In the quiet corners of history, in the roar of revolutions, and in the whispered hopes of ordinary homes, one truth has endured: human beings are born with an innate longing for equality, freedom of thought, and dignity.
This is not a modern invention. It is not a Western import, nor an Eastern myth. It is the quiet fire that lit every abolition movement, every suffrage march, every student protest, and every parent’s prayer for a better future. And in our own community—ummata keenya—this aspiration has been planted like a deep-rooted tree.
That tree is OLF—not as a slogan, but as a living, breathing promise: that no person is above another; that no mind should be chained; that every voice carries the weight of sacred worth.
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The Aspiration That Refuses to Die
The original text reminds us: “ABOn waan bu’uraa tokko ummata keessa kaahee jira.”
There is, among the people, one foundational principle. It is not written in stone alone—it is written in conscience. It says:
· Equality is not a privilege; it is a birthright.
· Freedom of thought is not a concession; it is the soil where truth grows.
· Dignity is not a reward; it is the oxygen of human existence.
This aspiration, the text insists, cannot be stopped or erased in any form. Not by armies. Not by laws. Not by propaganda. Not by time.
Why? Because it is not borrowed from a constitution or a king. It is discovered—in the cry of a child, in the sweat of a labourer, in the silent grief of a mother, in the bold question of a teenager. It is experiential before it is philosophical.
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The Many Faces of Opposition
History is littered with attempts to suffocate this aspiration.
· Tyrants have banned books.
· Dictators have jailed thinkers.
· Empires have rewritten histories.
· Corporations have commodified attention.
· Algorithms have tried to herd our thoughts into safe, sellable boxes.
Yet every time, the aspiration returns—not in the same shape, but in a stronger one.
Why? Because suppression is reactive; aspiration is generative.
· Suppression says: “You must not think this way.”
· Aspiration replies: “Then I will think deeper.”
· Suppression says: “You are unequal by nature.”
· Aspiration answers: “Then I will build communities that prove you wrong.”
This is why the text declares: “Kun dhugaa bara baraan dhaloota walqixxummaa fi bilisummaa barbaadan kamiyyuu keessa kan jiraatuu dha.”
It is the permanent inheritance of every generation that dares to seek equality and liberty. Not a relic of the past—but a living torch passed from hand to hand, across fire and flood.
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What Does This Mean for Us Today?
In our own time—fractured by misinformation, polarized by identity, exhausted by performative justice—this foundational aspiration calls us back to simplicity and courage.
It asks us:
· Do we treat the stranger at our gate as our equal, or as a threat?
· Do we listen to an idea we hate with the same patience as one we love?
· Do we defend dignity for the powerless, even when it costs us comfort?
If the aspiration is truly unkillable, then our job is not to protect it—but to practice it. Because an aspiration that lives only in speeches is a ghost. An aspiration that lives in schoolrooms, marketplaces, courtrooms, and dinner tables—that is a revolution.
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The Final Word: A Promise, Not a Puzzle
Some will try to redefine this aspiration. They will twist it into a weapon, a commodity, or a vague slogan. But the core remains indestructible:
Every person holds the right to be free, to think boldly, and to stand equal before their fellow human.
No empire, no algorithm, no crisis can undo that truth—because it is not built on fragile institutions. It is built on the fragile, fierce, unbreakable human heart.
And as long as one parent teaches a child to question, one writer speaks truth to power, one citizen refuses to kneel—that aspiration lives.
As the world looks elsewhere, Ethiopian civilians are being burned alive, and a desperate plea for help rises from the ashes.
In the quiet villages of Ethiopia’s Oromia region, a summer of horror is drawing to a close. While global attention remains fixed on other crises, the International Oromo Women’s Organization (IOWO) has released a desperate appeal documenting an escalating campaign of violence that has turned the East Wollega Zone into a graveyard of professional promise and a testament to human cruelty .
The reports paint a picture of systematic terror allegedly perpetrated by Amhara Fano armed groups. Beginning in July and intensifying throughout August 2026, the violence has centered on the Gida Ayana Woreda—including the communities of Andode Dichoo, Angar Gute, and Tullu Lenca—as well as Kiramu and Horro Guduru. The testimonies describe not merely a conflict, but a targeted attempt to dismantle the very fabric of civilian life.
A Targeting of Hope
What distinguishes these atrocities is the chilling precision of the attacks. Among the dead are not just anonymous civilians, but the very pillars of the community. On August 19, the violence claimed Mr. Lamessa Mangistu, the branch manager of Awash Bank in Gida Ayana, and Mr. Mamush Maru, a banker at the Oromia Cooperative Bank. Their crime? Providing essential financial services to their community .
In Angar Gute, armed men reportedly burned Sister Liktu Amanu, a midwifery and nursing professional, while she was carrying out emergency duties. Just days earlier, 65-year-old Amanu Hirpha Bidu was reportedly burned alive inside an active ambulance during a patient transfer—a blatant violation of the fundamental protections afforded to medical transport under international humanitarian law . The attack on Mr. Olika Sagni, a local teacher, represents another devastating blow, stripping the community of its educators and the promise of future generations.
“We as mothers and sisters, cannot stand the endless brutal actions against civilian human beings,” writes Dinknesh D. Kitila, IOWO’s Board Director, in the appeal . Their plea is directed at the UN Security Council, the Human Rights Council, the U.S. Secretary of State, the EU, and governments worldwide: act before more innocent lives are extinguished.
Scorched Earth and Silence
The destruction is not limited to lives. The IOWO report details widespread arson targeting public offices, private homes, and transport vehicles, displacing families and paralyzing local economies. The group has released harrowing images of vehicles and property consumed by flames, emphasizing that the campaign is as much about erasing community infrastructure as it is about inflicting casualties. The targeted destruction of the Angar Gute area, including a special attack on Tullu Lenca, points to an attempt to force a demographic change or to punish communities for their identity .
This violence is part of a broader pattern of instability in Ethiopia. Travel advisories from various embassies currently designate East Wollega as a “red” or “extremely high-risk” area, warning citizens to avoid the region due to the presence of armed groups and the risk of attacks on civilians . The international community, while aware, has often been slow to act as the crisis deepens.
The World’s Response
The IOWO appeal calls for two immediate actions: emergency civilian protection for vulnerable populations in the affected woredas, and accountability for the perpetrators of these unlawful killings.
As the appeal letter was signed on August 24, the silence from the international community remains deafening. The documented cases of targeted killings of professionals, the use of ambulances as instruments of death, and the burning of entire communities demand more than a passing glance.
The mothers and sisters of East Wollega are not asking for charity; they are demanding the basic right to live. The charred remains of a midwife’s ambulance and the empty desks of murdered teachers are a stain on the conscience of humanity, a stark reminder that the cost of inaction is always counted in lives.
As violence escalates in Western Oromia, a leading advocacy group warns that silence is complicity and calls for urgent international intervention.
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Melbourne – August 22, 2026 – The Advocacy for Oromia (A4O) has issued a stark warning that the escalating violence against civilians in Western Oromia (Wallagga) has reached an alarming level, demanding immediate action to protect vulnerable communities. In a powerful statement released today, the organization condemned the intensifying attacks that have reportedly displaced families, claimed lives, and created a pervasive climate of fear across the region.
The violence, concentrated in the Giddaa Ayyaanaa and Angar Guutee areas, has targeted civilians in their homes and while traveling, according to local accounts. Families are being forcibly displaced, their lives upended by a campaign of terror that shows no sign of abating.
A Crisis of Complicity
While many attacks have been attributed to the Fano armed group, A4O has expressed grave concern over allegations implicating state actors. The organization has accused the Ethiopian government of failing to adequately protect affected communities, a failure that demands independent and transparent investigations.
“Western Oromia is a region of profound political and social significance, and this continued violence threatens not only the immediate security of residents but also the broader stability of the region,” an A4O spokesperson stated. “The resulting displacement and destruction have severe humanitarian consequences that require an urgent global response.”
The government’s apparent inaction raises difficult questions about accountability and the protection of civilians. A4O insists that these serious allegations necessitate thorough investigations to establish facts, ensure accountability, and bring perpetrators of abuses to justice.
A Call to Break the Silence
In response to the unfolding crisis, A4O has issued a Call to Action, urging community members, advocates, civil society organizations, faith leaders, youth, women, and the diaspora to break their silence. The organization insists that “silence is not an option” in the face of such suffering.
The call outlines several key priorities:
· Strengthened advocacy and documentation of human rights violations to ensure that the world bears witness to the atrocities.
· Local, national, and international awareness campaigns to shine a spotlight on the crisis.
· Unity and collective action to amplify victims’ voices and advance justice.
A4O is also calling on international institutions, humanitarian organizations, and global human rights bodies to closely monitor the situation in Western Oromia and take concrete steps to prevent further atrocities.
The Cost of Inaction
The human toll of the violence is immeasurable. Families torn apart, communities shattered, and lives cut short—all while the international community remains largely silent. The displacement and destruction have severe humanitarian consequences, yet the global response has been insufficient.
A4O’s statement is a desperate plea to the world: “We must not remain silent. The lives, dignity, and security of innocent civilians depend on immediate attention and action. We stand in solidarity with all victims of violence and their families and demand lasting peace, justice, and respect for human rights in the region.”
A Call to Remember
As the violence continues to escalate, the world faces a choice: to act or to look away. A4O’s message is clear—silence is complicity, and inaction is a choice to abandon innocent lives.
The organization’s commitment to amplifying the voices of the Oromo people and advocating for peaceful solutions is a reminder that even in the darkest times, hope persists. But hope alone is not enough. It requires action, solidarity, and a collective demand for justice.
The people of Western Oromia are not merely statistics; they are mothers, fathers, children, and communities whose lives hang in the balance. Their cries for help must not go unanswered.
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For more information, contact Advocacy for Oromia (A4O), a civil society organization dedicated to promoting human rights, justice, and democratic governance for the people of Oromia.
As violence escalates and thousands are displaced, the Oromo Sisterhood Institute issues a desperate plea: silence is complicity, and action cannot wait.
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In the quiet villages of Western Oromia, a crisis of staggering proportions has been unfolding for years. But in recent weeks, the violence has reached a terrifying crescendo. The Oromo Sisterhood Institute (OSI) has issued an urgent condemnation of the escalating attacks against civilians in the Wallagga region—a humanitarian catastrophe that has displaced thousands, claimed countless lives, and left communities living in a state of paralyzing fear.
The areas of Giddaa Ayyaanaa and Angar Guutee have borne the brunt of the violence. According to local reports, families have been forced to flee their homes, leaving behind everything they have ever known. Civilians have reportedly been killed while simply traveling, while others have been murdered in their own homes—a brutal reminder that no place is safe.
The Oromo Sisterhood Institute, a leading voice for women’s rights and community protection, is sounding the alarm: the international community cannot afford to look away.
A Crisis of Accountability
While many attacks have been attributed to the Fano armed group, serious concerns have also been raised regarding the role of state actors and the Ethiopian government’s failure to adequately protect affected communities. The government’s apparent inaction raises deeply troubling questions about the protection of civilians and the rule of law.
OSI insists that these serious allegations warrant independent investigations to establish the facts, ensure accountability, and bring those responsible for abuses against civilians to justice.
“Western Oromia is widely recognized as an area of significant political and social importance,” the Institute states. “The continued violence threatens not only the security and well-being of local residents but also the stability of the broader region.”
The ongoing displacement of civilians and destruction of communities have both immediate and long-term humanitarian consequences. Families are being torn apart, children are being denied their futures, and an entire region is being pushed to the brink.
A Call to Action: Silence Is Not an Option
In the face of such unimaginable suffering, the Oromo Sisterhood Institute is issuing a powerful call to action. The message is clear and uncompromising: silence is not an option.
“We urge community members, advocates, civil society organizations, faith leaders, youth, women, and members of the diaspora to stand up for civilian protection, speak out against human rights violations, and support affected families and communities.”
The Institute is calling for:
· Strengthened advocacy and documentation of human rights violations through credible channels.
· Local, national, and international awareness campaigns to shine a spotlight on this unfolding tragedy.
· Unity and collective action to amplify the voices of victims, advance accountability, and contribute to the pursuit of justice and lasting peace.
Every Community Deserves Safety
The Oromo Sisterhood Institute’s message is rooted in a fundamental belief: every community has the right to live in safety, dignity, and freedom from violence. This is not a partisan issue; it is a human issue.
The Institute is calling upon international institutions, humanitarian organizations, and global human rights bodies to closely monitor the situation in Western Oromia and take meaningful action to ensure the protection of civilians and the prevention of further atrocities.
“We stand in solidarity with all victims of violence and their families,” OSI declares. “We call for an immediate end to attacks against civilians, independent and transparent investigations into reported abuses, humanitarian assistance for affected communities, and concrete measures to ensure lasting peace, justice, accountability, and respect for human rights in the region.”
The Cost of Inaction
As the violence continues to escalate, the world faces a choice: to act or to remain silent. The Oromo Sisterhood Institute has made its position unequivocally clear.
“We must not remain silent,” the statement concludes. “The lives, dignity, and security of innocent civilians depend on immediate attention and action.”
The people of Western Oromia are not just statistics; they are mothers, fathers, children, and communities whose lives hang in the balance. Their cries for help must not go unanswered. The time for action is now—before more lives are lost, more families are displaced, and more communities are destroyed.
The Oromo Sisterhood Institute calls upon the international community, human rights organizations, policymakers, and members of the diaspora to recognize the seriousness of the situation and to support efforts aimed at protecting civilians, preventing further displacement, and promoting accountability for human rights violations.
The world must not remain silent. The time to act is now.
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The Oromo Sisterhood Institute (OSI) is a civil society organization dedicated to promoting the rights, dignity, and well-being of Oromo women and communities. Through advocacy, awareness, and collective action, OSI works to amplify the voices of the marginalized and advance justice and lasting peace.
A Story of Dispossession, Resilience, and the Unbroken Spirit of Gullallee
By Abdi Milkessa
The history of the Oromo people of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is a history of profound sorrow and indomitable resistance. It is a story that moves the heart to tears, sets the teeth on edge, and stirs the soul to action. It is a history that calls upon the Oromo people to reclaim their land, their identity, and their dignity.
As the wise saying goes: “The history of the Oromo Gullallee, like the history of other Oromo communities, grieves you, makes you weep, grinds your teeth in frustration, stirs your heart to action, and makes you proud.”
The Land and Its People
Finfinne was not built on empty land. It was built on the bones and blood of the Oromo people. The area now known as Addis Ababa was once the heartland of the Gullallee Oromo, one of the clans of the greater Tulama Oromo nation. Alongside the Gullallee, other Oromo clans—Eekkaa, Galaan, Meettaa Aabbuu, and Sululta—inhabited the region that surrounded what is now the capital.
The name Finfinne itself is Oromo, derived from the hot mineral springs (finfina) that bubble up from the earth in the area. For centuries, these springs were a source of healing and sustenance for the Oromo people and their cattle.
The land was rich and fertile, a land of pastures, rivers, and hills where the Oromo people lived according to the Gadaa system—a democratic governance structure that regulated every aspect of their lives.
The Arrival of the Colonizers
The arrival of Emperor Menelik II and his armies in the late 19th century marked the beginning of a dark chapter. Menelik, armed with modern European weapons, launched a campaign of conquest against the Oromo, Sidama, Gurage, and other peoples of the south. This was not a peaceful integration—it was colonisation.
The Oromo people of Gullallee were among the first to resist. They stood firm against Menelik’s forces, using their knowledge of the land and guerrilla tactics to defend their homeland. But the disparity in weaponry was overwhelming. The Oromo warriors, armed only with spears and shields, faced muskets and cannons.
One Oromo elder lamented the arrival of the colonisers in a poem:
“No more standing on Intotto, to look down at the pasture below, No more taking cattle to Finfinnee, to water at the mineral spring. No more gathering on Tulluu Daalattii, where the Gullallee assembly used to meet. Since Mashasha came, freedom has vanished.”
The Uprising of 1878
The Gullallee Oromo rose in a major uprising in 1878. They had endured years of oppression—land dispossession, cattle raids, and the subjugation of their women. The final straw came when Menelik’s soldiers began taking Oromo women by force.
According to oral tradition, the Oromo women of Gullallee, tired of being violated by the colonisers, gathered together and devised a plan. They told their husbands:
“We are being forced to sleep with the enemy. If you do not act, we will take matters into our own hands.”
The men, shamed into action, organised a rebellion. The Gullallee warriors launched a coordinated attack against the colonisers, using the cover of darkness and their intimate knowledge of the terrain.
But they were outmatched. Menelik sent a massive army under his nephew, Dajjaach Mashashaa Seifu, to crush the rebellion. The Gullallee were defeated. Thousands were killed, and the survivors were scattered.
The Dispossession Continues
The defeat of the Gullallee uprising was followed by a systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing. The Oromo were driven from the heart of Finfinne—from areas now known as Arat Kilo, Siddist Kilo, Piassa, Mercato, and beyond.
The land was given to Menelik’s generals and loyalists. Oromo farms were confiscated. Oromo cattle were taken. Oromo children were forced into servitude.
The Gullallee were scattered to the winds. Some fled to neighbouring Oromo areas—to Meettaa, Sooddo, Bacho, Ada’a Bargaa, Waliso, and Kuttaaye. Others remained in Finfinne, but their numbers dwindled as they were steadily pushed to the margins.
Even today, the dispossession continues. In the areas of Bole, Garji, Bulbula, Laaftoo, Makkannisa, Kaarra Qoree, Buraayyuu, Askoo, Shoogalee, and Qaallittii, Oromo families are being displaced to make way for new developments.
The Resilience of the Oromo Gullallee
Despite the centuries of oppression, the Oromo Gullallee have not been broken. They have preserved their culture, their language, and their identity against all odds.
Their resilience is captured in the songs they still sing:
“Bole was once a field of wheat and barley, Now it is covered with villas. The cattle that once grazed there are gone, The land has been taken by strangers.”
Another song laments the loss of the land while affirming the unbroken spirit of the people:
“Bole, O water of Bole, The villas have covered the field. Tomorrow we will go to Jimma, This evil time will pass. Stand firm, stand firm, do not give up!”
The Struggle Continues
The history of the Oromo Gullallee is not just a story of the past—it is a story of the present. The Oromo people of Finfinne and its surrounding areas continue to face displacement, marginalisation, and the erasure of their identity.
The current government, under the Prosperity Party, has continued the policies of its predecessors. The Oromo Special Zone surrounding Finfinne has been systematically dismantled. Oromo farmers in areas like Buraayyuu, Garjii, Bole, and Laaftoo have been displaced to make way for the expansion of the capital.
But the Oromo people have not given up. They continue to resist, to organise, and to demand justice.
A Call to Action
The history of the Oromo Gullallee is a call to action for all Oromo people. It is a reminder that the struggle for Finfinne is not just about land—it is about identity, dignity, and justice.
As the late Dr. Makuraa Bulchaa wrote:
“We have been lamenting for too long. Let us leave that behind and move forward—both at home and abroad. Let us organise our people, let us build our institutions, let us strengthen our unity, and let us fight for our freedom.”
The path to liberation is clear: unity, organisation, and determination. The Oromo people must overcome their divisions, strengthen their institutions, and build a coordinated struggle that will leave the colonisers with no option but to retreat.
Conclusion
The history of the Oromo people of Finfinne is a history of suffering, but it is also a history of resilience. From the heroes of Gullallee to the Qeerroo of today, the Oromo people have never ceased to resist.
The memory of Tufaa Munaa, Hasanuu Wadaay, and countless other heroes reminds us that the struggle for freedom is a sacred duty. Their sacrifice calls us to action.
Finfinne is not just a city—it is the heart of Oromia. And as long as the Oromo people remember their history, they will never give up the fight to reclaim it.
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo Gullallee and all the Oromo people who have endured displacement and oppression, and who continue to resist for a free and just Oromia.
When we speak of the great civilisations of antiquity, our minds often turn to Egypt, Greece, or Rome. But long before the Persian Empire rose to dominance, there existed in the heart of Africa a kingdom of extraordinary power, wealth, and sophistication—the Kingdom of Kush.
The Kingdom of Kush, with its three major cities of Meroe, Kerma, and Napata, emerged in the Nubian Desert south of Egypt along the Upper Nile River Valley from the 2nd millennium B.C. to the fourth century A.D. . For over a thousand years, Kush was a major power in the Nile valley, controlling an empire that at its height stretched from Central Sudan to the Mediterranean .
The achievements of this ancient civilisation challenge long-held beliefs that Egypt was the sole centre of advancement in the region. As renowned archaeologist Charles Bonnet’s excavations have revealed, Kush was not a mere vassal state of Egypt but a powerful and independent kingdom with its own distinctively indigenous culture . This sophisticated political state organised trade to the Mediterranean basin and built up a military strong enough to resist Egyptian forces .
The Black Pharaohs: A Legacy of Power
The Kushite rulers of Egypt’s 25th Dynasty, often referred to as the “Black Pharaohs,” represent a pivotal moment in the history of the Nile Valley. Emerging from the Kingdom of Kush at Napata in Nubia, these rulers not only unified Egypt after centuries of fragmentation but also reinvigorated pharaonic traditions .
The first major figure of this dynasty, King Piye, launched a campaign into Egypt during a period of political fragmentation known as the Third Intermediate Period. His Victory Stela records the subjugation of Delta rulers and proclaims his role as restorer of order . By 730 BCE, Piye had conquered Lower Egypt, establishing Kushite authority over both Upper and Lower Egypt .
The dynasty reached its zenith under Taharqa (690–664 BCE), whose reign is remembered for monumental building projects and ambitious foreign policy. Taharqa sponsored extensive temple construction at Karnak, Kawa, and Jebel Barkal, reinforcing his devotion to Amun and his claim to pharaonic legitimacy . He intervened in the Levant, supporting coalitions against Assyrian expansion, and is mentioned in both Biblical and Assyrian sources .
One of the most remarkable features of Meroitic civilisation was its powerful queens. The title “Candace,” meaning “sister,” was given to Kushite queens . Queens such as Amanirenas—who signed a peace treaty with the emperor Augustus—and Amanishakheto, whose treasure was looted in 1834, demonstrate the prominent role of women in Kushite society .
Kush: More Than a Footnote
The Kingdom of Kush was more than a civilisation; it was a power that commanded both land and sea. Kushite armies were formidable, and their military prowess allowed them to conquer and control Egypt itself . Kush also boasted a powerful navy, controlling trade routes along the Nile and beyond .
The economy of the ancient Kushites relied on trade in exotic African goods with Egypt and beyond. As middlemen, Kushite traders passed along ivory, ebony, incense, and other exotic goods from the South to the Egyptians, who then traded with other Mediterranean peoples . The city of Kerma, with its strategic location on the Nile River, controlled this crucial trade route .
Kush produced more gold than anywhere in the world at that time . Archaeologists have uncovered massive gold-processing operations at sites like Hosh el-Guruf, revealing the scale of Kush’s wealth . Minerals and high-quality stone were also mined for trade, and the Kushites introduced and developed iron metallurgy to the region .
A Sophisticated Society
The art and architecture of the Kushites reveal a sophisticated society of innovative craftsmen who constantly assimilated new artistic techniques from other lands . Notable architecture includes stone temple complexes such as the Lion Temple at Naqa and the steep-sided, solid pyramids found at Meroe and Jebel Barkal .
In fact, Sudan has more pyramids than all of Egypt—a testament to the grandeur of the Kushite civilisation . These tall, slender, graceful monuments bear witness to the lasting splendour of Kush .
Kushite art includes narrative tomb wall paintings and unique, eggshell-thin pottery with geometric patterns traded all over the Mediterranean . Stoic granite and bronze statues of gods and kings convey the religious beliefs of this ancient people .
The Question of Cush
The name “Kush” has been connected since at least the time of Josephus with the biblical character Cush, son of Ham (Genesis 10:6). Ham had four sons: Cush, Put, Canaan, and Mizraim (Egypt) . According to the Bible, Nimrod, a son of Cush, was the founder and king of Babylon, Erech, Akkad, and Calneh .
The Cushitic-speaking peoples, who are the ethnolinguistic groups speaking Cushitic languages natively, are today found primarily in the Horn of Africa, with minorities in Egypt, Sudan, Kenya, and Tanzania . Proto-Cushitic was spoken on the Ethiopian Highlands by 5000–4000 BC .
A Civilisation Worthy of Recognition
The Kingdom of Kush is not merely a footnote in the history of Africa—it is a testament to the power, ingenuity, and resilience of the peoples of the Nile Valley. As the American Journal of Archaeology notes in its review of The Nubian Pharaohs of Egypt, the term “Black Pharaohs” has sometimes been used to market exhibits, but the historical significance of Kush extends far beyond its interaction with Egypt . Sudanese colleagues and community members rightly resent the idea that the kings of ancient Sudan are only important because they ruled over Egypt . The Kingdom of Kush deserves to be remembered on its own terms.
We Knew This Was Coming — Yet We Chose to Stay Silent
By Koste Abdiisaa
If we had shown even 1% of the outrage we have expressed over the past two days three, four, or five years ago—when Fano killed hundreds of innocent Oromos in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and elsewhere—perhaps these killings would not have happened.
We knew this was coming. The signs were everywhere. The warnings were clear. Yet we chose to remain silent. We chose to look away. We chose to believe that the storm would pass us by.
But storms do not pass by those who refuse to prepare. They break over them.
The Warning Signs We Ignored
For years, the enemies of the Oromo people have been methodically preparing for this moment. While we argued among ourselves, they were opening training camps in our backyard. While we engaged in name-calling and petty divisions, they were building security structures and training hundreds of people to carry out their plans.
We saw it happening. We heard the reports. We knew that innocent farmers—our farmers—were being killed in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and countless other places. And what did we do?
We expressed outrage on social media. We posted our anger, shared our grief, and then went back to business as usual.
Our collective inaction allowed this to continue. Our silence gave them permission to proceed. Our failure to act was an invitation for more violence.
The Consequences of Inaction
This is not about hindsight. This is about foresight—and our failure to use it. We cannot pretend that these killings were unexpected. We knew what was coming. We had every warning. But we failed to act.
And now, the consequences are here.
The killing of our innocent farmers is not just a tragedy—it is a judgment on our collective failure to protect our own. It is the result of years of political naivety, misplaced priorities, and a refusal to confront the reality of the threat we faced.
We were good at crying after the fact. We were good at expressing outrage on social media after tragedies happened. But we were very poor at recognizing threats early on, listening to those who recognized them, and preparing ourselves to face them.
The Deeper Outrage
Like many of you, I am outraged by the killing of our innocent farmers. But I am even more outraged by our inaction—our lack of political awareness, our failure to recognize and respond to such cruelty for so long.
What is even more troubling is that some of our so-called political entities—those who claim to speak for us—continue to seek alignment with those responsible. They act as if there is still some humanity left in them to appeal to. They still hope for dialogue with those who have shown, time and again, that they have no interest in peace, only in domination.
This is not leadership. This is delusion.
And we, as a people, have allowed it. We have allowed ourselves to be led by those who refuse to see the enemy for what they are. We have allowed ourselves to be distracted by petty divisions while our people are being slaughtered.
The Beginning, Not the End
Let us not pretend that this is the end. This is the beginning. The attacks will continue. The killings will escalate. And if we do not act now—with unity, determination, and clarity—the tragedies we see today will seem small compared to what is coming.
I fear that we may still fail to act in a timely manner. I fear that we will continue to cry and express outrage for a week, and then return to normal life. I fear that we will continue to do what we seem to be good at: mourning after the fact, but never preparing for what lies ahead.
A Call to Look Within
If this senseless killing of our people does not make us angry enough to question our collective inaction, then perhaps we need to look within ourselves and ask: What kind of society have we become?
Have we become a people who only react after the damage is done? Have we become a people who prioritize social media outrage over real action? Have we become a people who are more concerned with who is right than with what is right?
We must ask ourselves these questions. And we must answer them honestly.
The Path Forward
We cannot change the past. The blood that has been spilled cannot be unspilled. But we can change the future. We can act now—today—to ensure that these tragedies do not continue.
This requires several things:
Unity: We must put aside our petty divisions and unite as a people. Our enemies are united; we must be even more united.
Awareness: We must wake up to the reality of the threat we face. We must recognize the signs and act before it is too late.
Action: We must support those who are willing to sacrifice and risk their lives to defend our people. We must build the structures and institutions necessary to protect ourselves.
Accountability: We must hold our political entities accountable. We must demand that they prioritize the defense of our people over their own political ambitions.
Resilience: We must be prepared for the long fight ahead. This is not a battle that will be won in a day. It requires patience, courage, and an unwavering commitment to our people.
Conclusion: Enough Is Enough
The killing of our innocent farmers is a crime against humanity. But our collective inaction is a crime against ourselves.
We cannot afford to continue down this path. We cannot afford to remain silent while our people are being slaughtered. We cannot afford to wait until the next tragedy to express our outrage.
Enough is enough.
Let us honor the memory of those who have been killed by resolving to act—not just with words, but with deeds. Let us build a future where our people are safe, our land is protected, and our dignity is restored.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Nagaan haa jabaatu!
This reflection is dedicated to the innocent Oromo farmers who have lost their lives, and to all those who are determined to build a future of peace, justice, and security for our people.
In the sprawling highlands of western Ethiopia, a humanitarian catastrophe is unfolding with alarming speed. The East Wollega Zone of the Oromia region has become a crucible of ethnic violence, where armed groups clash, and the conflict’s brutal arithmetic is calculated not in strategic gains, but in civilian bodies . As fighting intensifies, a dangerous fog of war has descended, making it nearly impossible to separate fact from propaganda. Yet, amid the chaos, one truth is devastatingly clear: it is the innocent civilians who are suffering the most.
The atrocities have been staggering, with conflicting reports creating a confusing narrative. The Oromo Media Network (OMN) and Oromia News Agency (ONA)report, citing eyewitnesses, that 30 Oromo civilians were killed in recent attacks. Meanwhile, sources aligned with Fano counter that the Oromia Special Forces (OSF) are responsible for the deaths of 30 Amhara civilians. This deadly blame game, where both sides accuse the other of systematic slaughter, obscures a grim reality: entire communities are being erased, with homes torched and livestock stolen.
A Storm of Violence
The situation in East Wollega is defined by a complex and deadly ecosystem of armed actors. The Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) is engaged in operations against the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), which the government labels a terrorist group. However, the violence is compounded by the presence of the Fano militia, an Amhara nationalist force that has expanded its operations from the Amhara region into Oromia. The ENDF has even claimed that Fano and the OLA have coordinated attacks against government forces in the zone, a claim that, if true, suggests a shifting of alliances in an increasingly chaotic conflict.
Residents on the ground paint a picture of indiscriminate brutality. They describe attacks by Fano militants, who they accuse of going “from house to house” to shoot civilians, killing even a district court judge in his own home . Other accounts detail horrific acts of violence against Amhara civilians. A report by the BBC Amharic service documented a massacre in Gida Ayana Woreda, where residents blamed the Oromia Special Forces for killing 19 people and burning hundreds of homes . One survivor, a pregnant woman whose husband was killed in front of her, described the attackers saying, “Your children are the ones fighting the federal government. You support Fano”. This statement reveals a terrifying logic: civilians are being targeted not as individuals, but as members of an ethnic group deemed to be supportive of the enemy.
The Weaponization of Identity and History
This conflict is deeply rooted in historical grievances and land disputes. Over the decades, waves of Amhara settlers moved into Western Oromia, leading to long-standing tensions over land and political power . This has created an environment where armed groups can exploit ethnic identity for support, framing the violence as a struggle for liberation or territorial expansion. Fano’s actions are reportedly driven by an ideology that seeks to reclaim parts of Wollega as historically Amhara land, an expansionist goal that, critics argue, echoes dangerous nationalist myths seen in other global conflicts .
A Humanitarian Catastrophe Ignored
The numbers of displaced are staggering. The Dorcas aid organization reported that conflict in the East Wollega border areas has displaced over 22,000 people in a single wave of violence . These displaced families are fleeing to relative safety in towns like Debre Birhan in the Amhara region, often finding themselves living in crowded, unsanitary conditions with little access to food, water, or healthcare . In 2021 alone, more than 88,000 civilians were forcibly displaced from Western Oromia, a figure that has certainly grown in the years since .
The international response has been conspicuously muted. As the cry for help echoes from the highlands—”Where is the UN? Where is Human Rights Watch?”—the calls for justice and protection from civilians are met with silence . The victims, caught between warring factions, are pleading for the bravest journalists and human rights advocates to become their voices.
As one desperate resident lamented, “Are we not citizens? Why do we suffer from hunger and thirst? We’ve reached a point where we regret being alive” . It is a tragic testament to the failure of the international community to protect the most vulnerable.
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The call for help from East Wollega is urgent. The world must not look away.
Recognizing the Pillars of Our Community — Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the heart of the Oromo nation, there exists a force that is as powerful as it is beautiful—the daughters of Oromia. They are the carriers of culture, the guardians of tradition, and the voices of resilience that echo across generations. Today, we pause to honour three remarkable women who embody the spirit of Oromo womanhood: Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo. ❤️
The Daughters of Oromia: A Legacy of Strength
Oromo women have always been the backbone of their communities. From the ancient traditions of the Gadaa system to the modern struggles for justice and recognition, they have stood firm, unyielding, and courageous. They have raised children, preserved culture, and fought for the dignity of their people.
The phrase “Shamarran Oromiyaa” —the daughters of Oromia—carries within it the weight of history and the promise of the future. It is a title of pride, honour, and responsibility. It speaks of women who refuse to be silenced, who refuse to be erased, and who refuse to accept anything less than justice for their people.
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa: A Beacon of Courage
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa is a name that resonates with strength and determination. As a daughter of Oromia, she has exemplified the qualities of leadership, resilience, and unwavering commitment to the Oromo cause. Her story is one of courage in the face of adversity—a testament to the power of a woman who refuses to bow to oppression.
Her contributions to the Oromo community, whether through activism, cultural preservation, or community organizing, have left an indelible mark. She stands as a role model for young Oromo women, showing them that their voices matter and that their dreams are valid.
Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo: A Voice for Justice
Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo is a name that has become synonymous with the fight for Oromo rights and dignity. Her unwavering commitment to justice and her fearless advocacy have inspired countless others to join the struggle. She has spoken truth to power, refusing to be intimidated by those who seek to silence the Oromo voice.
Her work has touched the lives of many, from the villages of Oromia to the diaspora communities around the world. She has reminded us that the struggle for justice is not just a political fight—it is a deeply personal one, rooted in the love for one’s people and one’s land.
Jaal Mergitu Argo: A Pillar of Resilience
Jaal Mergitu Argo represents the resilience that defines Oromo women. In the face of challenges that would break others, she has remained steadfast, drawing strength from her culture, her community, and her faith. Her journey is a reminder that resilience is not just about enduring hardship—it is about rising above it and building a better future.
Her contributions to the Oromo community, whether through education, advocacy, or cultural preservation, have been invaluable. She has shown that Oromo women are not just participants in the struggle—they are leaders, innovators, and the architects of a brighter future.
The Power of Oromo Womanhood
The stories of Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo are not just their own—they are the stories of countless Oromo women who have contributed to the resilience and strength of the Oromo nation. They remind us that Oromo women are not just victims of oppression—they are agents of change, builders of community, and the heart of the struggle.
In Oromo culture, women have always held a special place of honour. The Siiqqee institution, for example, has been a powerful symbol of women’s agency and a mechanism for ensuring gender balance and social justice. This tradition is not just a relic of the past—it is a living practice that continues to inspire Oromo women today.
A Call to Celebrate and Honour
As we honour these three remarkable women, let us also honour all the daughters of Oromia—past, present, and future. Let us celebrate their strength, their beauty, and their resilience. Let us recognize their contributions to the Oromo nation and their role in shaping a future of justice, dignity, and self-determination.
To the daughters of Oromia: You are the heartbeat of the nation. You are the carriers of culture, the guardians of tradition, and the voices of hope. Your strength inspires us, your courage emboldens us, and your love sustains us.
Conclusion: A Legacy That Endures
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo represent the best of what it means to be a daughter of Oromia. Their contributions to the Oromo cause, their commitment to justice, and their unwavering resilience are a testament to the power of Oromo womanhood.
Shamarran Oromiyaa — The daughters of Oromia — will always be the strength of the nation.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Jaal Naarobika Baayisaa, Jaal Giiftii Waaqoo, and Jaal Mergitu Argo — you are honoured!
This feature article is dedicated to all the daughters of Oromia who have contributed to the struggle for justice, dignity, and self-determination. Your legacy will endure for generations to come.
In the early 1960s, Ethiopia was a nation of silence. Political parties were banned. Open dissent was crushed. The empire of Haile Selassie I, with its ancient Amharic-speaking elite, governed through a system of centralized control that left little room for the voices of its largest ethnic group—the Oromo.
Yet, in the cramped offices of Addis Ababa, three small self-help groups began to meet. The Jibat and Macha, the Metta Robii, and the Tulama Shawa associations had been formed to provide modest social relief to Oromo communities. But in 1963, these three organizations merged into something far more significant. They became the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association—Waldaa Wal-gargaarsa Maccaa fi Tuulamaa—and in doing so, they ignited a fire that would reshape Oromo history forever.
A Name That United a People
The association took its name from two of the major Borana Oromo clans: Machaa and Tulema. But its vision was far broader than any single clan. It was designed to embrace all Oromos, irrespective of religion or region, and even welcomed non-Oromo nationalities who accepted its objectives. Its founders were a remarkable group: Hail Mariam Gamada, a lawyer; Alemu Qixxeesa, a retired colonel; Mamo Mezemer; and others who had been educated in the imperial system but had “subsequently rediscovered their culture”.
The most prominent leader was Tadesse Birru, a former general in the Ethiopian police force and territorial army. A Shewa Oromo who had been fully integrated into Amhara culture, his Oromo origins were not apparent to many until he began to champion the cause of his people. His conversion was a powerful symbol: a man who had risen to the highest ranks of the imperial establishment, turning his back on privilege to fight for his own people.
Two Levels of Purpose
The association operated on two distinct levels. The first was practical and visible: it built schools, health clinics, roads, and water supplies across Oromia. It constructed churches and mosques for believers who had none. It provided financial and legal assistance for the disabled and unemployed.
But the second objective was political—and far more dangerous. In an era when political parties were forbidden, the Macha-Tulama Association became a vehicle for Oromo nationalism. It was the first movement to articulate Oromo grievances in a public, organized manner. It championed “the social, educational, cultural and political rights of the Oromo people”. It politicized the masses and, through its dynamic Youth Wing, produced revolutionary literature that circulated underground. Its very existence marked “the public rise of Oromo nationalism”.
The Threat to Empire
The association’s rapid growth was breathtaking. At its height, it claimed as many as 200,000 members. It expanded “very rapidly all over Oromiyaa as a Pan-Oromo movement”. It was most successful in the south, particularly in Arsi, where Oromos had been relegated to the status of tenants on their own land after being conquered by Menelik’s forces.
For the imperial government, this was an existential threat. The Ethiopian state accused the association of committing “acts of terror” in an effort to suppress the developing Oromo National Movement. The repression was swift and brutal.
The Crackdown
In 1966, the Macha-Tulama Association was banned. Its leaders were arrested, imprisoned, and some were executed. Tadesse Birru, Mamo Mezemir, Alemu Kitessa, and others were imprisoned and killed for their humanitarian and political activities. The association was banned during the imperial regime, again under the Derg, and once more in 2011 under the EPRDF regime. It was accused of “threatening Ethiopia’s unity—an unfounded claim,” according to its current president.
Yet the organization refused to die. It survived underground, and its members continued to organize. The suppression of the Macha-Tulama Association became “an immediate reason for the birth of” a more militant organization. In 1974, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) was formed, largely from the underground cells of the Macha-Tulama Association.
A Legacy That Endures
Today, the Macha-Tulama Association—now officially known as the Mecha and Tulema Self-Help Association—continues its work. It regained its legal status in 2019. It celebrated its 60th anniversary in 2024, a testament to its resilience.
Its current president, Diribi Damuse, has outlined the association’s ongoing humanitarian efforts: supporting internally displaced people from Western Oromia, assisting those affected by drought in Borena and Guji, and providing aid to university students and Abba Gada leaders. The association, he emphasized, “has united members from diverse backgrounds, including military, students, intellectuals, and grassroots, including non-Oromo members from Wolayita, Sidama, and other ethnic groups”.
The Unfinished Struggle
The Macha-Tulama Association’s place in Oromo history is secure. It was the first organized, mass-based expression of Oromo identity in the modern era. It bridged the gap between the rural peasantry and the urban intelligentsia. It laid the groundwork for every Oromo political movement that followed.
But its story is also a warning. The association was banned not because it committed violence, but because it united a people. Its leaders were killed not for crimes, but for the crime of demanding dignity. The imperial state, and every regime that followed, understood that a united Oromo people was a threat to centralized power.
As the association continues its work—building schools, feeding the hungry, preserving culture—it carries with it the memory of those who gave their lives. Mamo Mezemir, Tadesse Birru, Alemu Kitessa, and so many others are not just names in a history book. They are the foundation upon which modern Oromo consciousness was built.
The Macha-Tulama Association was the spark. The fire it lit continues to burn.
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Sources: UNHCR Refugee Review Tribunal; Canada Immigration and Refugee Board; Addis Standard; Wikipedia; AfricaBib; Taylor & Francis; Advocacy for Oromia.
Advocacy for Oromia was established in 2010 with the purpose of enabling and empowering Oromo people by providing accurate and timely information that will help to make better choices to create the kind of future in which they wish to live.
It also provides information focus on the major issues facing us in the 21st century and it is going to try and bring a balanced approach with factual information that is positive and solution based.
The website has been in operation for the last nine years with the mission of promoting and advancing causes of Oromo people through advocacy, community education, information service, capacity building, awareness raising and promotion.
The website is also the official site of Advocacy for Oromia Association in Victoria Australia Inc., a non-profit organisation, registered under the Associations Incorporation Reform Act 2012 in Victoria as April 2014.
Our team already had considerable community development experience and expertise. Our various projects helped to develop our confidence and the capacity of our agency. Our team used every gained knowledge, skills and experiences as an opportunity to design and develop new approaches, to documenting progress, supporting positive employment outcomes, liaising with community stakeholders, and conduct evaluation.
Advocacy for Oromia is devoted to establishing Advocacy for Oromia organisation to close the gaps where we can stand for people who are disadvantaged and speaking out on their behalf in a way that represents the best interests of them. We are committed to supporting positive settlement and employment outcomes for Victoria’s Oromo community.
Advocacy for Oromia Office
Addresses:
39 Clow St,
Dandenong VIC 3175
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247-251 Flinders Lane
Melbourne VIC 3000
Activities Address
Springvale Neighbourhood House Inc
Address: 46-50 Queens Ave, Springvale VIC 3171
Postal Address:
P. O. Box 150
Noble Park, Vic 3174
With your support, we can continue to help community build a better future.
Advocacy for Oromia Mental Health Program
The aim of the program is to improving the mental health and well-being of Oromo community in Victoria. It aims to assist those experiencing, mental ill-health, their families and carers of all ages within this community to address the social determinants of mental health for Oromo community. It helps:
Identify and build protective factors,
Reduce stigma and discrimination
Build capacity for self-determination
Better understand mental wellbeing, mental ill-health and the impacts of trauma
The goal of the project is to increase mental health literacy of Oromo community that aims:
To assist people with mental health issues
To increase the capacity of mental health worker
To better understand mental wellbeing
To provide mental health education and information
To address the social and cultural causes of mental health issues
Advocacy for Oromia will organise information session, women performance, radio programs, culturally adopted conversations on Oromo Coffee Drinking ceremony, providing training for mental health guides and forum and producing educational materials on the selected groups and geographical area.
Human Rights Education Program
The Human Rights Education Program is a community based human rights program designed to develop an understanding of everyone’s common responsibility to make human rights a reality in each community.
Human rights can only be achieved through an informed and continued demand by people for their protection. Human rights education promotes values, beliefs and attitudes that encourage all individuals to uphold their own rights and those of others.
The aim of the program is to build an understanding and appreciation for human rights through learning about rights and learning through rights. We aimed at building a universal culture of human rights. Thus, we aimed:
To build an understanding and appreciation for human rights through learning about rights and learning through rights.
To build capacities and sharing good practice in the area of human rights education and training
To develop human rights education and training materials and resources
The goal of the project is to increase human rights literacy of Oromo community that aims:
To better understand human rights
To increase the capacity of human rights worker
To analyse situations in human rights terms
To provide human rights education and information
To develop solidarity
To strategize and implement appropriate responses to injustice.
The ultimate goal of education for human rights is empowerment, giving people the knowledge and skills to take control of their own lives and the decisions that affect them.
Human rights education constitutes an essential contribution to the long-term prevention of human rights abuses and represents an important investment in the endeavour to achieve a just society in which all human rights of all persons are valued and respected.
Advocacy for Oromia will organise information session, performance, radio programs, culturally adopted conversations on Oromo Coffee Drinking ceremony, providing training for Human Rights guides and forum and producing educational materials on the selected groups and geographical area.
Community Safety Program
The program aims to strengthen existing collaborations and identify opportunities for the development of partnerships aimed at community safety and crime prevention activities. This approach seeks to improve the individual and collective quality of life by addressing concerns regarding the wider physical and social environment. Importantly, community safety means addressing fear of crime and perceptions of safety as without this any actions to address the occurrence of crime and anti-social behaviour are of less value.
Advocacy for Oromia 