Category Archives: Grief Support
A Roar Across the Thames: London Oromos Stage Historic Protest Against Atrocities and Rights Abuses
(ONA, LONDON, 27 August 2026) – The drizzle over London could not dampen the fire in their hearts. On a grey but determined morning, the streets of the British capital bore witness to a powerful display of diaspora solidarity as the Oromo community in the United Kingdom took to the streets in a mass protest, raising their voices against what they termed “systematic killings and the erosion of fundamental rights” unfolding in their homeland.
Under the banner of peace but fueled by anguish, hundreds—if not thousands—of Oromo men, women, and children converged in central London today, 27 August 2026, to issue an unmistakable demand: “Stop killing Oromos on their own land and in their own homes.”
The protest, which saw participants draped in the traditional Oromo colours of red, green and red, was not merely a rally. It was a cry of the displaced, a roar of the silenced, and a plea from those who have watched helplessly from afar as their kin face what they describe as “genocide and looting” in regions including the embattled Wallaggaa zone and beyond.
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The Gathering: A Sea of Resistance
By midday, the area around the Houses of Parliament and Whitehall was transformed into a vibrant yet somber sea of flags and placards. Protesters held signs that read:
· “Stop the War in Wallaggaa!”
· “Our Land, Our Lives – Not for Sale!”
· “The Government Must Protect, Not Persecute!”
Chants of “Oromia! Oromia!” echoed off government buildings, interspersed with the rhythmic clapping and traditional ululations that have long been the hallmark of Oromo cultural resilience. But beneath the cultural pride lay a deep, gnawing grief.
“We are here because we have no choice,” said one participant, a community member who has lived in Birmingham for over two decades. “We have sent letters, we have made phone calls, we have appealed to the Ethiopian government through official channels. They have ignored us. Today, we are making the world listen.”
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The Core Demands: Justice and Accountability
The protesters were unequivocal in their message. The rally was not a political campaign for secession or regime change, but a humanitarian outcry grounded in three core demands:
1. An Immediate End to Hostilities: The community called for an urgent ceasefire in Wallaggaa and other conflict zones across Oromia, where civilians—particularly women, children, and the elderly—have borne the brunt of inter-communal violence and state-backed military operations.
2. Government Accountability: Demonstrators accused the federal government of “playing both sides”—a reference to perceived double-dealing that allows armed groups to operate with impunity while civilians suffer. “You cannot be the arbiter and the arsonist,” one placard read.
3. Protection of Civilians: The Oromo diaspora demanded that the Ethiopian government uphold its primary duty: the protection of all citizens, regardless of ethnicity or political affiliation. They also called on the international community—specifically the UN Human Rights Council—to intervene with independent investigators and tangible sanctions.
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The Wallaggaa Crisis: A Humanitarian Catastrophe
Central to the protest was the ongoing crisis in Wallaggaa, a region that has become a flashpoint for violence in recent months. Eyewitness accounts shared by diaspora members describe villages burned to the ground, families displaced without shelter, and extrajudicial killings that have left entire communities traumatised.
The protesters specifically condemned what they called “sarbamiinsa mirgaa”—the systematic violation of rights—alleging that Oromo civilians are being targeted not for their crimes, but for their identity.
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Diaspora as a Political Force
The UK Oromo community has long been recognised for its organisational capacity and civic engagement. From lobbying Members of Parliament to hosting peace conferences, they have consistently punched above their weight in advocating for their people.
But today’s demonstration was different in its scale and urgency. Social media platforms were flooded with live updates, with the hashtags #Oromia, #Wallaggaa, #UNHumanRightsCouncil, and #UNHumanRights trending across multiple time zones.
One widely shared post from the ground captured the spirit of the day:
“
UK Oromos are always ahead of the game when it comes to peaceful diaspora protests! Well done!”
Indeed, the protest was entirely peaceful—a testament to the community’s commitment to civil disobedience and moral persuasion, even as they spoke of the violence afflicting their homeland.
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The Broader Context: A Region in Turmoil
The Oromo protests in London do not exist in a vacuum. They come at a time when the Horn of Africa is grappling with complex security challenges, from ethnic conflicts to climate-induced displacement. The Oromo, as the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, have historically been at the centre of the country’s political struggles, often facing marginalisation despite their demographic weight.
The protesters argued that the international community, particularly the UN Human Rights Council, has been too slow to act. “We have seen reports. We have seen the joint investigations. But where are the consequences?” asked another participant, a student who joined the protest. “The government must feel the weight of international law. Words are cheap; action is expensive, but it is necessary.”
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A Message to the Government and the World
The community demanded and called for:
· An independent, UN-supervised inquiry into human rights violations in Oromia.
· Unrestricted humanitarian access to affected regions.
· A clear timeline for the withdrawal of non-regular armed forces from civilian areas.
“We are not enemies of the state. We are citizens who love our country, but we cannot love a country that does not love us back,” one of the elders declared, his voice breaking.
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Looking Ahead: Vigilance and Hope
As the protesters dispersed, the mood was one of grim resolve. Many pledged to continue their advocacy—through legal channels, media campaigns, and diplomatic pressure—until justice is served.
For now, the streets of London have fallen silent. But the echoes of the chants remain, a reminder that the Oromo diaspora refuses to be a passive spectator to the suffering of its people.
The question that lingers—over the Thames and across the Atlantic, from Wallaggaa to Whitehall—is simple yet profound:
How many more lives must be lost before the world acts?
Reporting from London, UK.
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© ONA, 2026 – All Rights Reserved.
A Life Measured by Service: Remembering Dr. Ephraim Mamo
In an age that measures success by wealth and status, one man’s legacy is defined by humility, sacrifice, and the quiet act of giving.
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The two benches sit unassuming in a modest home in Dambii Dolloo. They are rough-hewn, practical, and utterly unremarkable to the casual observer. But to the family of Dr. Ephraim Mamo, these simple wooden planks—placed together to form a bed in his parents’ home—tell the story of a man who measured his worth not in possessions, but in people.
On August 25, 2026, as the world continues its relentless spin, those who knew Dr. Ephraim gather in memory of a life that touched countless others. His daughter, Metahara Ephraim Mamo, speaking on behalf of the family, offered a reflection that transcends grief, celebrating instead a life of profound purpose and quiet dignity.
A Man of Principle in a World of Pretense
Dr. Ephraim Mamo was many things to many people. To his family, he was a pillar of strength and a wellspring of love. To his students and colleagues at Haramaya University, he was a mentor, a scientist, and a friend. To his community, he was a humble servant whose compassion knew no bounds.
Those who knew him best recall a man who never sought the spotlight. He achieved significant professional success as a scientist and academic, yet he never allowed accolades to inflate his ego. His greatest joy came not from publications or promotions, but from the quiet satisfaction of helping others—even when it required personal sacrifice.
The simplicity of his life serves as a powerful counter-narrative to a world obsessed with accumulation. In a society where status is often measured by material wealth, Dr. Ephraim chose a different path. He valued service over comfort, principles over profit, and relationships over riches.
A Legacy of Generosity
“His greatest joy came from helping others and giving, even when it required personal sacrifice,” Metahara reflects. This generosity was not performative; it was woven into the fabric of his daily existence. Whether mentoring a struggling student, offering counsel to a colleague, or extending kindness to a stranger, Dr. Ephraim embodied the belief that true success lies in what we give away.
His colleagues and friends at Haramaya University remember a man who was always approachable, always willing to listen, and always ready to extend a helping hand. In a world that often rewards ambition at the expense of humanity, Dr. Ephraim remained steadfast in his commitment to compassion.
The Global Embrace of Grief and Gratitude
The outpouring of love following Dr. Ephraim’s passing speaks volumes about the life he lived. Relatives, friends, colleagues, and neighbors—both near and far—rallied around the family with prayers, messages, and condolences. Haramaya University’s staff and colleagues stood in solidarity, honoring a man who had given so much to their institution.
Metahara expressed profound gratitude to Abdi Mekonen and Meti Midekssaa, whose kindness and support during this difficult time exemplified the community spirit that Dr. Ephraim himself cultivated. Special acknowledgment was also extended to those who traveled great distances to be present, and to those who, though physically absent, reached out through social media, phone calls, and messages.
“Though you were not here physically, we felt your love and support,” Metahara writes, capturing the profound truth that grief, when shared, transforms into something bearable—even beautiful.
Faith as Foundation
At the heart of Dr. Ephraim’s life was an unshakeable faith. Metahara begins her reflection with gratitude to her Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ, who she says “was gracious and faithful to our father throughout his life.” This spiritual grounding anchored Dr. Ephraim through life’s triumphs and trials, shaping his character and informing his values.
In times of sorrow, faith offers not easy answers, but a sustaining presence. It reminds mourners that life is more than its final chapter, and that love outlasts the grave.
A Life That Endures
Though the family’s hearts are heavy, they find solace in gratitude. They thank God for the privilege of knowing and loving their father, and they extend their deepest appreciation to everyone who stood with them in their time of grief.
Dr. Ephraim Mamo’s life is a testament to the enduring power of humility, generosity, and service. In a world hungry for heroes, perhaps the most heroic act is to live quietly, love deeply, and leave the world better than you found it.
As the two benches in Dambii Dolloo remain, they are no longer just pieces of furniture. They are sacred relics—reminders that a man once slept there, dreaming not of gold or glory, but of a world made kinder by his presence.
And in that, Dr. Ephraim Mamo found his eternal success.
Slaughter in the Shadows: The Unfolding Horror in East Wollega
As the world looks elsewhere, Ethiopian civilians are being burned alive, and a desperate plea for help rises from the ashes.
In the quiet villages of Ethiopia’s Oromia region, a summer of horror is drawing to a close. While global attention remains fixed on other crises, the International Oromo Women’s Organization (IOWO) has released a desperate appeal documenting an escalating campaign of violence that has turned the East Wollega Zone into a graveyard of professional promise and a testament to human cruelty .
The reports paint a picture of systematic terror allegedly perpetrated by Amhara Fano armed groups. Beginning in July and intensifying throughout August 2026, the violence has centered on the Gida Ayana Woreda—including the communities of Andode Dichoo, Angar Gute, and Tullu Lenca—as well as Kiramu and Horro Guduru. The testimonies describe not merely a conflict, but a targeted attempt to dismantle the very fabric of civilian life.
A Targeting of Hope
What distinguishes these atrocities is the chilling precision of the attacks. Among the dead are not just anonymous civilians, but the very pillars of the community. On August 19, the violence claimed Mr. Lamessa Mangistu, the branch manager of Awash Bank in Gida Ayana, and Mr. Mamush Maru, a banker at the Oromia Cooperative Bank. Their crime? Providing essential financial services to their community .
In Angar Gute, armed men reportedly burned Sister Liktu Amanu, a midwifery and nursing professional, while she was carrying out emergency duties. Just days earlier, 65-year-old Amanu Hirpha Bidu was reportedly burned alive inside an active ambulance during a patient transfer—a blatant violation of the fundamental protections afforded to medical transport under international humanitarian law . The attack on Mr. Olika Sagni, a local teacher, represents another devastating blow, stripping the community of its educators and the promise of future generations.
“We as mothers and sisters, cannot stand the endless brutal actions against civilian human beings,” writes Dinknesh D. Kitila, IOWO’s Board Director, in the appeal . Their plea is directed at the UN Security Council, the Human Rights Council, the U.S. Secretary of State, the EU, and governments worldwide: act before more innocent lives are extinguished.
Scorched Earth and Silence
The destruction is not limited to lives. The IOWO report details widespread arson targeting public offices, private homes, and transport vehicles, displacing families and paralyzing local economies. The group has released harrowing images of vehicles and property consumed by flames, emphasizing that the campaign is as much about erasing community infrastructure as it is about inflicting casualties. The targeted destruction of the Angar Gute area, including a special attack on Tullu Lenca, points to an attempt to force a demographic change or to punish communities for their identity .
This violence is part of a broader pattern of instability in Ethiopia. Travel advisories from various embassies currently designate East Wollega as a “red” or “extremely high-risk” area, warning citizens to avoid the region due to the presence of armed groups and the risk of attacks on civilians . The international community, while aware, has often been slow to act as the crisis deepens.
The World’s Response
The IOWO appeal calls for two immediate actions: emergency civilian protection for vulnerable populations in the affected woredas, and accountability for the perpetrators of these unlawful killings.
As the appeal letter was signed on August 24, the silence from the international community remains deafening. The documented cases of targeted killings of professionals, the use of ambulances as instruments of death, and the burning of entire communities demand more than a passing glance.
The mothers and sisters of East Wollega are not asking for charity; they are demanding the basic right to live. The charred remains of a midwife’s ambulance and the empty desks of murdered teachers are a stain on the conscience of humanity, a stark reminder that the cost of inaction is always counted in lives.
The World Looks Away: Western Oromia’s Cry for Justice
As violence escalates in Western Oromia, a leading advocacy group warns that silence is complicity and calls for urgent international intervention.
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Melbourne – August 22, 2026 – The Advocacy for Oromia (A4O) has issued a stark warning that the escalating violence against civilians in Western Oromia (Wallagga) has reached an alarming level, demanding immediate action to protect vulnerable communities. In a powerful statement released today, the organization condemned the intensifying attacks that have reportedly displaced families, claimed lives, and created a pervasive climate of fear across the region.
The violence, concentrated in the Giddaa Ayyaanaa and Angar Guutee areas, has targeted civilians in their homes and while traveling, according to local accounts. Families are being forcibly displaced, their lives upended by a campaign of terror that shows no sign of abating.
A Crisis of Complicity
While many attacks have been attributed to the Fano armed group, A4O has expressed grave concern over allegations implicating state actors. The organization has accused the Ethiopian government of failing to adequately protect affected communities, a failure that demands independent and transparent investigations.
“Western Oromia is a region of profound political and social significance, and this continued violence threatens not only the immediate security of residents but also the broader stability of the region,” an A4O spokesperson stated. “The resulting displacement and destruction have severe humanitarian consequences that require an urgent global response.”
The government’s apparent inaction raises difficult questions about accountability and the protection of civilians. A4O insists that these serious allegations necessitate thorough investigations to establish facts, ensure accountability, and bring perpetrators of abuses to justice.
A Call to Break the Silence
In response to the unfolding crisis, A4O has issued a Call to Action, urging community members, advocates, civil society organizations, faith leaders, youth, women, and the diaspora to break their silence. The organization insists that “silence is not an option” in the face of such suffering.
The call outlines several key priorities:
· Strengthened advocacy and documentation of human rights violations to ensure that the world bears witness to the atrocities.
· Immediate humanitarian assistance for displaced families, whose basic needs remain unmet.
· Local, national, and international awareness campaigns to shine a spotlight on the crisis.
· Unity and collective action to amplify victims’ voices and advance justice.
A4O is also calling on international institutions, humanitarian organizations, and global human rights bodies to closely monitor the situation in Western Oromia and take concrete steps to prevent further atrocities.
The Cost of Inaction
The human toll of the violence is immeasurable. Families torn apart, communities shattered, and lives cut short—all while the international community remains largely silent. The displacement and destruction have severe humanitarian consequences, yet the global response has been insufficient.
A4O’s statement is a desperate plea to the world: “We must not remain silent. The lives, dignity, and security of innocent civilians depend on immediate attention and action. We stand in solidarity with all victims of violence and their families and demand lasting peace, justice, and respect for human rights in the region.”
A Call to Remember
As the violence continues to escalate, the world faces a choice: to act or to look away. A4O’s message is clear—silence is complicity, and inaction is a choice to abandon innocent lives.
The organization’s commitment to amplifying the voices of the Oromo people and advocating for peaceful solutions is a reminder that even in the darkest times, hope persists. But hope alone is not enough. It requires action, solidarity, and a collective demand for justice.
The people of Western Oromia are not merely statistics; they are mothers, fathers, children, and communities whose lives hang in the balance. Their cries for help must not go unanswered.
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For more information, contact Advocacy for Oromia (A4O), a civil society organization dedicated to promoting human rights, justice, and democratic governance for the people of Oromia.
#UNHumanRightsCouncil#Oromia#Wallagga#Justice#HumanRights
We Must Not Remain Silent: The Unfolding Horror in Western Oromia
As violence escalates and thousands are displaced, the Oromo Sisterhood Institute issues a desperate plea: silence is complicity, and action cannot wait.
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In the quiet villages of Western Oromia, a crisis of staggering proportions has been unfolding for years. But in recent weeks, the violence has reached a terrifying crescendo. The Oromo Sisterhood Institute (OSI) has issued an urgent condemnation of the escalating attacks against civilians in the Wallagga region—a humanitarian catastrophe that has displaced thousands, claimed countless lives, and left communities living in a state of paralyzing fear.
The areas of Giddaa Ayyaanaa and Angar Guutee have borne the brunt of the violence. According to local reports, families have been forced to flee their homes, leaving behind everything they have ever known. Civilians have reportedly been killed while simply traveling, while others have been murdered in their own homes—a brutal reminder that no place is safe.
The Oromo Sisterhood Institute, a leading voice for women’s rights and community protection, is sounding the alarm: the international community cannot afford to look away.
A Crisis of Accountability
While many attacks have been attributed to the Fano armed group, serious concerns have also been raised regarding the role of state actors and the Ethiopian government’s failure to adequately protect affected communities. The government’s apparent inaction raises deeply troubling questions about the protection of civilians and the rule of law.
OSI insists that these serious allegations warrant independent investigations to establish the facts, ensure accountability, and bring those responsible for abuses against civilians to justice.
“Western Oromia is widely recognized as an area of significant political and social importance,” the Institute states. “The continued violence threatens not only the security and well-being of local residents but also the stability of the broader region.”
The ongoing displacement of civilians and destruction of communities have both immediate and long-term humanitarian consequences. Families are being torn apart, children are being denied their futures, and an entire region is being pushed to the brink.
A Call to Action: Silence Is Not an Option
In the face of such unimaginable suffering, the Oromo Sisterhood Institute is issuing a powerful call to action. The message is clear and uncompromising: silence is not an option.
“We urge community members, advocates, civil society organizations, faith leaders, youth, women, and members of the diaspora to stand up for civilian protection, speak out against human rights violations, and support affected families and communities.”
The Institute is calling for:
· Strengthened advocacy and documentation of human rights violations through credible channels.
· Immediate humanitarian assistance for displaced families, whose basic needs remain unmet.
· Local, national, and international awareness campaigns to shine a spotlight on this unfolding tragedy.
· Unity and collective action to amplify the voices of victims, advance accountability, and contribute to the pursuit of justice and lasting peace.
Every Community Deserves Safety
The Oromo Sisterhood Institute’s message is rooted in a fundamental belief: every community has the right to live in safety, dignity, and freedom from violence. This is not a partisan issue; it is a human issue.
The Institute is calling upon international institutions, humanitarian organizations, and global human rights bodies to closely monitor the situation in Western Oromia and take meaningful action to ensure the protection of civilians and the prevention of further atrocities.
“We stand in solidarity with all victims of violence and their families,” OSI declares. “We call for an immediate end to attacks against civilians, independent and transparent investigations into reported abuses, humanitarian assistance for affected communities, and concrete measures to ensure lasting peace, justice, accountability, and respect for human rights in the region.”
The Cost of Inaction
As the violence continues to escalate, the world faces a choice: to act or to remain silent. The Oromo Sisterhood Institute has made its position unequivocally clear.
“We must not remain silent,” the statement concludes. “The lives, dignity, and security of innocent civilians depend on immediate attention and action.”
The people of Western Oromia are not just statistics; they are mothers, fathers, children, and communities whose lives hang in the balance. Their cries for help must not go unanswered. The time for action is now—before more lives are lost, more families are displaced, and more communities are destroyed.
The Oromo Sisterhood Institute calls upon the international community, human rights organizations, policymakers, and members of the diaspora to recognize the seriousness of the situation and to support efforts aimed at protecting civilians, preventing further displacement, and promoting accountability for human rights violations.
The world must not remain silent. The time to act is now.
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The Oromo Sisterhood Institute (OSI) is a civil society organization dedicated to promoting the rights, dignity, and well-being of Oromo women and communities. Through advocacy, awareness, and collective action, OSI works to amplify the voices of the marginalized and advance justice and lasting peace.
#UNHumanRightsCouncil#Oromia#Wallagga#Justice#HumanRights
The Price of Silence: A Reflection on Inaction and the Tragedy of Our People
We Knew This Was Coming — Yet We Chose to Stay Silent
By Koste Abdiisaa
If we had shown even 1% of the outrage we have expressed over the past two days three, four, or five years ago—when Fano killed hundreds of innocent Oromos in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and elsewhere—perhaps these killings would not have happened.
We knew this was coming. The signs were everywhere. The warnings were clear. Yet we chose to remain silent. We chose to look away. We chose to believe that the storm would pass us by.
But storms do not pass by those who refuse to prepare. They break over them.
The Warning Signs We Ignored
For years, the enemies of the Oromo people have been methodically preparing for this moment. While we argued among ourselves, they were opening training camps in our backyard. While we engaged in name-calling and petty divisions, they were building security structures and training hundreds of people to carry out their plans.
We saw it happening. We heard the reports. We knew that innocent farmers—our farmers—were being killed in Kiramu, Hagamsa, Amuru, Alibo, Jardega-Jartee, and countless other places. And what did we do?
We expressed outrage on social media. We posted our anger, shared our grief, and then went back to business as usual.
Our collective inaction allowed this to continue. Our silence gave them permission to proceed. Our failure to act was an invitation for more violence.
The Consequences of Inaction
This is not about hindsight. This is about foresight—and our failure to use it. We cannot pretend that these killings were unexpected. We knew what was coming. We had every warning. But we failed to act.
And now, the consequences are here.
The killing of our innocent farmers is not just a tragedy—it is a judgment on our collective failure to protect our own. It is the result of years of political naivety, misplaced priorities, and a refusal to confront the reality of the threat we faced.
We were good at crying after the fact. We were good at expressing outrage on social media after tragedies happened. But we were very poor at recognizing threats early on, listening to those who recognized them, and preparing ourselves to face them.
The Deeper Outrage
Like many of you, I am outraged by the killing of our innocent farmers. But I am even more outraged by our inaction—our lack of political awareness, our failure to recognize and respond to such cruelty for so long.
What is even more troubling is that some of our so-called political entities—those who claim to speak for us—continue to seek alignment with those responsible. They act as if there is still some humanity left in them to appeal to. They still hope for dialogue with those who have shown, time and again, that they have no interest in peace, only in domination.
This is not leadership. This is delusion.
And we, as a people, have allowed it. We have allowed ourselves to be led by those who refuse to see the enemy for what they are. We have allowed ourselves to be distracted by petty divisions while our people are being slaughtered.
The Beginning, Not the End
Let us not pretend that this is the end. This is the beginning. The attacks will continue. The killings will escalate. And if we do not act now—with unity, determination, and clarity—the tragedies we see today will seem small compared to what is coming.
I fear that we may still fail to act in a timely manner. I fear that we will continue to cry and express outrage for a week, and then return to normal life. I fear that we will continue to do what we seem to be good at: mourning after the fact, but never preparing for what lies ahead.
A Call to Look Within
If this senseless killing of our people does not make us angry enough to question our collective inaction, then perhaps we need to look within ourselves and ask: What kind of society have we become?
Have we become a people who only react after the damage is done? Have we become a people who prioritize social media outrage over real action? Have we become a people who are more concerned with who is right than with what is right?
We must ask ourselves these questions. And we must answer them honestly.
The Path Forward
We cannot change the past. The blood that has been spilled cannot be unspilled. But we can change the future. We can act now—today—to ensure that these tragedies do not continue.
This requires several things:
- Unity: We must put aside our petty divisions and unite as a people. Our enemies are united; we must be even more united.
- Awareness: We must wake up to the reality of the threat we face. We must recognize the signs and act before it is too late.
- Action: We must support those who are willing to sacrifice and risk their lives to defend our people. We must build the structures and institutions necessary to protect ourselves.
- Accountability: We must hold our political entities accountable. We must demand that they prioritize the defense of our people over their own political ambitions.
- Resilience: We must be prepared for the long fight ahead. This is not a battle that will be won in a day. It requires patience, courage, and an unwavering commitment to our people.
Conclusion: Enough Is Enough
The killing of our innocent farmers is a crime against humanity. But our collective inaction is a crime against ourselves.
We cannot afford to continue down this path. We cannot afford to remain silent while our people are being slaughtered. We cannot afford to wait until the next tragedy to express our outrage.
Enough is enough.
Let us honor the memory of those who have been killed by resolving to act—not just with words, but with deeds. Let us build a future where our people are safe, our land is protected, and our dignity is restored.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Nagaan haa jabaatu!
This reflection is dedicated to the innocent Oromo farmers who have lost their lives, and to all those who are determined to build a future of peace, justice, and security for our people.
Legal Foundations of Finfinne’s Special Status: A Review of Federal and Regional Laws
Examining the Constitutional and Statutory Provisions Recognizing Oromia’s Special Interest in the Capital
By Dhabessa Wakjira
(Melbourne-11 August 2026) The question of Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is not merely a matter of political debate or historical narrative. It is also a matter of law. Over the past four decades, a series of federal and regional legal instruments have recognized and codified the unique relationship between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital.
From the transitional period following the fall of the Derg to the present day, Ethiopian law has acknowledged that Finfinne, by virtue of its location within the State of Oromia, gives rise to a “special interest” for Oromia—an interest that encompasses social services, natural resources, and joint administrative matters . This legal framework, while contested in its implementation, provides a constitutional foundation for the Oromo people’s claim to their historical capital.
Federal Legal Instruments: The Constitutional and Statutory Framework
A. Proclamation No. 7/1984: Establishing National Regional Self-Governments
The legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne predates the 1995 Constitution. In the transitional period following the fall of the Derg regime, the Transitional Government of Ethiopia enacted Proclamation No. 7/1984 to establish National Regional Self-Governments.
Article 3(1) of this proclamation identified the Oromo people as one of the nations, nationalities, and peoples entitled to establish a regional self-government, designated as “Region 4.” Critically, Article 3(4) of the proclamation stated that the “special national interests and political rights of Oromo” over Harari (Region 13) and Addis Ababa (Region 14) would be protected .
This provision represented the first formal legal acknowledgment of Oromia’s special claim over the capital following the collapse of the unitary state. It recognized that the city’s location within Oromia created a unique relationship that could not be ignored, even as the city was designated as a separate administrative entity.
B. The FDRE Constitution, Article 49(5): The Constitutional Recognition
The most significant legal recognition of Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is enshrined in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Constitution, adopted in 1995.
Article 49(5) states:
“The special interest of the State of Oromia in Addis Ababa, regarding the provision of social services or the utilization of natural resources and other similar matters, as well as joint administrative matters arising from the location of Addis Ababa within the State of Oromia, shall be respected. Particulars shall be determined by law.”
This provision was the product of extensive debate during the Constitutional Assembly. The legislative history reveals that the Oromo representatives argued for the inclusion of this clause on several grounds:
- Geographical reality: Finfinne is located within the State of Oromia.
- Historical connection: The city was established on Oromo land and is the heart of Oromia.
- Practical necessity: The city’s expansion affects surrounding Oromo farming communities.
- Constitutional identity: The city serves as Oromia’s capital and is deeply connected to Oromo identity .
The clause was approved with 507 votes in favour and only 6 against, demonstrating broad consensus on the principle of Oromia’s special interest.
C. Addis Ababa City Administration Charter Proclamation No. 87/1989
The first charter for the Addis Ababa City Administration, Proclamation No. 87/1989, provided detailed provisions on the relationship between the city and Oromia.
Article 33 of this proclamation established four key elements of Oromia’s special interest:
- Boundary Determination: The city’s boundary shall be delimited jointly by the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government.
- Seat of Government: The Oromia Regional Government has the right to establish its seat in Addis Ababa.
- Access to Services: Social services provided by the City Administration to Addis Ababa residents shall also be accessible to residents of neighbouring Oromia communities, who shall be entitled to benefit from those services on an equal footing.
- Consultation on Development: The City Administration shall undertake development activities affecting Oromia only in consultation and agreement with the Oromia Regional Government.
This charter represented a significant legal acknowledgment of the practical interdependence between the city and its surrounding region .
D. Amended City Charter Proclamation No. 311/1995 and No. 361/1995
Subsequent amendments to the City Charter, including Proclamation No. 311/1995 and Proclamation No. 361/1995, modified the framework for the relationship between the city and Oromia.
Article 62 of these proclamations, concerning the relationship between the City Administration and the Oromia Regional Government, provided that:
- The City Administration shall maintain a relationship based on fruitful cooperation with Oromia.
- In accordance with Article 49(5) of the Constitution, Oromia’s interest shall be respected. The particulars shall be determined by agreement between the City Administration and the Regional Government or by a law enacted by the House of Peoples’ Representatives.
Article 5 of these proclamations, concerning the city’s boundaries, departed from the earlier charter. It provided that the boundary shall be delimited by agreement between the City Administration and Oromia or pursuant to the decision of the Federal Government—a provision that allowed for federal determination of boundaries without necessarily requiring the consent of the Oromia Regional Government .
This shift represented a legal narrowing of Oromia’s special interest compared to the 1989 charter, a development that has been a source of ongoing tension.
Regional Legal Instruments: The Oromia Constitutional Framework
A. The Oromia Transitional Constitution (1984)
The first constitution of the Oromia National Regional State, enacted in 1984 through Proclamation No. 2/1985, established the fundamental identity of the region.
This historic document, adopted by the newly established Oromia Council following popular elections, declared:
- Article 55: The name of the region shall be Oromia.
- Article 57: The working language of the region shall be Afaan Oromoo, written in the Latin script.
- Article 58: The capital city of the region shall be Finfinne.
This constitution represented the first formal assertion of Oromo self-governance and affirmed Finfinne as the heart of Oromia.
B. The Oromia Constitution (1987)
The second Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 1/1987, reaffirmed the region’s identity and capital following the transition to a civilian government.
Article 6 of this constitution confirmed that Finfinne is the capital city of the Oromia Regional State, maintaining the continuity of the region’s constitutional identity.
C. The Amended Oromia Constitution (1994) and Proclamation No. 94/1997
The third Oromia Constitution, enacted through Proclamation No. 46/1994 following the political reforms of 1993, introduced a significant change: Article 6 declared that the capital of Oromia would be Adama.
This change was made following Proclamation No. 35/1992, which had designated Adama as Oromia’s capital effective July 1992. However, this decision was met with widespread public opposition and protest.
Following the 1997 elections, the Oromia Regional Government, responding to popular demand, returned its seat to Finfinne without preconditions. Subsequently, Proclamation No. 94/1997, adopted by the Oromia Council, amended the constitution to restore Finfinne as the capital of Oromia.
Article 2(3) of this proclamation formally declared that the capital of Oromia shall be Finfinne, reversing the 1994 amendment. This decision reflected the deep historical and cultural connection between the Oromo people and their ancestral capital .
The Ongoing Debate: Implementation and Contestation
While the legal framework recognizing Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne is well-established, its implementation has been a source of persistent tension.
The Special Interest Council
The draft proclamation on Oromia’s special interest in Addis Ababa contemplates the establishment of a Joint Council composed of delegates from both the City Government and Oromia Regional State . However, legal experts have noted shortcomings in the draft, including the postponement of determining key details such as the number of members, structure, mandates, and tenure—matters that should be clearly defined in the establishing legislation .
The 2014 Master Plan Controversy
The 2014 Addis Ababa Integrated Development Master Plan, which proposed expanding the city’s boundaries by 1.1 million hectares into surrounding Oromia districts, ignited widespread protests and led to hundreds of deaths. Critics argued that the plan was centrally imposed without prior consultation or participation of the Oromia Regional Government, in violation of constitutional principles .
The Failure to Fully Implement Article 49(5)
Legal commentators have noted that the concept of “special interest” was intended to imply a form of ownership and the immunity of the Oromo people from eviction from the city . However, successive federal governments have been accused of failing to implement the constitutional provision meaningfully, instead pursuing policies that marginalize Oromo communities in and around the capital .
Conclusion: A Legal Framework Awaiting Implementation
The legal instruments examined in this article reveal a consistent pattern: from the transitional period to the present day, Ethiopian law has recognized Oromia’s special interest in Finfinne. The FDRE Constitution, the City Charters, and the Oromia Constitutions all acknowledge the unique relationship between the city and the region that surrounds it.
However, legal recognition alone is insufficient. The gap between the law on paper and its implementation in practice has been a source of ongoing tension and conflict. The failure to fully implement Article 49(5), the controversies over boundary expansions, and the inadequate representation of Oromo interests in the governance of the capital have all contributed to the perception that Oromia’s constitutional rights are being violated.
The path forward lies in the genuine implementation of the constitutional and legal framework—through joint administrative mechanisms, meaningful consultation, and the protection of Oromo communities affected by the city’s expansion. As one legal commentator has noted: “The concept of special interest entered the Ethiopian legal lexicon to ensure that the Oromo people, whose land was taken to establish the capital, would not be excluded from the benefits of the city’s existence” . Fulfilling this vision requires not only legal recognition but also political will.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Seerri haa raawwatamu!
This feature article is based on a review of federal and regional legal instruments and is dedicated to all those who seek the full implementation of Oromia’s constitutional rights in Finfinne.
For the Cause of Finfinne: Entering Finfinne Itself Is Better Than Entering the Forest
A Reflection on Strategy, Presence, and the Path Forward for Oromo Liberation
By Dhabessa Wakjira
In the long and arduous struggle for Oromo liberation, the question of strategy has always been central. For decades, the Oromo people have employed various methods of resistance—armed struggle in the forests, political advocacy in the diaspora, and mass protests in the streets. Each has its place and its purpose. But there is a principle that deserves careful consideration:
“Dhimma Finfinneetiif bosona seenuu caalaa Finfinneedhuma seenuutu karaa filatamaadha.”
“For the cause of Finfinne, entering Finfinne itself is better than entering the forest.”
This is not a dismissal of armed struggle or the sacrifices made by those who have fought in the forests. It is a strategic reflection on the nature of the struggle for Finfinne and the most effective means of achieving justice for the Oromo people’s ancestral capital.
The Significance of Finfinne
Finfinne—the city known internationally as Addis Ababa—is not just any city. It is the historical and spiritual heart of the Oromo people. It is the place where the Oromo people lived for generations before the expansion of the Ethiopian Empire. It is the site of their cultural heritage, the cradle of their language, and the symbol of their historical presence in the region.
For the Oromo people, Finfinne is not a bargaining chip. It is not a political football to be kicked around by competing interests. It is their ancestral homeland, and their connection to it is inseparable from their identity.
The struggle for Finfinne is therefore not just a political struggle—it is a struggle for the very soul of the Oromo nation. It is a struggle for recognition, for justice, and for the restoration of a people’s connection to their land.
The Forest and the City: Two Strategies
Historically, the Oromo liberation movement has employed two primary strategies: armed struggle in the forests and political organizing in the cities. Both have their strengths and limitations.
The Forest Strategy
Armed struggle has been a vital part of the Oromo resistance. The Oromo Liberation Army (WBO) has fought bravely against successive Ethiopian regimes, and their sacrifices have inspired generations. The forest has been a sanctuary for those who could not operate openly, a place where resistance could be sustained even in the darkest times.
However, the forest strategy has limitations. It is physically demanding, resource-intensive, and often results in heavy casualties. It can also be geographically remote from the centers of political power, limiting its direct impact on urban populations and decision-makers.
The City Strategy
The city strategy—entering Finfinne itself—offers a different approach. It recognizes that the struggle for Finfinne cannot be won solely in the forests. It must be waged in the city itself, among its residents, in its institutions, and in its political life.
Entering Finfinne means:
- Building a presence in the city’s political and civic institutions
- Organizing communities within the city
- Advocating for Oromo rights in the urban space
- Challenging the narrative that denies Oromo history
- Demanding recognition of Finfinne’s Oromo heritage
- Participating in governance to shape the city’s future
This strategy recognizes that Finfinne is not just a piece of land to be claimed from the outside—it is a living city with millions of residents, a complex political landscape, and a role as Ethiopia’s capital. Engaging with the city directly is essential for achieving justice.
Why Entering Finfinne Matters
1. Presence Is Power
In politics, presence is power. If the Oromo people are absent from Finfinne’s political and civic life, their voice will not be heard. Entering Finfinne means being present where decisions are made, where policies are shaped, and where the future of the city is determined.
2. The City Is the Symbol
Finfinne is not just a city—it is a symbol. It is the symbol of Oromo dispossession and the symbol of Oromo resistance. To enter Finfinne is to reclaim that symbol. It is to assert that the Oromo people have a rightful place in their ancestral capital.
3. The City Is the Center of Power
Finfinne is the seat of the Ethiopian government, the African Union, and numerous diplomatic missions. It is the center of political and economic power in Ethiopia. To influence the future of Finfinne, the Oromo people must be present at the center of that power.
4. The City Is a Space for Organizing
Finfinne is home to millions of people, including a significant Oromo population. It is a space for organizing, for building alliances, and for creating a movement that can effect change from within. By entering Finfinne, the Oromo people can build a movement that is rooted in the city itself.
5. The City Is the Future
The future of Finfinne will be shaped by those who are present in the city. If the Oromo people are absent, others will shape that future. Entering Finfinne ensures that the Oromo people have a say in what that future looks like.
The Path Forward
The principle that “entering Finfinne is better than entering the forest” is not a rejection of armed struggle. It is a call to recognize that the struggle for Finfinne must be waged on multiple fronts. It must include:
- Political organizing in the city
- Advocacy for Oromo rights in national and international forums
- Legal action to challenge unjust policies
- Cultural preservation to maintain Oromo heritage in the city
- Economic empowerment to build Oromo prosperity
- Public awareness to educate residents about Finfinne’s history
- Participation in governance to shape the city’s future
This multi-front approach recognizes that the struggle for Finfinne is not just about the past—it is about the present and the future. It is about ensuring that the Oromo people have a rightful place in their ancestral capital and that the city reflects the diversity and history of the Oromo nation.
A Call to Action
The time has come for the Oromo people to enter Finfinne—not as visitors, but as participants. Not as outsiders, but as rightful inhabitants. Not as supplicants, but as citizens with equal rights.
Entering Finfinne means:
- Registering to vote in the city’s elections
- Participating in civic organizations that shape the city’s life
- Advocating for Oromo rights in the city’s institutions
- Building businesses that create jobs and prosperity
- Educating residents about Finfinne’s Oromo history
- Demanding recognition of Oromo heritage in the city’s public spaces
This is not an easy path. It requires patience, persistence, and courage. But it is a path that offers a real chance for lasting change.
Conclusion: A New Chapter in the Struggle
The Oromo people have fought for Finfinne for generations. They have sacrificed their lives, their freedom, and their dreams. They have entered the forests, faced the guns, and endured the prisons. But the struggle is not over.
“Dhimma Finfinneetiif bosona seenuu caalaa Finfinneedhuma seenuutu karaa filatamaadha.”
“For the cause of Finfinne, entering Finfinne itself is better than entering the forest.”
This is a call to a new chapter in the struggle—a chapter of presence, participation, and engagement. A chapter where the Oromo people enter the city they love and claim their rightful place in it.
Let us enter Finfinne. Let us build a future where the Oromo people are recognized, respected, and empowered in their ancestral capital. Let us create a city that reflects the beauty, diversity, and resilience of the Oromo nation.
Finfinne is Oromo.
Entering Finfinne is the path forward.
The struggle continues.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Finfinne haa jabaattu!
Finfinnee haa seennu!
This feature article is dedicated to all those who have fought for Finfinne and to those who will continue the struggle in the city itself—the heart of the Oromo nation.
Passing the Torch with Honour: A Night of Unity and Generational Strength at Guyyaa Yuubota 2026 in Minnesota
Oromo Elders and Youth Come Together to Celebrate a Legacy of Resilience and Hope in St. Paul
By Maatii Sabaa
(St. Paul, Minnesota — 11August 2026)-In a powerful display of intergenerational unity and cultural pride, the Oromo community in Minnesota came together for Guyyaa Yuubota 2026, a celebration that was more than just an event—it was a profound ceremony of respect, remembrance, and the sacred passing of the torch from one generation to the next.
The event, held in the heart of “Little Oromia,” saw Oromo elders, leaders, and youth gather side by side, reinforcing the unbroken chain of identity and struggle that defines the Oromo people. It was an evening where the wisdom of the past met the energy of the future, and where the torch of liberation was passed respectfully, deliberately, and with immense pride.
A Ceremony of Blessings and Song
The proceedings at Guyyaa Yuubota opened in accordance with ancient Oromo tradition, with the solemn recitation of the Eebba Manguddoo—the Great Blessing—and the singing of the Faaruu Alaabaa, the Oromo national anthem. These rituals, which call upon Waaqa (God) for peace, prosperity, and success, served as a spiritual foundation for the work that followed.
The atmosphere was one of reverence and unity. Oromo oral literature, encompassing forms such as eebba (blessings) and faaruu (songs of praise), has sustained the community across generations, and on this night, it was on full display.
Passing the Torch: The Role of Elders and Youth
The central theme of the evening was the respectful transfer of responsibility and knowledge from the elders to the youth. The elders, who witnessed the early days of the struggle, sat alongside youth who were born in the diaspora, forging an intergenerational bond that strengthens the community’s resilience.
This tradition is a cornerstone of Oromo culture. The elders are the custodians of history, the guardians of the Gadaa principles, and the living memory of the struggle for liberation. By passing the torch to the youth, they ensure that the flame of Oromummaa (Oromo identity) continues to burn brightly.
As one community leader observed, the Oromo carry their ancient Gadaa principles with them into the future, no matter where they are in the world. This occasion was a testament to that enduring spirit—a reminder that the Oromo identity is not just about remembering the past, but about actively engaging with the present and building for the future.
The Significance of Minnesota’s “Little Oromia”
The choice of Minnesota for such a significant gathering is deeply meaningful. Over the past three decades, Minnesota has earned the affectionate title of “Little Oromia” for hosting one of the largest Oromo populations outside of East Africa. The state has become a sanctuary and a springboard for Oromo activism, where culture thrives through language, music, faith, and political organization.
The Oromo community centers in the Twin Cities have become hubs for organizing and celebration, making them the ideal setting for an event that bridges generations and honors the past while looking toward the future.
Looking to the Future: Consistency and Determination
The evening was not only about honoring the past but about setting a course for the future. The message to the youth was clear: consistency and determination remain the foundation of lasting progress and success. In the long and often brutal struggle for Oromo self-determination, it is the day-in and day-out commitment of a people who refuse to be erased that sustains the movement.
Conclusion: A Legacy Secured
Guyyaa Yuubota 2026 in Minnesota was a resounding success, a beautiful reminder of the strength of the Oromo people when they stand together. It was a night where the elders’ blessings were received with humility, and the youth’s energy was embraced with hope. The torch has been passed, and it is held high.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
This feature article is dedicated to the Oromo elders who have paved the way and the youth who carry the torch forward.
Revitalizing Oromo History: Recognizing Errors and Gaps in Oromo Historiography-Part Three
A Critical Examination of the Challenges Facing Oromo Historical Studies
By Hailu Gonfa
This article is not intended as a concluding statement, but rather as a starting point for further research and discussion. It is my hope that historians, scholars, and all those interested in Oromo history will engage with these reflections, deepen the analysis, and contribute to the vital work of revitalizing Oromo historiography.
3.1. Revitalizing History Is Not Simply About Uncovering the Hidden
When we speak of revitalizing Oromo history, the first thought that often comes to mind is uncovering what has been hidden, forgotten, or misrepresented. This is necessary and important. But the work of revitalization must also be viewed from another perspective. It requires us to honestly examine the errors, gaps, contradictions, and failures within our own historical record.
A people who selectively remember only what glorifies them, while hiding what does not flatter them, have not truly revitalized their history. A people who examine their history in its entirety—drawing strength from its achievements and learning from its mistakes—are the ones who move forward with wisdom. Revitalization is not an exercise in self-praise; it is an exercise in self-knowledge. And self-knowledge requires knowing not only what elevates us, but also what diminishes us.
3.2. Oromo History Must Not Be Written Only by Outsiders
One of the major gaps in Oromo historiography is that for a long time, much of the research and writing about Oromo history has come from external perspectives. This is not to say that outsiders should not study Oromo history—on the contrary, external scholarship has made significant contributions. However, when a people’s history is interpreted primarily by outsiders, that people risks learning about themselves only through the eyes of others.
It is therefore essential to strengthen and support Oromo historians, scholars, writers, linguists, cultural experts, Gadaa researchers, and political and legal scholars. Oromo people must research, write, and engage in scholarly debate about their own history. This is not a rejection of others—it is the assertion of one’s own voice in matters that concern one’s own identity.
3.3. The Gap in Documentation
If a people wishes to pass their history on to future generations, they must document it. The Oromo people possess a rich oral tradition—history, proverbs, poetry, songs, stories of heroes, place names, customs, and social memory are all preserved in the oral tradition. However, oral transmission is vulnerable to change, loss, and distortion over time.
The great task awaiting the current generation is the transition from oral tradition to written and digital documentation. This includes written texts, audio recordings, video documentation, photographs, maps, digital archives, and books. What we document today will be the foundation upon which future generations will build their understanding of who they are.
3.4. Blending Personal Memory and Historical Evidence
One challenge in historical research is the mixing of personal memory with evidence-based history. A person may remember what they heard, saw, or were told by their elders. But to verify that such memory constitutes accurate history, it must be cross-referenced with other sources.
Revitalized Oromo history must move from “This is what I heard” to “What is the evidence?” Evidence may include government archives, ancient manuscripts, books, university research, oral testimonies, place names, archaeological findings, documentaries, personal recollections, and both internal and external sources. All must be examined together.
3.5. History as More Than Heroism
In Oromo historiography, there is sometimes an excessive focus on heroes and heroism. Heroes are important. A people must know and honour their heroes. But to build a people’s history solely around heroes is to impoverish it. A people’s history includes farmers, mothers, youth, teachers, professionals, traders, elders, artists, scholars, health workers, soldiers, and all the diverse builders of society.
A revitalized Oromo history must be a history of the people, not merely a history of heroes. Heroism belongs to a few; history must embrace the many.
3.6. Avoiding the Narrowing of Oromo History to the Struggle for Liberation
Another gap that sometimes appears in Oromo historiography is the tendency to define Oromo history primarily, or even exclusively, through the lens of political and armed struggle. The struggle is an important part of Oromo history, but it is only one part.
The Oromo people possess a rich Gadaa system, a deep philosophy, social institutions, culture and ethics, language, agricultural expertise, economic practices, conflict resolution mechanisms, environmental knowledge, and a vibrant literary and oral tradition. A revitalized Oromo history must ask not only “Who did the Oromo fight?” but also “How did the Oromo live? How did they govern themselves? How did they resolve conflicts? What did they create?”
3.7. The Danger of “We Are Always Right, They Are Always Wrong”
One of the great pitfalls in national historiography is the tendency to view oneself as always right and others as always wrong. This approach prevents genuine learning from history. The Oromo people have had relationships with many communities—relationships of cooperation, conflict, exchange, intermarriage, political alliance, and cultural borrowing.
To reduce all of this to a simple binary of “good versus evil” is to distort history and impoverish our understanding. A revitalized history must ask “What happened? Why did it happen? Who did what? What was the outcome?” This is the transition from myth-making to historical inquiry.
3.8. The Gap of Historical Context
Every historical event must be examined within its own time and place. It is a mistake to judge the past by the standards of the present. What a people thought, did, and believed a hundred years ago may have been shaped by conditions very different from our own. A proper understanding of Oromo history requires examining events within their own political, economic, social, environmental, and relational contexts.
3.9. Internal Diversity Within Oromo History
The Oromo people are spread across a vast territory with diverse regions, clans, dialects, cultures, and experiences. Sometimes, the history of one group is presented as the history of all Oromo, or the history of one group is separated from others. A revitalized historiography must avoid both errors: it must not minimize the history of any region, and it must not deny the diversity that exists. The correct path is to acknowledge our diversity while building a shared history.
3.10. Distinguishing Between Struggle and Its Mistakes
A struggle may have a just cause, but that does not mean every action taken in its name is just. This is an important and mature insight. In revitalizing Oromo history, we must distinguish between the goal, the method, and the outcome. The goal may be just, but the method chosen to achieve it may be flawed. This requires us to ask: What succeeded? What failed? What can we learn? What must we not repeat?
This is not about condemning individuals or groups—it is about learning from the past so that future generations do not repeat the same mistakes.
3.11. The Gap of Women in Oromo History
When writing Oromo history, it is easy to focus on those who held political or military power. But Oromo women have played a vital role in social, economic, cultural, family, educational, and peacebuilding life. A revitalized history must ask: “Where are the Oromo women in our history?” It must document the stories of mothers, farmers, teachers, professionals, artists, scholars, leaders, and community participants. Without women, the history of the Oromo people is incomplete.
3.12. Youth’s Role in History-Making
History often focuses on the elders and heroes of the past. But the younger generation also plays a role in history. Oromo youth must not only learn history—they must also research, write, and document it. Using digital technology, they can create digital archives, podcasts, documentaries, short videos, historical maps, e-books, websites, and research papers. Oromo history must move from the library and the academy into the digital age.
3.13. The Gap of Language and Translation
It is essential to write and document Oromo history in Afaan Oromoo, because the language carries the culture, thought, ethics, and worldview of the people. But it is also important to translate Oromo history into Amharic, English, other Ethiopian languages, and international languages. This ensures that Oromo history is not only for Oromo people, but is accessible to neighbours, scholars, and the wider world.
3.14. Separating History from Contemporary Politics
Historical research is sometimes influenced by the politics of the present. People may interpret the past in ways that serve their current political interests. This can distort historical scholarship. Oromo historiography must strive to be free from political manipulation and based on rigorous social science research. History should not be written simply to praise or attack a particular individual, group, or government. It should be written to provide truth, evidence, and lessons for future generations.
3.15. Learning from Errors Is Not Weakness
When a people openly acknowledges its historical errors, that is not a sign of weakness. On the contrary, it is a sign of maturity. A people who learn from their mistakes are less likely to repeat them. Hiding our failures does not strengthen us—understanding them does. Let us honour our heroes, but also learn from their errors. This is the foundation of mature historiography.
3.16. New Principles for Revitalizing Oromo History
If we are to revitalize Oromo history, we must agree on several guiding principles:
- Evidence-Based: What we say must be supported by evidence, or we must seek it.
- Balanced: We must not mix good and bad indiscriminately, but examine both.
- Self-Critical: We must not fear criticizing ourselves.
- Comparative: We must examine multiple sources and compare them.
- Respectful of Diversity: We must include the histories of diverse regions, clans, genders, and generations.
- Independent of Political Agendas: History should not serve the political interests of a single moment.
- Generational: We must not only research history but pass it on in an understandable way.
- Forward-Looking: We must learn from the past and use it to build the future.
Conclusion: Revitalization as Self-Knowledge
Revitalizing Oromo history is not simply about uncovering what has been hidden. It is about looking at everything—what brings us pride and what brings us shame, what strengthens us and what weakens us, what succeeded and what failed. A people who only praise their history do not know themselves. A people who only condemn their history lose confidence in themselves. But a people who know their history honestly, draw strength from what is good, learn from what is wrong, and build for the future—that is a mature people.
A revitalized Oromo history must move from self-praise to self-knowledge, from self-knowledge to self-criticism, from self-criticism to learning, from learning to renewal, and from renewal to building the future.
By openly examining the errors and gaps in Oromo history, we do not diminish the Oromo people. We do not flee from historical truth. Because a people who know their history honestly are the only ones who can guide their history toward a path of growth and modernity.
In the next section—Part Four: “Oromo History in the Construction of Ethiopia” —we will explore what role the Oromo played in Ethiopian history, what they contributed, what they lacked, and what they must build.
Injifannoon Ummata Oromoo!
Seenaan Oromoo haa haaromfu!
Dogoggora keenya irraa haa barannu!
This feature article is based on the reflections of Hailu Gonfa and is dedicated to all those committed to the honest, rigorous, and balanced revitalization of Oromo history.
Advocacy for Oromia 