Author Archives: advocacy4oromia
Goobee and Shinooyyee: A Dual Model of Prevention and Intervention for Social Problems
How Ancient Oromo Festivals Build Peace, Unity, and Social Cohesion
By Dhabessa Gemelal
In an era of deepening social divisions, political polarisation, and youth disengagement, the Oromo people possess a powerful and ancient resource: their own cultural traditions. The festivals of Goobee and Shinooyyee—celebrations marking the transition from the rainy season to spring—are not merely expressions of cultural identity. They are sophisticated mechanisms for social cohesion, conflict prevention, and youth engagement that offer a model for addressing some of the most pressing social challenges of our time.
Understanding Goobee and Shinooyyee
Goobee: A Festival of Light and Freedom for Young Men
Goobee is a festival where young men welcome the light of Spring with joy, hope, and good wishes. It represents “the bliss of spring, the joy of the dawn of the earth”—a light that sprouts for youth with green hope and courage . It is a time when young men declare their freedom and independence, marking their transition toward adulthood.
Shinooyyee: A Festival of Freedom and Identity for Young Women
Shinooyyee is a unique festival celebrated by young unmarried girls . During this festival, girls “plait their hair in fantastic styles and dress up and decorate with ornaments of their choice. They chant, sing, and dance with friends and peers for up to 3 weeks” . They collect fragrant grass and give it to neighbours as a symbol of abundance and blessing, receiving food and butter in return. It provides “young girls with absolute freedom to enjoy outside of their family’s home” .
Both festivals are celebrated in the weeks leading up to Irreechaa, the grand Oromo thanksgiving festival, and are part of the wider Gadaa system recognised by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity .
Prevention: Addressing Root Causes of Social Problems
1. Preventing Conflict Through Reconciliation
The Gadaa system, of which Goobee and Shinooyyee are a part, is built on a fundamental principle: “as much as possible, conflict should be prevented from occurring” . Should conflict occur, “everything should be done to prevent it from escalating and all institutions should work together to manage the conflict” .
This preventive philosophy is embedded in the festivals. Irreechaa, the culminating festival, requires participants to resolve conflicts before attending. As one Abba Gadaa explained, “if anyone who attends the festival has a conflict even with a close person, he should first reconcile with himself or with the other persons” . This principle of pre-festival reconciliation prevents conflicts from festering and escalating.
2. Preventing Youth Disengagement Through Meaningful Participation
Shinooyyee and Goobee provide structured, meaningful activities that engage youth during a critical transition period. The festivals offer young people “absolute freedom” to express themselves, build social bonds, and develop confidence . This engagement prevents the alienation and disconnection that often lead to social problems.
Social Anthropologist Daniel Deressa noted that the festivals “promote love and unity to uphold peaceful coexistence in the society” . By providing positive outlets for youth energy and creativity, Goobee and Shinooyyee prevent the frustration and disengagement that can fuel social unrest.
3. Preventing Cultural Erosion Through Intergenerational Transmission
Goobee and Shinooyyee serve as mechanisms for transmitting cultural knowledge, values, and ethics from elders to youth. The festivals ensure that young people learn “the culture and morals of the people and teaching them the truth” . This intergenerational transmission prevents the loss of cultural identity that can leave communities vulnerable to social breakdown.
Intervention: Addressing Existing Social Problems
1. Healing Divisions Through Reconciliation
For those already in conflict, Goobee and Shinooyyee provide a structured pathway to reconciliation. The festivals are described as “a time for reconciliation,” where “hatred and revenge are removed and solidarity is strengthened” . The requirement of pre-festival reconciliation serves as a direct intervention for existing conflicts.
The festivals create an environment where “peace is preached and love is praised; disagreement, grievance and discontent are condemned” . This public affirmation of peace values directly counters the narratives that fuel conflict.
2. Building Social Bonds Across Communities
Goobee and Shinooyyee bring together young people from different communities, strengthening “their love and unity” . The festivals are not exclusive—they are inclusive gatherings that promote understanding and solidarity across diverse groups.
Irreechaa, the culminating festival, has become “an important ritual festival that attracts visitors” and “has been becoming a cultural nationalism not only for the people of Oromo but also the nations and nationalities of the country” . This inclusivity makes the festivals a direct intervention against ethnic division.
3. Strengthening Community Resilience
The festivals contribute to community resilience by reinforcing social bonds and shared values. As scholars have noted, “Irreechaa brings people closer to each other and strengthen social bonds” . This strengthening of social cohesion makes communities more resilient to the stresses that can lead to social problems.
The Dual Model in Action
Goobee and Shinooyyee operate through a dual model of prevention and intervention:
Prevention:
- Engaging youth through meaningful participation
- Transmitting cultural values and ethics
- Resolving conflicts before they escalate
- Building social cohesion through inclusive participation
Intervention:
- Healing existing conflicts through reconciliation rituals
- Strengthening social bonds across communities
- Reinforcing shared values of peace and unity
Conclusion: A Model for Our Times
In a world facing deepening social divisions, youth alienation, and conflict, Goobee and Shinooyyee offer a powerful model. They demonstrate that cultural traditions are not merely nostalgic artifacts—they are living resources for building peace, strengthening communities, and engaging youth.
By preserving and promoting these festivals, the Oromo people are not only celebrating their heritage—they are investing in a more peaceful, cohesive, and resilient society. As one young participant noted, Goobee and Shinooyyee are “a festival of success, history, restoration of lost culture and expression of the Oromo people” .
In a fractured world, this ancient tradition offers a blueprint for healing.
This feature article is dedicated to the youth of Oromia who carry these traditions forward, and to all communities seeking models of peace and unity.
Goobee and Shinooyyee: Expressions of Celebration, Identity, and Cultural Beauty of the Oromo People
A Vibrant Revival of Ancient Traditions
By Daandii Ragabaa
Culture is the mirror of a community’s identity, the bridge connecting generations, and the living witness to history. The Oromo people possess a wealth of indigenous values and traditional systems passed down through generations. Among these, the Goobee and Shinooyyee traditional games hold a unique place and message within the Gada system, celebrating the end of the rainy season and the arrival of spring.
As the Oromo calendar transitions from the rainy season—a time of reflection—to the spring season, a symbol of hope and renewal, various thanksgiving ceremonies and traditional games are performed. One such celebration is the Goobee and Shinooyyee festival, a vibrant cultural practice observed by young men (Qero) and women (Qaree) as they dress in traditional attire and joyfully play together.
Goobee: A Festival of Light and Freedom for Young Men
Goobee is a festival for young men welcoming the light of spring with joy and hope. It is a time for them to declare their freedom and independence. The festival marks a significant milestone in the lives of young Oromo men, allowing them to express their identity and embrace their role in the community.
The rituals of Goobee are deeply symbolic. Young men gather in groups, dressed in their finest traditional attire, and participate in games and dances that celebrate the arrival of the new season. The festival is a declaration of readiness—a statement that they are prepared to take on the responsibilities of adulthood and contribute to the well-being of their community.
Shinooyyee: A Festival of Freedom and Identity for Young Women
Shinooyyee is a festival of freedom and identity for young Oromo girls. It marks the transition of young women from childhood to a stage of greater social recognition, providing a unique opportunity for them to express themselves freely.
During Shinooyyee, girls gather with friends to style their hair and dress in their finest ornaments, chanting and dancing with unparalleled freedom. They collect fragrant grass and give it to their neighbours as a symbol of abundance and blessing, receiving food and butter in return. The festival serves as a critical space for social bonding, strengthening relationships among girls and providing them with a sense of community and mutual support.
The significance of Shinooyyee extends beyond individual celebration. It is a collective affirmation of the value and dignity of young women, reinforcing their place within the broader Oromo society. The festival instils pride, confidence, and a deep sense of belonging.
The Prelude to Irreechaa
These festivals are the prelude to Irreechaa, the grand Oromo thanksgiving celebration. The celebration begins in late August and continues for weeks as youth in villages and towns unite in joy and unity. Goobee and Shinooyyee are not merely games—they are profound cultural events that reflect the beauty of nature, the honour of youth, and the resilience of a people.
The Gadaa system, of which these festivals are a core component, has selected eight high-level mountains where offering thanks to God is performed. The festivals embody the principles of peace, unity, and harmonious coexistence that are central to the Gadaa system.
A Symbol of Cultural Revival
Goobee and Shinooyyee are powerful symbols of Oromo identity and cultural revival. In recent years, the festivals have been revived and celebrated with remarkable enthusiasm in Finfinnee and throughout Oromia. They are organised with the support of cultural institutions and government bodies, underscoring the commitment to preserving and promoting the culture of the Oromo people.
As part of the Gadaa system, a UNESCO-recognised intangible cultural heritage, these festivals are significant in maintaining social cohesion and transmitting cultural values. They ensure that the wisdom of the ancestors continues to guide future generations.
Tourism and Economic Potential
Beyond cultural preservation, Goobee and Shinooyyee hold significant potential for the tourism sector. By promoting these vibrant traditions, Oromia can attract visitors seeking authentic cultural experiences. The festivals showcase the region’s beauty and the rich heritage of the Oromo people, contributing to sustainable development and economic growth.
The traditional clothing, music, dances, and rituals associated with Goobee and Shinooyyee offer a compelling attraction for tourists interested in cultural tourism. The economic benefits of such tourism can support local communities and incentivise further cultural preservation efforts.
A Symbol of Freedom and Self-Determination
The revival of these festivals represents the restoration of a lost cultural heritage. For years, these practices were suppressed under past regimes, but now they serve as a symbol of freedom and self-determination for the Oromo people. They are celebrated alongside other Oromo festivals, such as Irreechaa, which have become powerful symbols of peace, unity, and national cohesion.
Celebrating Goobee and Shinooyyee is itself an act of resistance—a declaration that the Oromo people will not be erased, that their culture will not be forgotten, and that their traditions will continue to thrive.
Conclusion: An Act of Future-Building
Preserving these cultural treasures is not just a matter of nostalgia; it is an act of future-building. By safeguarding and promoting Goobee and Shinooyyee, the community ensures that its children inherit a rich cultural legacy that strengthens the fabric of society and fosters a spirit of unity.
It is a collective responsibility to cherish, pass on, and promote these living resources as expressions of Oromo identity, values, and cultural beauty.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Goobee fi Shinooyyee haa jabaattu!
Goobee and Shinooyyee: Expressions of Celebration, Identity, and Cultural Beauty of the Oromo People
By Haymanot Kebede
Culture is the mirror of a community’s identity, the bridge connecting generations, and the living witness to history. The Oromo people possess a wealth of indigenous values and traditional systems passed down through generations. Among these, the Goobee and Shinooyyee traditional games hold a unique place and message within the Gada system, celebrating the end of the rainy season and the arrival of spring.
As the Oromo calendar transitions from the rainy season—a time of reflection—to the spring season, a symbol of hope and renewal, various thanksgiving ceremonies and traditional games are performed. One such celebration is the Goobee and Shinooyyee festival, a vibrant cultural practice observed by young men (Qero) and women (Qaree) as they dress in traditional attire and joyfully play together.
Goobee is a festival for young men welcoming the light of spring with joy and hope . It is a time for them to declare their freedom and independence. Shinooyyee is a festival of freedom and identity for young Oromo girls. It marks the transition of young women from childhood to a stage of greater social recognition, providing a unique opportunity for them to express themselves freely .
During Shinooyyee, girls gather with friends to style their hair and dress in their finest ornaments, chanting and dancing with unparalleled freedom . They collect fragrant grass and give it to their neighbors as a symbol of abundance and blessing, receiving food and butter in return . The festival serves as a critical space for social bonding, strengthening relationships among girls and providing them with a sense of community and mutual support.
These festivals are the prelude to Irreecha, the grand Oromo thanksgiving celebration . The celebration begins in late August and continues for weeks as youth in villages and towns unite in joy and unity. Goobee and Shinooyyee are not merely games—they are profound cultural events that reflect the beauty of nature, the honor of youth, and the resilience of a people.
Goobee and Shinooyyee are powerful symbols of Oromo identity and cultural revival. In recent years, the festivals have been revived and celebrated with remarkable enthusiasm in Finfinnee and throughout Oromia. They are organized with the support of cultural institutions and government bodies, underscoring the government’s commitment to preserving and promoting the culture of the Oromo people. As part of the Gada system, a UNESCO-recognized intangible cultural heritage, these festivals are significant in maintaining social cohesion and transmitting cultural values.
Beyond cultural preservation, Goobee and Shinooyyee hold significant potential for the tourism sector. By promoting these vibrant traditions, Oromia can attract visitors seeking authentic cultural experiences. The festivals showcase the region’s beauty and the rich heritage of the Oromo people, contributing to sustainable development and economic growth.
The revival of these festivals represents the restoration of a lost cultural heritage. For years, these practices were suppressed under past regimes, but now they serve as a symbol of freedom and self-determination for the Oromo people . They are celebrated alongside other Oromo festivals, such as Irreecha, which have become powerful symbols of peace, unity, and national cohesion .
Preserving these cultural treasures is not just a matter of nostalgia; it is an act of future-building. By safeguarding and promoting Goobee and Shinooyyee, the community ensures that its children inherit a rich cultural legacy that strengthens the fabric of society and fosters a spirit of unity. It is a collective responsibility to cherish, pass on, and promote these living resources as expressions of Oromo identity, values, and cultural beauty.
The Case for Shinooyee and Goobee: A Preventive Force for Peace and Unity
How Oromo Cultural Festivals Can Mitigate Conflict and Build Social Cohesion
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In a world where youth are increasingly drawn to divisive ideologies, political extremism, and social unrest, the Oromo people possess a powerful alternative: their own rich cultural traditions. The festivals of Shinooyee and Goobee—celebrations of the Oromo new year and the transition from winter to spring—are not merely cultural events. They are mechanisms for peacebuilding, social cohesion, and the redirection of youth energy toward constructive ends.
This article argues that Shinooyee and Goobee have significant preventive benefits. When young people invest their time, knowledge, skills, and resources in promoting Oromo culture, they not only ensure the growth of their traditions but also contribute to a reduction in conflict and violence. By focusing on cultural development, youth can build peace rather than division.
Argument 1: Cultural Engagement as a Preventative Measure
Proposition: Youth participation in Shinooyee and Goobee celebrations reduces the likelihood of conflict and violence.
Supporting Points:
1. Redirecting Youth Energy Toward Constructive Ends
Young people possess immense energy, creativity, and passion. When these qualities are channelled into political extremism or ethnic rivalry, the result is often violence and instability. However, when youth are engaged in cultural activities—learning traditional songs, preparing for festivals, and preserving Oromo heritage—that same energy is redirected toward positive community building.
Shinooyee and Goobeyyee provide structured, meaningful activities that require collaboration, discipline, and commitment. Young people who are actively preparing for these festivals have less time and inclination for destructive behaviour. The festivals create “prosocial bonds that reduce isolation and renew civic agency” .
2. Fostering Intergenerational Connection
Shinooyee and Goobee bring together elders and youth, creating opportunities for the transmission of cultural knowledge, values, and wisdom. This intergenerational connection is essential for building understanding and respect across age groups.
When youth learn from elders—about history, culture, and the principles of the Gadaa system—they gain perspective on the struggles and triumphs of their people. This perspective reduces the likelihood of impulsive or radical behaviour, as youth see themselves as part of a larger historical narrative.
3. Promoting Peace and Reconciliation Values
Both Shinooyee and Goobee are rooted in the values of peace, reconciliation, and unity. The Gadaa system, of which these festivals are a part, “symbolises peace, unity, and harmonious coexistence among people”.
Before participating in these celebrations, individuals are expected to resolve conflicts and seek forgiveness. This practice teaches youth that peace is not abstract—it requires active effort and accountability. By internalising these values, young people become peacebuilders rather than conflict participants.
Argument 2: Economic and Social Benefits of Cultural Investment
Proposition: Investing youth resources in Shinooyee and Goobee generates positive economic and social returns.
Supporting Points:
1. Building Local Economies
Shinooyee and Goobee are economic drivers. The demand for traditional clothing, food, and crafts creates employment opportunities for artisans, tailors, and small businesses. By investing in these festivals, youth contribute to the economic vitality of their communities.
The Irreechaa Expo, for example, has become a platform for over 250 trade associations, providing economic opportunities and promoting cultural tourism. Similar economic benefits can be realised through the investment of youth resources in Shinooyee and Goobee.
2. Strengthening Social Networks
The festivals foster social networks that serve as safety nets in times of crisis. When youth participate in Shinooyee and Goobee, they build relationships with peers and elders across communities. These relationships can be drawn upon during times of hardship, reducing reliance on divisive or violent alternatives.
As one scholar observed, Irreechaa “brings people closer to each other and strengthens social bonds”. The same applies to Shinooyee and Goobee.
3. Preserving Cultural Heritage
By investing their resources in cultural promotion, youth ensure that Oromo traditions are not lost to modernity. This preservation is not merely nostalgic—it is a form of resistance against cultural erasure and a foundation for collective identity.
When youth understand their culture, they are less likely to adopt extremist ideologies that reject or denigrate their heritage. Instead, they become ambassadors of their culture, promoting understanding and respect across communities.
Argument 3: The Preventive Impact on Conflict
Proposition: Widespread investment in Shinooyee and Goobee can prevent the escalation of conflict.
Supporting Points:
1. Building Bridges Across Communities
Shinooyee and Goobee are not exclusive festivals. Members of various ethnic groups—Kembata, Kebena, Burji, Dawro, and Sidama—have described these celebrations as platforms for cultural exchange and multinational unity. When youth from diverse backgrounds participate together, they build relationships that transcend ethnic divisions.
2. Creating Alternative Narratives
Conflict often arises from narratives of grievance, victimhood, and enmity. Cultural festivals offer alternative narratives of resilience, gratitude, and common humanity. By promoting these narratives, youth challenge the divisive rhetoric that fuels conflict.
3. Demonstrating the Benefits of Peace
Shinooyee and Goobee are celebrations of hope and renewal. They demonstrate that peace is not only possible but desirable—that communities can thrive when they come together in celebration rather than conflict. By participating in these festivals, youth experience the tangible benefits of peace.
Rebuttal: Addressing Potential Counterarguments
Counterargument: “Culture is not a substitute for political change. Focusing on festivals distracts from the real issues facing the Oromo people.”
Rebuttal: Cultural engagement is not a substitute for political action—it is a complement to it. When youth are disconnected from their culture, they are more vulnerable to radicalisation and division. Cultural festivals like Shinooyee and Goobee provide the foundation of identity and community that makes political action more effective and principled.
Counterargument: “Investment in culture is a luxury we cannot afford when we face urgent political and economic challenges.”
Rebuttal: Culture is not a luxury—it is a necessity. The loss of culture is itself a form of oppression, and its preservation is a form of resistance. Moreover, cultural festivals generate economic benefits that address urgent needs. The Irreechaa Expo, for example, has become a platform for economic growth and community development .
Counterargument: “Celebrating culture does nothing to stop violence.”
Rebuttal: Cultural celebration does not stop violence on its own—but it creates the conditions in which violence is less likely. Communities that are culturally connected, socially cohesive, and economically vibrant are more resilient to conflict. Shinooyee and Goobee contribute to these conditions.
Conclusion: A Path to Peace Through Culture
Shinooyee and Goobee are not merely festivals—they are investments in peace. When young people invest their time, knowledge, skills, and resources in promoting Oromo culture, they are not only preserving their heritage—they are building a future of peace and stability.
By engaging in these traditions, youth become peacebuilders, cultural ambassadors, and community leaders. They create alternatives to violence and division, demonstrating that the path to a better future lies not in conflict but in cooperation, not in extremism but in cultural pride.
As the Oromo proverb says: “A person without culture is like a tree without roots.” By investing in Shinooyee and Goobee, youth are planting the roots of peace for generations to come.
This feature article is dedicated to Oromo youth everywhere who are working to preserve and promote their culture as a foundation for peace and unity.
Ifaanoo: A Sacred Oromo celebration of light and renewal of Faith and Unity
An Ancient Ritual of Illumination and Reaffirmation of Faith
In the rich tapestry of Oromo cultural and religious traditions, few ceremonies carry the luminous symbolism of Ifaanoo—a sacred celebration of light, spiritual renewal, and the reaffirmation of community bonds. Rooted in the ancient Waaqeffannaa faith system, this profound ritual embodies the Oromo people’s deep connection to creation, their Creator, and one another.
The Symbolism of Light in Oromo Spirituality
The term Ifaanoo derives from ifaa, meaning “light” in Afaan Oromoo. In the traditional Oromo worldview, light represents not only physical illumination but also spiritual clarity, moral purity, and the presence of divine blessing. Just as light dispels darkness, the Ifaanoo ceremony symbolises the dispelling of ignorance, conflict, and spiritual obscurity from the community.
The concept of light appears throughout Oromo religious practice. The rituals of Ulaa bahuu, Ifa bahuu, and Dhugaa bahuu are among the major components of ceremonies undertaken in the indigenous religion, where the entire family of followers is required to visit the shrine centre to receive blessing, good fortune, and reconciliation with Waaqaa (God) . These “emergence” rituals are deeply connected to the symbolism of coming into the light—emerging from darkness into divine presence.
The Ifaanoo Ceremony
Ifaanoo is closely tied to the Oromo calendar and the Gadaa system—the democratic social and political institution that organised Oromo life for centuries and is recognised by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity . The festival is fundamentally a ritual of gratitude to Waaqa (God) for life, health, and the bounty of the land .
In the Waaqeffannaa faith, followers celebrate various Ayyannota (ceremonies) to offer thanksgiving . Scholars have noted that the indigenous practices of the Oromo are believed to have been intact for centuries, involving the blessing and reconciliation of entire families . While the specific rituals of Ifaanoo vary by region, they share common elements:
- Gathering at sacred sites — often at shrines or natural locations deemed spiritually significant
- Light rituals — the symbolic use of fire, candles, or the rising sun to represent divine presence
- Blessings by elders — led by the Abba Gadaa or spiritual leaders who offer prayers for the coming season
- Communal singing and dancing — traditional songs and ululations that express joy and gratitude
- Offerings to Waaqa — gifts of dadhii (honey beer), dufo (bread), and other symbolic items
- Reconciliation — resolving conflicts before participating, reinforcing that one cannot give thanks while holding a grudge
A Social Bond Across Communities
The ceremony is profoundly social. Irreechaa—a related celebration—has been described as “a social bond within Oromo people that brings them closer to each other” . Ifaanoo similarly serves as a gathering point, bringing Oromo people from different areas together regardless of their religious background .
In diaspora communities, ceremonies like Ifaanoo and Irreechaa take on added significance. In Bergen, Norway, the festival has been celebrated as the only place in Europe where the event takes place, with participants travelling from across European countries, emphasising how religious celebrations offer opportunities for families and friends to reaffirm relations through face-to-face interaction .
Renewal of Faith and Unity
At its core, Ifaanoo is a reaffirmation of faith in Waaqa and a renewal of the community’s covenant with the divine. It embodies the principle that light represents not only spiritual clarity but also the ongoing presence of Waaqa in the lives of the faithful.
The blessing, which is a central part of Waaqeffannaa ceremonies, is described as a time when “the entire family members of followers of the religion and all their living animals are required to visit the shrine center to have blessing, good fortune and reconciliation with Waaqaa (God)” . This is a holistic act, covering all aspects of life—from the spiritual to the physical to the economic.
Ifaanoo also embodies the values of unity. Like Irreechaa, which “is now observed by the majority of Oromos, regardless of their religion” , Ifaanoo brings together followers of Waaqeffannaa, Muslims, and Christians who come together and celebrate with joy . It is a symbol of cultural identity and social cohesion.
A Living Tradition
Ifaanoo remains a living tradition, celebrated in Oromia and diaspora communities worldwide. It is a powerful expression of Oromo identity and resilience—a declaration that the light of tradition continues to shine brightly despite the challenges of modernity.
As the Oromo people continue to preserve and celebrate their heritage, ceremonies like Ifaanoo ensure that the light of their culture, faith, and unity will illuminate the path for future generations.
The Oromo Calendar and the Year 6420: A Legacy of Ancient Timekeeping
Understanding the Origins of One of Africa’s Oldest Calendrical Systems
By Maatii Sabaa
In March 2026, when most of the world marked the beginning of a new year according to the Gregorian calendar, the Oromo people—across Oromia and the global diaspora—celebrated the arrival of a different milestone: the Oromo New Year, 6420. For many outside the Oromo community, this number raises a fundamental question: Where does the year 6420 come from?
The Oromo Calendar: A 2,300-Year-Old Legacy
The Oromo calendar is one of Africa’s oldest indigenous calendrical systems. It is believed to have been developed by the Oromo people around 300 BC . This places its origins at approximately 2,300 years ago—a period when the Oromo were already sophisticated observers of the cosmos.
Known as the Borana calendar or the Dhaha/Henni calendar, it is a lunar-stellar calendar system. This means it relies on astronomical observations—specifically, the phases of the moon in conjunction with the rising and setting of seven particular stars or constellations.
The calendar’s sophistication lies in its integration of astronomy with daily life. It consists of 12 months and 354 days in a year, based on the lunar cycle. It has no weeks, but rather a name for each day of the month. The first day of the Oromo year begins in the month of Bitootessaa (March), when the constellation Triangulum is in conjunction with the new moon.
The Significance of the Number 6420
The year 6420 is reached by counting forward from the calendar’s inception around 300 BC. While the exact starting point is a subject of ongoing scholarly discussion, the calendar’s antiquity is well-established.
For the Oromo people, the calendar is more than just a way to count time—it is a cornerstone of their identity and cultural continuity. As one elder explained at the Walisoo Liiban celebration of the 6420 New Year:
“Observing Birboo at our Galma is not just about marking a calendar. It is about remembering who we are. It is about connecting our past to our future, grounding ourselves in the values of balance, respect for all creation, and community that Waaqeffannaa teaches” .
The calendar is tied to the traditional Oromo religion, Waaqeffannaa, and is used to schedule the Gadaa system of elections and power transfer. The Gadaa system, recognised by UNESCO as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, is itself deeply connected to the calendar.
Archaeological and Astronomical Evidence
The Oromo calendar’s origins are not merely a matter of oral tradition. The Namoratunga archaeological site near Lake Turkana, Kenya, has been central to understanding its antiquity. Some scholars have argued that the site, dating to around 300 BC, contains evidence of an early Cushitic calendar that shares astronomical alignments with the Oromo calendar. The site’s basalt pillars are aligned with seven star groups that correspond to the Borana star groups still used in the Oromo calendar today.
However, it should be noted that the relationship between Namoratunga and the Oromo calendar has been debated. Astronomer and archaeologist Clive Ruggles, after re-examining the site, concluded there is no direct relationship. Nevertheless, the broader scholarly consensus acknowledges the calendar’s ancient roots and its continuity into the present day.
A Living Calendar in the Modern World
Today, the Oromo calendar remains a living tradition. In January 2026, Waaqeffannaa faithful gathered at the Galma Amantaa (House of Worship) in Walisoo Liiban, Oromia, to observe the Oromo New Year, Birboo, marking the year 6420. The celebration, which included prayers for peace (nagaa), love (jaalala), and unity (tokkummaa), was described as “a powerful reaffirmation of an ancient identity” and “a community’s declaration of continuity”.
The calendar’s months and day names, with their astronomical origins, are still used by Oromo communities in both Ethiopia and Kenya. The Ayyaantu—Oromo time-experts with knowledge about stars—continue to track time astronomically, preserving a tradition that has survived for millennia.
Conclusion: A Calendar of Identity and Continuity
The Oromo calendar, with its year 6420, is a testament to the ancient astronomical knowledge of the Oromo people and their enduring cultural identity. Its development around 300 BC and its continued use today represent one of the longest continuous calendrical traditions in the world. For the Oromo people, the calendar is not just a way to count years—it is a declaration of continuity, a connection to ancestors, and a guide for the future.
As the Oromo New Year 6420 was celebrated, the message was clear: “May this New Year bring you peace, love, and unity” .
This feature article is dedicated to the custodians of the Oromo calendar and to all those working to preserve and promote Oromo cultural heritage.
Building the Architecture of Cohesion: VMC Chairperson Louise Perry’s Vision for a United Australia
At the Think Social Cohesion National Summit, Perry Outlines a Roadmap for Government Action Through Listening, Thinking, and Acting
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In a powerful keynote address at the Think Social Cohesion National Summit in Parramatta, Victorian Multicultural Commission (VMC) Chairperson Louise Perry laid out a clear and compelling vision for how governments can build the institutional architecture necessary for lasting social cohesion.
Speaking to 160 leaders from government, community organisations, settlement agencies, and academia, Perry distilled her message into three essential steps: Listen, Think, Act . This framework, she argued, offers a practical pathway for governments to engage meaningfully with diverse communities and translate dialogue into tangible outcomes.
“The VMC was pleased and proud to partner with Mortgage Stress Victoria to deliver a community information session in Melbourne, last night,” the Commission noted in a recent social media post, highlighting one such instance of this framework in action.
The Summit: Converting Discussion into Commitment
Convened by SydWest Multicultural Services, Settlement Services International (SSI), and the Settlement Council of Australia (SCOA), the summit was designed not as a traditional conference, but as a “working room, built to act rather than to talk” . The event was structured to ensure that participants did not simply listen to speakers but actively shaped the conversation through real-time contributions, with more than 300 live inputs synthesised and fed back into the discussion .
The summit culminated in an emerging Social Cohesion Roadmap, identifying five interconnected priorities: clear rights and responsibilities, broader community reach, economic participation, accountability for commitments, and a renewed national narrative recognising multiculturalism as a defining strength.
The “Listen, Think, Act” Framework
1. Listen: Active and Deep Engagement
Perry urged governments to “listen actively and deeply to communities,” moving beyond token consultation to genuine engagement that builds trust and understanding . The summit itself embodied this principle, with organisers committing to provide every delegate with a report within 28 days outlining what had changed because of their participation .
2. Think: Connecting Ideas for Cohesion
The second step, “Think,” involves reflecting on what governments have heard and “how different ideas fit together” to address complex challenges . This requires moving beyond siloed thinking and recognising that issues of cohesion, belonging, and participation are interconnected.
3. Act: Building and Uplifting Others
The final step is to “act by building and uplifting others across sectors and borders to achieve outcomes” . This demands collaboration across government, community organisations, and private sectors, as well as a commitment to accountability.
A Landmark Moment for Victorian Multiculturalism
Perry’s address carried particular weight as she announced that the Multicultural Victoria Bill had entered the Victorian Parliament that very afternoon, establishing a new statutory body to lead the state’s multicultural and multifaith portfolio . This legislative milestone will provide a permanent institutional framework for the work of building social cohesion.
A National Call to Action
The summit concluded with a specific national proposal from former Tasmanian Premier and Australian Multicultural Council Chair Peter Gutwein, who called on the federal parliament to “debate and pass a motion” formally declaring Australia a multicultural country .
The summit participants demonstrated that Australia does not lack ideas on social cohesion—it lacks a shared framework for acting on them. Perry’s “Listen, Think, Act” framework offers one such framework, providing governments with a clear roadmap for building the institutional architecture necessary to create a more cohesive, inclusive, and united Australia.
Building Bridges in Times of Hardship: A Community Unites Against Mortgage Stress
By Daandii Ragabaa
For many migrants and refugees, owning a home represents far more than a financial asset. It is security, stability, and tangible proof that a new life can be built from the ground up. It is the Great Australian Dream .
Yet for many, that dream has become a source of deep anxiety. The burden of mortgage repayments, rising interest rates, and the escalating cost of living have turned homeownership into a heavy burden of stress.
Last night, in a show of community solidarity, the Victorian Multicultural Commission (VMC) partnered with Mortgage Stress Victoria (MSV) to deliver a vital community information session in Melbourne. The event was a lifeline for migrant communities who often bear the brunt of financial hardship in silence.
A Collaborative Effort for a Pressing Crisis
Financial stress rarely exists in isolation . It is a relentless intruder that seeps into every aspect of life, affecting health, relationships, employment, and a family’s sense of security . For migrant and refugee communities, the challenges are compounded. Language barriers, unfamiliarity with financial systems, cultural expectations, or simply not knowing where to turn can make that first step towards seeking help nearly impossible.
The event—attended by Parliamentary Secretary for Multicultural Affairs Iwan Walters MP, representatives from both the VMC and MSV, and almost 150 community leaders—affirmed a crucial message: help is available, and issues can be tackled before problems become crises .
What Mortgage Stress Victoria Offers
Mortgage Stress Victoria stands as a beacon of hope. As the only specialist service in Australia providing free, integrated legal, financial counselling, and social work support for homeowners at risk of losing their homes, MSV is uniquely placed to intervene at critical moments .
Their work is a testament to the power of a holistic approach. As MSV articulates, “Our structure recognises that mortgage stress is complex, with many different causes and consequences” . By tackling the root causes—which often include family violence, job loss, and systemic barriers—MSV helps clients navigate the pressures contributing to their mortgage and achieve lasting financial and housing security .
The Power of Community Engagement
The success of the partnership between the VMC and MSV lies in its culturally accessible approach. Bringing trusted information directly into communities, through community leaders and familiar faces, is more than just good engagement—it is prevention.
When community leaders understand the signs of mortgage stress and where to direct families for help, they can intervene before a financial problem becomes a full-blown crisis. As one attendee noted, “The best time for support is before financial stress becomes financial crisis” .
A Shared Commitment to Prevention
The Victorian Multicultural Commission’s commitment to this issue is resolute. Recognising that financial stability is central to successful settlement and community cohesion, the VMC is ensuring that vital information reaches those who need it most. The event was a clear demonstration that by working together—across government, community organisations, and multicultural leaders—we can build a safety net that prevents the loss of homes and the fracturing of families.
Congratulations to everyone involved in creating that bridge between communities and the help available to them. Initiatives like this matter, because they ensure that for many Victorians, the dream of a secure home remains a reality.
The Mission of Finfinne: A Historical Testament to Oromo Presence
Catholic Missionary Records from 1868 Confirm the Oromo Identity of Finfinne and Birbirsa
By Negash Qemant
In the archives of Catholic missionary history lies a remarkable document that provides irrefutable evidence of Oromo presence in what is now Addis Ababa. The “Missione di Finfinni” —a drawing and written account by Monsignor Luigi Lasserre from 1868—offers a vivid snapshot of the area known as Finfinne and Birbirsa (the present-day Piassa and St. George’s area) long before the establishment of the imperial capital.
This historical record, preserved by Dr. Abba Antonios Alberto, OFM Cap, in his writings (pages 110-111), confirms that the area was not an empty wilderness awaiting colonisation, but a vibrant Oromo landscape with established communities, trade routes, and cultural significance.
The Foundation of Finfinni and Birbirsa (1868)
According to the missionary records, the Catholic mission at Finfinne was established in September 1868. The account states:
“On September 8, 1868, upon the return of Massaja from Fekerie Gemb, Francisco Taurin left Liche for Finfinne together with some Oromo boys with the authorisation of King Menelik. On September 11, 1868, they reached Birbirsa, in the vicinity of Finfini. They began immediately constructing some houses with the friendly assistance of some Oromo people there.”
This passage is significant for several reasons:
- The Name “Finfinni”: The missionaries used the name “Finfinni” (Finfinne) to refer to the area. This confirms that the Oromo name was in common use and was recognised by outsiders.
- The Name “Birbirsa”: The area now known as Piassa and St. George’s was specifically identified as “Birbirsa.” This Oromo name predates the establishment of Addis Ababa.
- Oromo Presence: The missionaries were assisted by “some Oromo people” who helped them construct their buildings. This demonstrates that the area was inhabited by Oromo communities who were active participants in the life of the region.
- King Menelik’s Authorisation: The missionaries received authorisation from King Menelik to establish their mission. This indicates that Menelik, at this time, was not yet the undisputed ruler of the area but was engaging with the existing landscape.
The Sarrawa Family: Oromo Hospitality
The missionary records also document the role of an Oromo family in hosting the missionaries:
“At Birbirsa, Sarrawa, a rich Oromo, housed the above-mentioned group of missionaries directed to Finfinni.”
This is a remarkable detail. A wealthy Oromo individual named Sarrawa provided shelter and support to the Catholic missionaries. This act of hospitality is a testament to the generosity and openness of the Oromo people, even towards strangers from distant lands.
The presence of a “rich Oromo” in the area also challenges the narrative that the Oromo people were impoverished nomads. Sarrawa was a person of means who could offer accommodation and support to a group of foreign missionaries. This indicates a level of economic activity and social organisation that contradicts the stereotypes used to justify dispossession.
Finfinne: “At the Center of the Country of Oromo”
Perhaps the most significant passage in the missionary records is a letter dated October 14, 1868, written by Fr. Taurin from Finfinne. In this letter, addressed to the provisional minister, Fr. Taurin states:
“He was with a certain Gebremariam at Finfinni situated at the center of the country of Oromo with the tribe of Gulele.”
This is a powerful statement. The missionary explicitly identifies Finfinne as being located at the “center of the country of Oromo.” This is not a vague reference—it is a precise geographical and ethnographic observation.
The phrase “center of the country of Oromo” confirms that Finfinne was understood by outsiders as being in the heart of Oromo territory. The mention of the “tribe of Gulele” (the Gulele Oromo) further locates the area within a specific Oromo community.
This evidence is consistent with Oromo oral tradition, which has always maintained that Finfinne is the heart of Oromia—a place of cultural, spiritual, and historical significance to the Oromo people.
The Missionaries and the Oromo Landscape
The missionary accounts also provide insights into the Oromo landscape of the time. The records describe:
- Oromo settlements: The area was not empty but inhabited by Oromo communities.
- Oromo agriculture: The presence of “rich” Oromo individuals indicates economic activity.
- Oromo hospitality: The missionaries received assistance and accommodation from the local Oromo population.
- Oromo social organisation: The mention of specific tribes (like Gulele) indicates a structured society.
The missionaries were not arriving in an empty wilderness—they were entering a well-established Oromo landscape with its own social, economic, and political systems.
Implications for the History of Finfinne
The missionary records from 1868 provide crucial historical evidence that challenges the dominant narrative of Finfinne’s origins. They demonstrate that:
- The Oromo People Were the Inhabitants: The area was inhabited by Oromo communities, including the Gulele tribe, before the establishment of the imperial capital.
- The Land Was Oromo: The missionaries identified Finfinne as being at the “center of the country of Oromo.”
- The Oromo Names Were Original: The names “Finfinne” and “Birbirsa” were in use before the area was renamed Addis Ababa.
- The Oromo People Were Active Participants: The Oromo people assisted the missionaries, hosted them, and engaged with them as equals.
- Oromo Society Was Structured: The presence of “rich” Oromo individuals like Sarrawa indicates economic stratification and social organisation.
Conclusion: A Historical Record That Cannot Be Erased
The Catholic missionary records from 1868 are a powerful testament to the Oromo presence in Finfinne. They provide irrefutable evidence that the area was not an empty wilderness but a vibrant Oromo landscape with established communities, economic activity, and social organisation.
These records confirm what Oromo oral tradition has always maintained: that Finfinne is Oromo land, and that the Oromo people were the original inhabitants of the area now known as Addis Ababa.
As the Oromo people continue to demand recognition and justice, these historical records serve as a powerful reminder that the truth cannot be erased. The documents exist. The names remain in the landscape. The history is there for those who seek it.
The land remembers. The history endures. Finfinne is Oromo.
This feature article is based on the missionary records of Dr. Abba Antonios Alberto, OFM Cap (pages 110-111) and the original documents from the Missione di Finfinni (1868). It is dedicated to all those who seek the truth about Oromo history and the origins of Finfinne.
The Historical Evidence: Uncovering the Truth About Finfinne’s Origins
Proceedings of the International Symposium on the Centenary of Addis Ababa (November 24-25, 1986)
By Negash Qemant
In 1986, under the Derg regime, an international symposium was held to mark the centenary of Addis Ababa. The proceedings, published in a historical volume, brought together scholars from various disciplines to examine the history of the city. Among the contributions was a groundbreaking research paper that sheds light on the true origins of Finfinne—the city now known as Addis Ababa.
This paper, presented by scholars of the time, documented the historical reality that the area now occupied by St. George’s Church and the statue of Menelik was once known as Birbirsa. The research paper opens with a striking question:
“Who would imagine that the place where one can see today’s Saint George’s Church and the statue of Menelik was known as Birbirsa?”
The paper continues:
“This paper is about Birbirsa, a place located in Finfinne which later on came to be called Addis Ababa.”
The Name “Finfinne”
The symposium proceedings confirm what Oromo oral tradition has always maintained: the area was originally known as Finfinne—a name derived from the hot mineral springs (finfina) that bubble up from the earth in the area. The proceedings note that the name “Finfinne” was the original designation, and the name “Addis Ababa” was a later imposition.
The research paper documents that the area now known as Piassa, Arat Kilo, and the surroundings of St. George’s Church were once called Birbirsa Goro—an Oromo name. The paper also confirms that the area around the present-day St. George’s Cathedral was known as Birbirsa, an Oromo name that predates the arrival of Menelik and his forces.
The proceedings document that the area was known by Oromo names: Gafarsa, Hurufa Boombii, Tulluu Daalattii, and others. These names were systematically replaced with new names after the establishment of the city under Menelik.
The Dream of Sahle Selassie
The symposium proceedings also address the well-known story of King Sahle Selassie’s “prophecy” about the site where his descendants would build a city. The proceedings treat this story as a genuine prophecy, which was used to legitimise the establishment of the city.
As the proceedings note, the story goes that King Sahle Selassie, while camping in the area, had a vision that his descendants would build a city on that spot. This “prophecy” was used to create an aura of divine legitimacy around Menelik’s decision to establish the capital.
However, as Blatten Geta Hiruy Wolde Selassie notes in his book The History of Ethiopia from the Queen of Sheba to the Victory of Adwa (p. 87):
“This land, which today is called Addis Ababa and is the capital of Ethiopia, was known as Finfinne at that time. King Sahle Selassie, while on a campaign, pitched his tent at the spot where the palace now stands and is said to have prophesied that his descendants would build a city there.”
The Role of Empress Taytu
The symposium proceedings and other historical sources confirm that it was Empress Taytu who gave the city its new name, Addis Ababa (“New Flower”). According to the account of Dr. Dejazmach Zewde Gebre Selassie, Empress Taytu wrote to Emperor Menelik:
“I have found the place we were looking for, and I have named it Addis Ababa.”
She sent this message to Menelik, who was at a different location at the time. The empress and the emperor, along with their armies, later pitched their tents on the hill known as Tulluu Finfinnee (the hill of Finfinne), where the hot springs (Hora Finfinnee) are located. After this, the emperor ordered that all official correspondence should bear the new name “Addis Ababa.”
However, the symposium proceedings also note that the area was already known as Finfinne and that the local population had long used this name. The renaming was an act of imperial assertion, not a neutral decision.
The Birbirsa Connection: Catholic Missionaries and the Oromo College
The symposium proceedings and Catholic missionary records confirm that Birbirsa Goro was the site of a Catholic mission and an Oromo college established by missionaries. The missionaries had introduced various species of flowers from Europe to the area, planting them in the college compound and surrounding areas. These flowers—not indigenous to the region—impressed Empress Taytu, who saw them when she visited the area.
The Catholic mission records also confirm that after the college was closed, the site was later chosen for the construction of St. George’s Church, which now stands in the heart of the city.
The Erasure of Oromo History
What emerges from these historical documents is a clear pattern: the systematic erasure of Oromo history and identity. The Oromo names—Finfinne, Birbirsa, Gafarsa, Hurufa Boombii, Tulluu Daalattii—were replaced with Amharic names. The story of Sahle Selassie’s “prophecy” was used to create a legitimising narrative that obscured the reality of Oromo dispossession.
The symposium proceedings, while an important historical document, were also a tool of propaganda. The Derg regime, like the imperial regime before it, sought to construct a narrative that legitimised the empire’s expansion. The “prophecy” of Sahle Selassie was treated as a genuine prediction, while the history of the Oromo people in the area was suppressed.
The Oromo Contribution to the City
The historical evidence also confirms that the Oromo people made significant contributions to the establishment and development of the city. The symposium proceedings document the role of Oromo labour in building the city, the supply of food and water by Oromo communities, and the presence of Oromo settlements in the area before the establishment of the capital.
The city’s name—Finfinne—is itself a testament to Oromo presence. The hot springs (finfina) that gave the city its name continue to flow, a reminder of the land’s original identity.
Conclusion: A History That Must Be Reclaimed
The proceedings of the 1986 symposium provide valuable historical evidence that confirms what Oromo oral tradition has always maintained: that Finfinne was originally Oromo land, and that the city was established through dispossession and conquest.
The evidence from the symposium proceedings, combined with the accounts of Blatten Geta Hiruy Wolde Selassie and Dr. Dejazmach Zewde Gebre Selassie, paints a clear picture:
- The area was originally known as Finfinne and Birbirsa.
- The Oromo people were the original inhabitants of the area.
- The city was renamed and its history was systematically rewritten.
- The narrative of Sahle Selassie’s “prophecy” was used to legitimise the dispossession.
As the Oromo people continue to demand recognition and justice, this historical evidence serves as a powerful reminder that the truth cannot be erased. The documents exist. The names remain in the landscape. The history is there for those who seek it.
The land remembers. The history endures. Finfinne is Oromo.
This feature article is based on the proceedings of the International Symposium on the Centenary of Addis Ababa (1986) and the historical accounts cited above. It is dedicated to all those who seek the truth about Oromo history and the origins of Finfinne.
Advocacy for Oromia 