and fragmentary records, refuses to be buried.

A Humble Beginning in Wallagga

Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu was born in 1943 in Billo, a town in the Bonayya district of East Wallagga, within the Waamaa region. According to those who knew him, he grew up in a typical Oromo farming community, at a time when the imperial government of Haile Selassie exercised firm control over the land and its people.

As a young man, he left his birthplace and moved to Finfinnee (Addis Ababa), where he lived for about 15 years as an adolescent. There, he entered school. But his education was interrupted by a different calling.

The Soldier with the Striking Physique

Contemporary accounts describe Jaal Lammeessaa as tall and physically impressive. It was this very stature that drew the attention of military recruiters. Under the imperial regime, he was selected to join a special unit known as “Kubur-Zabanya” and “Faxino-Darash” (likely special police or commando forces). Within the latter, he became known as “Faxino-Daraash Shalaqaa” and served under the command of General Tadesse Birru.

He proved to be an exceptional soldier. His superiors reportedly praised his dedication, and he rose to become a respected non-commissioned officer.

Joining the Machaa Tulema Association

The Machaa Tulema Association was founded as a development and civic organization, but it quickly became a political vehicle for Oromo nationalism. General Tadesse Birru was one of its key leaders. When the association began recruiting members, Jaal Lammeessaa was among those selected.

Initially, the organization’s goal was to work within the system—to address Oromo grievances through legal means. But as General Tadesse and others concluded that the imperial regime had no intention of recognizing Oromo rights, they shifted toward a more radical path. Jaal Lammeessaa became a trusted operative within the association’s secret military wing.

The Failed Plot Against Emperor Haile Selassie

On October 23 (Ethiopian calendar), the Emperor’s birthday, a plot was hatched to assassinate Haile Selassie during the annual celebrations at the site known as “Addabaaba’ii Minlik” (Menelik Square). General Tadesse Birru assigned four commandos to carry out the attack, selecting them for their courage and loyalty.

The four were:

· Lammeessaa Boruu (from the Faxino-Darash unit)

· Camadaa Sobbooqaa

· H/Mariyam Diimaa (from Kubur-Zabanya)

· Fixumaa Hiikisaa

They prepared extensively. But the plot was betrayed. Informants within the government learned of the plan just before it could be executed. The commandos were arrested.

When Jaal Lammeessaa was searched, a bomb intended for the Emperor was found on him. He was tortured severely. According to surviving members of the Machaa Tulema Association, his ribs were broken, and he suffered long-term disability from the interrogation. Despite the brutality, he refused to betray the organization’s deeper secrets—though under extreme duress, some information was extracted.

First Imprisonment and Release

Following the failed plot, General Tadesse and several others were sentenced to death. Jaal Lammeessaa received a five-year prison sentence. After serving his term, he was released. Upon release, he immediately rejoined his former commander, General Tadesse Birru, who had been transferred to Galamso in eastern Oromia. There, they continued to discuss the struggle for Oromo self-determination.

The Cinema Bombing and Second Arrest

As the Machaa Tulema Association continued its activities, the regime grew more determined to crush it. On December 10, 1959 (Ethiopian calendar), a bomb exploded inside a cinema in Addis Ababa where the film Zorba the Greek was being shown. Thirty-six people were wounded.

The government immediately blamed the Machaa Tulema Association. Propaganda claimed that a member named Maammoo Mazaamir had planted the bomb. The incident was used as a pretext for a massive crackdown. Jaal Lammeessaa was arrested again—this time as part of a sweeping roundup of Oromo nationalists.

He was among nine senior Machaa Tulema figures sentenced to long prison terms, while General Tadesse Birru and Maammoo Mazaamir received death sentences (later commuted or carried out, depending on the account).

Life Under the Derg and the Fourth Arrest

Jaal Lammeessaa spent more than 12 years in prison under the Derg regime that overthrew Haile Selassie in 1974. He was held in police stations and military camps, subjected to repeated interrogations. Yet even in detention, he remained committed to the Oromo cause.

After the Derg fell in 1991, Jaal Lammeessaa was released. He joined the Oromo Liberation Front (ABO – a reference to the OLF) and became a member of its central committee, working in the economic department. He lived in Wajjira Gullaallee, continuing his activism.

The Final Battle and Disappearance

In 1992, following a split within the transitional government of Ethiopia (the “Ce’umsaa” or transitional period), Jaal Lammeessaa and other Oromo fighters moved toward western Oromia. They joined ongoing armed confrontations against government forces (referred to as “Wayyaanee” – a term for the Ethiopian military or allied militias).

According to the source, Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu fell in battle near the Jimma Horroo area in Wallagga region. He was killed in armed combat. His body was never recovered, and to this day, the exact location and circumstances of his death remain unknown.

Legacy: The Unknown Grave, the Known Sacrifice

Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu was 49 years old when he died. He left behind three children: Mosisa Lamessa Boru, Lense Lemessa Boru and Tsegaye Lemessa Bouru. He is remembered as a devoted fighter who gave his entire adult life to the Oromo national struggle. From the imperial era through the Derg and into the transitional government, he never wavered.

The biography ends with a poetic refrain:

“The fighter may fall. He may pass away. But Jaal Lammeessaa’s blood was not shed in vain. He has grown for us the plant of freedom.”

His grave may be lost to history. But for those who keep his memory, Jaal Lammeessaa Boruu remains one of the lions of Oromo resistance—a man who turned his back on personal safety and government favor, and chose instead the uncertain path of the forest and the battlefield.

*This feature story is based exclusively on various sources of the Oromo-language biography written by Daandii Ragabaa. It is presented as a journalistic adaptation of that source and does not constitute an endorsement of armed struggle or any political organization. The factual claims rest with the original author.

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Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa: The Macha-Tulama Association Declares That Their Inclusion in National Dialogue Is an Attempt to Weaken the Oromo People

A Historic Statement on the Struggle for Oromo Land, Identity, and Justice


By Daandii Ragabaa


(SBO/VOL — HAGAYYA 10, 2026) In a powerful and uncompromising statement, the Waldaa Maccaa fi Tuulamaa (Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association) has declared that the inclusion of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa in the national dialogue agenda is a deliberate attempt to weaken and undermine the Oromo people. The association, which has long been a voice for Oromo rights and historical justice, has issued a clear warning: the Oromo people will not accept the theft of their ancestral land, and the struggle for justice will continue.

The Macha-Tulama Association’s statement comes at a critical moment, as Ethiopia’s national dialogue process unfolds and the status of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—and its surrounding areas, including Dirree Dhawaa, remain deeply contested.


A Declaration of Historical Truth

The Macha-Tulama Association has issued its statement as a direct response to the agenda items concerning Oromia and Oromo rights being brought before the national dialogue. The association has made its position clear:

“Even today, our ancestral land is being stolen.”

“Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are Oromo.”

These declarations are not political slogans; they are assertions of historical truth. The association has reminded the Oromo people and the world of the atrocities committed during the Menelik era, when the Oromo people were systematically dispossessed of their land, their dignity, and their lives.


Remembering the Atrocities of the Menelik Era

The Macha-Tulama Association has brought the dark history of the Menelik era back into the spotlight, reminding the Oromo people of the crimes committed against their ancestors.

“Menelik committed an unforgivable crime against the Oromo people when he separated Finfinne from its Oromo owners,” the association declared.

The association detailed the atrocities of that era, naming specific victims and families who suffered under Menelik’s expansionist campaign:

  • Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa was executed by hanging.
  • His father, mother, and three children were killed in a brutal and inhumane manner.
  • Qajeelaa Dooyyoo and Guraaraa Dooyyoo were also executed, along with their mother, in a similarly horrific fashion.
  • Shubbuu Ejersoo had his hands and feet severed before being killed.
  • Aaxalee Jaatanii was starved to death in detention—denied food until life was extinguished.

These were not random acts of violence. They were part of a systematic campaign to break the spirit of the Oromo people, to erase their presence from Finfinne, and to establish a new political order built on Oromo suffering.


The Suffering Continues: Three Generations of Pain

The Macha-Tulama Association declared that the suffering of the Oromo people over Finfinne has now spanned three generations. From the initial dispossession under Menelik to the brutal repression under the Derg regime and now to the present day—the Oromo people have paid a heavy price.

“During the Derg era, many Oromo paid a great price for Finfinne,” the association stated. “The wound is still not healed.”

The association raised a pointed and urgent question:

“As long as this truth exists on this earth, the question of ‘Whose Finfinne is it?’ will always be asked. What has brought us to this point?”

The answer, according to the association, lies in the persistent refusal of successive Ethiopian regimes to acknowledge Oromo rights.


A Challenge to the Current Regime

The Macha-Tulama Association has posed a direct challenge to the architects of the ongoing injustice:

“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land and their rights. How can you govern on someone else’s land? What right do you have to claim authority over people who do not belong to you? It would have been better for you to struggle for your own land rather than occupy ours.”

The association’s statement is a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Ethiopian state as it currently exists. It questions not just the governance of Finfinne but the entire framework of domination that has denied Oromo people their rights for over a century.


The National Dialogue: A Tool of Deception?

The Macha-Tulama Association expressed deep concern about the ongoing national dialogue and how the issues of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are being treated within it.

According to the association, the dialogue is not being used as a genuine mechanism for reconciliation and justice. Instead, it is being manipulated to further marginalize the Oromo people and to legitimize the ongoing dispossession of Oromo land.

“The agenda of Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa has been brought to the national dialogue to weaken the Oromo people,” the association declared. “The old politics of the Abyssinian elite continues, refusing to step back from the land that rightfully belongs to Oromo.”

The association emphasized that the ongoing process is not just disrespectful—it is a violation of basic rights and dignity. The association described the current situation as “an insult that crosses all boundaries” and declared that “something that did not exist before has now arrived” —a reference to the unprecedented nature of the current assault on Oromo rights.


A Call to Resistance and Unity

In the face of these challenges, the Macha-Tulama Association issued a clear and urgent call to the Oromo people:

“The Oromo people must fight for their land and their rights.”

The association’s call to action is not a call to violence—it is a call to resistance, to unity, and to the defense of Oromo rights through every legitimate means available. It is a call to refuse subjugation, to refuse silence, and to refuse to accept the theft of Oromo land as a settled fact.

The association also addressed the issue of Dirree Dhawaa—the area that has become a symbol of Oromo resistance and a flashpoint of conflict. The association’s declaration that Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are inseparable from the broader Oromo struggle serves as a reminder that these are not isolated issues—they are part of a continuous thread of resistance that stretches back over a century.


The Historical Context: Dirree Dhawaa as a Symbol of Resistance

Dirree Dhawaa is more than just a piece of land—it is a symbol of Oromo resilience and a monument to the struggle for justice. It is the site where Oromo people have gathered to demand their rights, where they have faced brutal repression, and where they have continued to return in defiance of all efforts to silence them.

The association’s statement linking Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa in the same breath is significant. It sends a clear message: the Oromo people will not accept piecemeal solutions. They will not accept partial recognition. They will not accept the suggestion that one part of their historical homeland can be compromised while another is defended.

Both Finfinne and Dirree Dhawaa are Oromo.


A Historical Challenge to the Ethiopian State

The Macha-Tulama Association’s statement is not just a declaration of grievance—it is a fundamental challenge to the legitimacy of the Ethiopian state as it currently exists.

By raising the question “Whose Finfinne is it?” —and by insisting that Oromo people have the right to live on their own land with dignity, self-respect, and self-determination—the association is questioning the foundational narrative upon which the Ethiopian state was built.

The association’s demand is not for charity or concessions. It is for recognition of historical truth, for justice for past crimes, and for a future in which Oromo people are treated as equals in their own homeland.


The Path Forward: Recognition, Justice, and Peace

The Macha-Tulama Association’s statement concludes with a clear vision for what must happen:

The wounds of the past must be acknowledged. The atrocities committed against the Oromo people—from the Menelik era to the present—cannot be ignored or forgotten. They must be named, documented, and taught.

Justice must be pursued. Those who committed crimes against the Oromo people must be held accountable. This is not revenge—it is the foundation of lasting peace.

Oromo rights must be recognized. The Oromo people have the right to their land, their language, their culture, and their self-determination. This is not negotiable.

The national dialogue must be genuine. If the dialogue is to be meaningful, it must include a full and honest discussion of Finfinne, Dirree Dhawaa, and all the historical injustices suffered by the Oromo people.


Conclusion: The Struggle Continues

The statement of the Macha-Tulama Association is a powerful reminder that the struggle for Oromo justice is far from over. The wounds of the past remain open. The injustices of the present continue. And the future remains uncertain.

But one thing is clear: the Oromo people will not give up their land, their rights, or their dignity. They will continue to resist. They will continue to demand justice. And they will continue to remember the sacrifices of those who came before—from Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa to the thousands of unnamed Oromo who have given their lives for Finfinne and for Oromia.

As the association stated:

“Oromo people are struggling to reclaim their land. This struggle has not ended—it continues. And it will continue until justice is done.”


Finfinne is Oromo.

Dirree Dhawaa is Oromo.

Oromia is Oromo.

The struggle continues.


For the memory of Abbaa Gadaa Guraaraa Lataa, Qajeelaa Dooyyoo, Guraaraa Dooyyoo, Shubbuu Ejersoo, Aaxalee Jaatanii, and all the Oromo martyrs who gave their lives for the land.


Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!

Finfinne haa jabaattu!

Dirree Dhawaa haa jabaattu!


This feature article is dedicated to the Macha-Tulama Self-Help and Development Association and all those who continue to speak truth to power in the pursuit of justice for the Oromo people.